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Gc  M.  U. 





3  1833  01178  3161 




From  Its  Earliest  Settlement  to  the  Present  Time 


VOL.  1 


New  York  and  Chicago 


The  Lewis  Pi-klismin 



O  God  of  Columbia!     O  Shield  of  the  Free! 

More  grateful  to  you  than  the  fanes  of  old  story 
Must  the  blood-bedewed  soil,  the  red  battle-ground,  be 

Where  our  forefathers  championed  America's  glory! 
Then  how  priceless  the  worth  of  the  sanctified  earth 
We  are  standing  on  now!*     Lo!  the  slope  of  its  girth 
Where  the  martyrs  were  buried;  nor  prayers,  tears  or  stones 
Marked  their  crumbled-in  coffins,  their  white  holy  bones. 

Say.  Sons  of  Long  Island,  in  legend  or  song, 

Keep  ye  aught  of  its  record,  that  day  dark  and  cheerless. 

That  cruel  of  days  when,  hope  weak,  the  foe  strong, 
Was  seen  the  Serene  One,  still  faithful,  still  fearless, 

Defending  the  worth  of  the  sanctified  earth 
We  are  standing  on  now?  &c. 

Ah,  Yes!  be  the  answer.      In  memory  still 

We  have  placed  in  our  hearts  and  embalmed  there  forever 
The  battle,  the  prison  ship  martyrs  and  hill. 

Oh,  may  it  be  preserved  till  those  hearts  shall  sever. 
For  how  priceless  the  worth,  &c. 

And  shall  not  the  years,  as  they  sweep  o'er  and  o'er. 
Shall  they  not  even  here  bring  the  children  of  ages. 

To  exult  as  their  fathers  exulted  before 

In  the  freedom  achieved  by  our  ancestral  sages? 

And  the  prayer  rise  to  heaven  with  gratitude  given 

And  the  sky  by  the  thunder  of  cannon  be  riven? 

Yea!  Yea!  let  the  echo  responsively  roll, 

The  echo  that  starts  from  the  patriot's  soul. 

ira/t   irhitmnii,  1S46. 


N  the  following  pages  an  effort  has  been  made  to  present  the  history  of  the 
whole  of  Long  Island  in  such  a  way  as  to  combine  all  the  salient  facts  of  the 
long  and  interesting  story  in  a  manner  that  might  be  acceptable  to  the  general 
reader  and  at  the  same  time  include  much  of  that  purely  antiquarian  lore  which  is 
to  many  the  most  delightful  feature  of  local  history.  Long  Island  has  played  a  most 
important  part  in  the  history  of  the  State  of  New  York  and,  through  New  York,  in 
the  annals  of  the  Nation.  It  was  one  of  the  first  places  in  the  Colonies  to  give 
formal  utterance  to  the  doctrine  that  taxation  without  representation  is  unjust  and 
should  not  be  borne  by  men  claiming  to  be  free — the  doctrine  that  graduall}-  went 
deep  into  the  hearts  and  consciences  of  men  and  led  to  discussion,  opposition  and 
war;  to  the  declaration  of  independence,  the  achievement  of  liberty  and  the  founding  of 
a  new  nation.  It  took  an  active  part  in  all  that  glorious  movement,  the  most  signifi- 
cant movement  in  modern  history,  and  though  handicapped  by  the  merciless  occupa- 
tion of  the  British  troops  after  the  disaster  of  August,  1776,  it  continued  to  do  what 
it  could  to  help  along  the  cause  to  which  so  many  of  its  citi/.ens  had  devoted  their 
fortunes,    their  lives. 

On  Long  Island,  too,  the  old  theory  of  government  by  town  meeting  found  full 
scope,  even  in  those  sections  where  the  Dutch  rule  was  closest  and  the  story  of  these 
little  republics  with  their  laws  and  limitations  is  worthy  of  careful  study  at  the 
present  day.  They  present  us,  as  in  the  case  of  Southold,  with  specimens  of  pure 
theocracies  flourishing  and  progressing  in  spite  of  the  watchful  and  pre-eminent  rule 
of  the  local  church  directorate,  or  possibly  rather  as  a  consequence  of  it,  and  they 
also  present  us,  as  in  Jamaica,  with  townships  founded  on  somewhat  less  religious 
lines  but  in  which  the  edict  of  the  church  authorities  was  a  matter  that  commanded 
primal  respect.  But,  one  and  all,  these  communities  showed  that  the  view  of  the 
people  as  expressed  in  town  meeting  was  the  supreme  local  law,  the  origin  of  all 
local  power,  even  though  a  fussy  Director  General  now  and  again  made  his  authority 
and  dignity  known  by  interference,  or  a  Proprietary  or  Colonial  Governor  attempted 
to  tax  the  people  or  impose  a  minister  or  a  religious  system  without  other  warrant 
than  his  own  sweet  will  and  his  own  imperious  necessities,  or  the  wishes  of  his 
superiors — in  London. 

In  compiling;-  this  history  all  previous  works  relating  to  the  story  of  Long  Island 
have  been  laid  under  contribution,  notabl}-  such  volumes  as  those  of  Wood,  Thomson, 
Onderdonk,  F"urman  and  Spooner.  The  invaluable  labors  of  Dr.  Henry  R.  Stiles, 
whose  "History  of  Brooklyn"  and  other  works  are  storehouses  of  local  history,  have 
been  drawn  upon  freely,  for  no  story  of  Brooklyn  could  now  be  written  that  would 
not  be  under  the  deepest  obligation  to  the  patient  and  learned  writings  of  that 
most  painstaking  of  antiquarians  and  local  historians.  The  chapter  on  "Dentists  in 
Brooklyn"  was  written  for  this  volume  by  Dr.  William  Jarvie,  and  is  the  result 
of  many  years'  research.  The  chapter  on  medical  history  by  Dr.  William  Schroder 
froms    another    valuable    feature. 

Of  local  histories  nearly  all  those  accessible  have  been  consulted.  From  the 
published  writings  of  Mr.  William  S.  Pelletreau,  the  erudite  historian  of  Suffolk 
County,  and  the  author  of  several  valuable  works  illustrating  the  long,  eventful,  and 
highly  honorable  story  in  peace  and  war  of  that  grand  section  of  Long  Island,  many 
details  have  been  gathered.  From  the  writings  of  Dr.  \\'.  ^^'allace  Tooker.  of  Sag 
Harbor,  the  indefatigable  student  of  Indian  lore  on  Long  Island,  much  that  is  deeply 
interesting  concerning  the  red  man  and  his  remains  has  been  gleaned,  and  thanks  are 
due  both  these  gentlemen  for  their  freely  given  permission  to  make  their  studies  avail- 
able for  this  volume.  The  cordial  manner  in  which  the  Flatbush  Trust  Company 
permitted  the  use  of  several  illustrations  from  its  interesting  work  on  "Flatbush, 
Past  and  Present,"  also  demands  an   expression   of  thanks. 

The  files  of  the  Brooklyn  Eagle  have  been  freely  consulted  and  proved  a  most 
invaluable  storehouse;  in  fact  almost  since  its  origin,  in  1S4-1,  the  Eagle  has  been,  as 
ever_\-  local  newspaper  should  be,  the  best  possible  historian  of  Brooklyn,  and  indeed 
of  Long  Island.  It  has  the  happy  art  in  these  modern  days  of  knowing  how  to 
combine  those  personal  details  which  we  look  for  in  a  local  paper  with  the  wide 
reaching  world-news  which  is  the  feature  of  a  metropolitan  daily.  From  the  col- 
umns of  the  "Standard-Union"  and  the  "The  Brooklyn  Times  '  much  has  also  been 

The    author    desires    also    to     thank    the    numerous    correspondents    to    whom    he 

is  much  indebted  for  details  of  considerable   interest  in    the  various  township  histories. 

In    following  the    windings    of    family    history,    to    which    considerable    space    has    been 

devoted,  much    curious    matter   would    have   been   overlooked   but  from    details  received 

as    the    result   of    correspondence    with    the    modern    representatives    of  many  of    these 

old   families.        Thanks    are    given    for    all    this    in     its    proper    place,    and    indeed   an 

effort   has    been    made    throughout    the    ^\•ork    to    quote    every    authority    and    give    full 

credit    to  previous    writers    and    to    all    who    have     in    anyway,  directly    or    indirectly, 

rendered    assistance. 




Topography  of  the  Island— Natural    History — Botany — Geology 

Indians  and  Their  Lands 

The  Decadence  of  the  Aborigines * .  . . . 

Discovery— Early    White    Settlements   and    Political    and    Financial    Relations — The    Importance  of  the 
Wampum   Industry 

The  Dutch^Soms  Early  Governors— Peter  Stuyvssant 

The  British  Government 


Some    Early    Families   and    Their   Descendants4-Some    Pioneer    Settlers— The    Stirling    Ownership   and 

Colonizing    Schemes — Lion    Gardiner   and    His  Purchase — A  Long  Island    "Queen  of  the    White 

House'' — The  Blue  Smiths  and  Other  Smiths,   The  Tangier    Smiths  and    Other  Branches  of   the 

Smith  Family — The  Floyds 

;  Some  Old  Families  in  Queens  and  KingsVThe  Lloyds— The    Jones  Family— The   Record    of    a   Bit    of 
Brooklyn    Real   Estate— The    Rapalyes— The    Livingstons— The    Pierrepont,    Lefterts    and    Other 

'  Some  Primitive  Characteristics-^Early  Laws— The  Administration  of  Justice 

Slavery   on   Long    Island 

Early  Congregational  and  Presbyterian  Churches 

Religious  Progress   in  Kings  County 


Persecutions— Religious— The  Troubles  of   the  Early  Quakers — Trials  For  Witchcraft 

Captain  Kidd  and  Other  Navigators 

The  Ante-Revolution   Struggle 

The   Battle  of   Brooklyn 

The  Retreat  From  Long  Island— A  Strategic  Triumph 

The  British  Occupation 


Some  Long  Island   Loyalists— Richard   Hewlett— John   Rapalye— Mayor   Mathews— Governor    Colden— 
Colonel  Axtell — Lindley  Murray  and  Others 

A   Few  Revolutionary  Hjroes — General  V/oodhuU— Colonel  Tallmadge — General  Parsons— Colonel  Meigs. 

The  War  of  1812— Naval  Operations  Around  Long  Island 


The  Chain  of  Forts— Military  Activity  in  Kings  County— The  Katydids  and  Other  Heroes— The  Popular 

The  Story  of  Educational  Progress 

Internal   Communications— Roads  and  Railroads— The  Magnificent  Outlook  For  The  Future 

Kings   County ' 



New  Utrecht 

Bushwick — Williamsburg — Greenpoint — The  Adventurous  Life  of  Neziah  Bliss 



Gravesend— The  English   Town  of   Kings  County— Lady    Moody— Early  Settlers   and  Laws— .\  Religious 
Community   with  a  Sad  Closing  Record 


Coney  Island — Rise  of  the  Famous  Resort — The  Democratic  Watering  Place  of  New  York  — A  Revolution- 
ary Reminiscence— Piracy  and  Plunder 

The  Story  of  Brooklyn  Village  to  The  Beginning  of  the  Revolutionary  Movement 

Brooklyn — From   the  Close  of  the  Revolution  to  the  Incorporation  of  the  Village — Pre-Eminence  of  the 
Ferry —The  Beginning  of  the  Navy  Yard 

The  Village  of  Brooklyn 


The  First  City— Mayors  Hall.  Trotter,  Johnson.  Smith,  Murphy  and  Others— Disastrous  Fires— Business 
Extension— The  Grand  City  Hall — Literature  and  the  Press 


Church" Development— Loughlin -Dr.  Bethune— St.  Ann's  — Holy  Trinity— Dr.  Storrs— Henry  Ward 
Beecher  -Land  Operations — Greeuwood  and  Other  Cemeteries — The  Ferries— Work  at  the  Navy 
Yard ". 


The  Era  of  the  Civil  War— 180.")-1S70— A  Succession  of  Capable  Executives  -The  Metropolitan  Police— 
J.  S.  T.  Stranahan— Prospect  Park— Street  Railways— Libraries— Rapid  Extension  of  the  City — 


Intellectual  and  Spiritual  Life— Literature— Brooklyn  Public  Library— Rev.  Dr.  Cuyler— Rev.  Dr. 
Talmage— Father   Malone • 

The  Civil  War— The  Troops  inthe  Field— The  Enthusiasm  in  Brooklyn — Brooklyn's  Contributions  to  the 


The  Death  Grapple  of  the  Struggle— Brooklyn's  Meetings  and  Contributions— The  Sanitary  Fair  -The 
War  Fund  Committee  —Repairing  the  Losses — The  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic 


The   Splendid  Closing  Record — Mayors  Low,   Whitney,   Chapin,     Boody,     Schieren    and  Wurster— The 
Bridge— Some  Interesting  Statistics 


The  End  of  an  Auld  Sang -Literature  and  the  Drama— Higher  Education— National  Guard-The  Navy 
Yard -Architectural  Progress— Wallabout  -Public  Statues— The  Pas.sing  of  Brooklyn  City 



Queens— Development    from     Rural  to    Urban    Life   -The  Future    of    the    Borough — Horse    Racing— An 
Interesting  Story  of  the  Consolidation 


Flushing— The     Patentees    of    l(i4.">— Freeholders    in      Uis:! — The    Lawrences    -The     Churches — Modern 
Changes  and  Developments 


Newtown— The    Step-Child  of  the  Metropolitan  Area— Mespath  and   Mr.  Doughty— Middleburg—DeWitt 
Clinton — Middle  Village  and  Other  Settlements 


]amaica--The  Little   Republic  of  Rusdorp— Ministerial  Troubles— Mr.  Foyer's  Trials— The  Revolution- 
Educational  and  lousiness  Progress 


Long  Island  City — A   Loose  Aggregation — Anneke  Jans — Captain  Praa— Long  Island  Railroad's  Terminus 
— Astoria  and  Its  Namesake— Grant  Thorburn  — Hell  Gate — A  Picturesque  Mayor 


Summer    Re.sorts-^A  Cosmopolitan  Pleasure  Resort — Health,  Excitement,  Society  and  Solitude— Modern 
Baronial   Estates — Patchogue— Peconic  Bay — The  Land  Boomers  and  the  Railway 


The  Medical  Profession  on  Long  Island— Early  Medical  Legislation— ,\    Southampton    Doctor  and    His 
Fees — Noted  Physicians  of  the  Olden  Times  -  Brooklyn's  Pioneer  Doctors 


The  Medical  Society  of  the  County  of  Kings— Brooklyn's  City  Hospital  and  Similar  Institutions— .-X  Long 
Roll  of  Honorable  Professional  Names 

Various  Medical  Societies — Brooklyn  Hospitals — Dispensaries 

Dentists  in  Brooklyn 


The  Bench   and  Bar— The  Old  Courts  and  Judges— Alden  T.  Spooner,  Furman— The  Tilton-Beecher 
Case — Judge  Neilson,  Judge  Beach  — A  Group  of  Modern  Judges  and  juri.sts 


Freemasonry  on  Long  Island -/Social-  Tiny  Beginnings  of  a  Great  Institution — Sketchesof  Representative 
Early  Lodges  -  Some  Distinguished  Long  Island  Craftsmen 


The  Social  World  of  Long  Lsland— .\  Grand  Array  of  Associations  of  all  Sorts — Assessment  Insurance — 
Fashionable  Clubs— Sporting  and  Hunting  Organizations 

Old  Country  Families^ F'amily  History  and  Story— Pioneers,  Heroes,  Merchants  and  Their  Descendants. 



Notes  and  Illustrations- -The  Long  Island  Campaign— Dutch   Names  of  Places  and  Persons— Historical 
Gleanings  and  Documents — Early  Nineteenth  Century  Descriptions 

The  Catholic  Church  on  Long  Island 

Nassau   County ■ 


North   Hempstead 

Oyster  Bay  —  Sketch   of  President   Roosevelt 

Suffolk  County 



Smithtown : 





Shelter  Island 


East    Hampton 

A.PPENDIX;      Long    Island    Troops    in    the    Revolutionary    War 


Abbott— Ex-Surrogate,  641. 

Abbott,  Dr.  Lyman.— 484. 

Academy  of  Music,  Brooklyn. — 4.')0. 

Ackerly,  Orville  B.— 1005. 

Agriculture. — Indian,  2.5;  in  the  days  of  the  occupa- 
tion, 221  (see  also  under  various  towns  and  vil- 
lages); land  and  soil,  792;  fish  as  fertilizers,  793; 
small  versus  large  farms,  793. 

Agriculture  in  Suffolk  county. — 998 ;  the  Suffolk 
County  Agricultural  Society,  1001. 

Ainslee,  James. — Justice  in  Williamsburg,  349. 

Alberti,  Caesar. -18. 

Albertson,  Albert  (Terhune)— Early  settlers  at  New 
Utrecht,  329. 

Alexander,  Rev.  Dr.  S.  D.— quoted,  138. 

AUefonsce,  Jean  of  Saintonge,  sails  through  Long  Is- 
land Sound  in  1542.— 44. 

Alsop,  Rev.  B.  F.— 427. 

Alsop  family — 709. 

Amagansett.— village  of,  1056;  1071. 

Amersfort,  or  Amersfoort  (Klatlands)— 311. 

Amityville. — village  of,  977. 

Andrews,  Samuel.— 89. 

Andriese,  David  of  Bushwick.— 337. 

Andres,  Governor.— 68;  70;  83. 

Antonides,  Rev.  Vincentius.— 1.50. 

Apprentices'  Library,  Brooklyn.— 402;  505. 

Aquebogue — Prehistoric  remains  found  at,  .34;  580. 

Architectural  features— Early,  107;  in  Gravesend,  364; 
in  modern  Brooklyn,  610;  680. 

Arden,  Dr.  Charles.— 196. 

Arts  and  Sciences— Institute  of,  505. 

Astor,  John  Jacob.— 569. 

Astoria— .538;  568;  sketch  of,  569. 

Athenaeum,  Brooklyn.— 422. 

Atlantic  Docks,  the.— 418. 

Aurora  Grata  Club.— 659. 

Axtel,  Colonel.— 196;  232;  323. 

Babylon.-In  War  of  1S12,  252. 

Babylon,  old  mill  at. — 879;  History  of,  974;  land  boom- 
ers, 974;  village  beginning,  976;  hotel  keeping, 
976;  a  princely  visitor,  976;  churches,  977;  vil- 
lages, 977. 

Backer,  Jacobs— New  Utrecht,  330. 

Bacon,  Col.  A.  S.,  Brooklyn.— 371. 

Bader,  V.,  of  Gravesend.— 371. 

Baird,  Colonel  A.  D.-485. 

Baldwin,  David. -314. 

Baldwin,  Rev.  J.  A.-313. 

Baldwin,  W.  H.,  Jr.-Pres.  Long  Island  Railroad,  303. 

Barber,  Rev.  Jonathan  —1024. 

Barburin,  Captain. -256. 

Barker,  John  G.— 668. 

Barren  Island. — Deed  surrendering,  27. 

Bartlett,  Justice  Willard.— 643. 

Bartow,  Edgar  J.— Sketch  of,  427. 

Basset,  Rev.  John.- 260. 

Bath.— 328;  335. 

Baxter,  George  (of  Bushwick). — 337. 

Baxter,  George  (of  Gravesend).— 60;  61;  362. 

Baxter,  John. — teacher,  314. 

Bayberry  Point. — Moorish  houses  at,  989. 

Bayles,  David.— shipbuilder,  994. 

Bayles,  R.  M.— quoted,  993;  995. 

Bay  Ridge.— 328;  ferry  to  Staten  Island,  334;  335. 

Bayside.— 535. 

Beattie,  Rev.  John.— 333. 

Beatty,  A.  Chester.— 83. 

Beatty,  Robert  C— 83. 

Beatty,  W.  Gedney.— 83. 

Bedford.— Beginning  of  village  of,  390. 

Bedford  Corners.  -School  at,  270. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward.— 410;  sketch  of,  431;  trial  of 

case  of  Tilton  vs.  Beecher,  633. 
Beeckman,  Cornells.- New  Utrecht,  330. 
Beekman,  Cornells. — 62. 
Beekman,  (jerardus. — 73. 
Beekman,  Col.  Gerardus.— 151. 
Beekman,  William.— 60;  385. 
Bell,  James  A.  H.— 500. 
Bell,  Oliver  Bunce.-424;  4.53. 
Bellomont, Governor.— 72;  relations  with  Captain  Kidd, 

Bench  and  Bar.— 625. 

Bench  and  bar   of  Kings   county;  of  Suffolk   county, 

Bennett,  Arien  Willemsen.— 332. 
Bennett,  William  Adriaense.— 54;  381. 
Benson,  Judge  Egbert.— 626. 
Bensonhurst.— Village,  334;  335. 
Bentyn,  Jacques.  -54;  58;  381. 
Bergen  Beach.— 316. 
Bergen,  Hans  Hansen.— 58;  280. 
Bergen,  Captain  J.  T.— 335. 
Bergen,  Teunis  G.-54;  58;  266;  sketch,  727. 
Bergen,  Tunis  G. — 643. 

Berry,  Abraham  J.,  Mayor  of  Williamsburg.— 350. 
Berry,  Ed.- 314. 

Bescher  (or  Beets),  Thomas. — 58. 
Bethpase.- village  of,  938. 
Bethune,  Rev.  Dr.— 426. 
Betts,  Captain  Richard— 709. 
Billeting  of  British  troops.— 222;  223. 
Bishop,  Rev.  Alexander  H.— 572. 
Blackwell,  Captain  Jacob.— 570. 


Bliss,  Neziah.— Sketch  of,  352;  568. 

BlissviUe.— 568. 

Block,  Adriaen.— 45. 

Block  Island  discovered. — 43. 

Blue  Laws  of  Connecticut. — 115. 

Blues,  the  Dirty.— o40. 

Blythebourne.— 828. 

Boerum,  Willem  Jacobse  Van.— 321. 

Bogardus,  Rev.  Everardus. — 146;  568. 

Bohemia.— village  of,  996. 

Bonaparte,  Prince  Joseph,  at  Babylon. — 9T6. 

Boody,  Mayor.— 485. 

Books,  Dutch, — Used  in  Divine  service,  149. 

Booth,  Edwin.— Last  appearance  on  any  stage,  508. 

Booth,  Samuel,  Mayor  of  Brooklyn.— 445. 

Boston  Tea  Party.— 187. 

Bostwick,  Arthur  E.— 456. 

Bout,  Jan  Evertsen,  founder  of  Brooklyn. — Sketch  of, 
383;  385;  Stuyvesant's  ultimatum,  390. 

Bout,  Jan  Eversen. — 59. 

Bownas,  Samuel,  Quaker  Missionary. — 172. 

Bredenblut,  William.— 62. 

Breslau.— village  of,  977. 

Bresser,  Henry.— 58. 

Brewster,  Rev.  Nathaniel. — 991, 

Bridge,  The  Brooklyn.— 487. 

Brighton  Beach,  Coney  Island.-  374. 

Brighton  Beach  Racing  Association.— 369. 

Brockholles,  Lieutenant  Governor.— 69. 

Brookhaven  Artillery  Company  in  War  of  1812. — 254. 

Brookhaven.— Pioneer?,  990;  Setauket  founded,  990; 
Richard  WuodhuU,  991;  early  ministers,  991; 
some  patents,  S92;  Smith  purchase,  the,  992; 
Revolutionary  heroes,  992;  Setauket's  "  Green," 
992;  churches,  992;  Queen  Caroline's  gifts,  993; 
Strong's  Neck,  994;  Patchogue,  994;  Port  Jef- 
ferson, 994;  other  villages,  996. 

Brooklyn.— Battle  of,  199;  fortifications,  202;  landing 
of  the  British,  203;  the  leaders  of  the  Continent- 
als, 203;  Putnam  in  command,  204;  Grant 
plays  with  Stirling,  205;  capture  of  Flatbush, 
205;  Howe's  strategic  night  march,  206;  defeat 
all  along  the  line,  207;  the  gallant  Maryland- 
ers,  207;  Sullivan  and  Stirling  captured,  208; 
rush  for  the  inner  fortifications,  208." 

Notes  and  Illustrations. — Elias  Bayles,  746;  How- 
ard House,  746;  Thompson's  story  of  the  battle, 

Retreat. — Washington's  memorable  movement  a 

military  triumph,  209. 

Results  of  the  battle.— 213. 

——British  Occupation.— 214;  Silas  Wood  on,  221 ;  Long 
Island  famed  for  its  misfortunes,  221;  Onder- 
donk  quoted  on,  223;  billeting  the  troops,  223; 
Flatbush,  324;  New  Utrecht,  334;  Bushwick, 

Fortifications  in  War  of  1812,  257;  plan,  259;  work 

begun,  259;  peace  celebrations,  263. 

Origin   of   Brooklyn,   58;   Carl    De  Bevoise,  first 

schoolmaster,  268;  population,  3;  slaves  and 
their  owners,  122;  church  squabbles  with  Flat- 
bush, 157;  first  church,  159;  early  preachers,  160. 

Early  history,  381;  the  annexation  fever  covers  its 

whole  story,  381;  original  districts,  381;  Gov- 
ernor Kieft's  proclamation,  382;  Harrington 
Putnam  on  "Origin  of  Breuckelen,"  383;  ap- 
pointment of  Schout,  384;  first  preacher,  387; 
palisade  around  village,  384;  Governor  Nicolls' 
charter,  fac  simile,  386;  administration,  390; 
charter  from  Dongan,  390;  taxation  of  the  five 
Dutch  towns,  road  making,  beginning  of  Ful- 

ton street,  391;  description  of  village  in  Moore's 
Gazetteer,  392;  the  ferry,  S92. 

-History  from  the  Revolution  to  incorporation,  395; 
recognized  as  a  town,  395;  fire  department  or- 
ganized, 395;  first  newspaper,  395;  other  jour- 
nalistic ventures,  395;  shipping  and  shipbuild- 
■  ing,  396;  trades  in  1796,  396;  yellow  fever,  396; 
the  medical  profession,  396;  shitting  center  of 
trade,  397;  navy  yard  established,  397;  results 
of  the  war  of  1812,  398;  the  territory  covered  by 
the  village  act  of  incorporation,  398. 

-Story  of  "the  Village,"  399;  first  trustees,  398; 
meetings,  401;  population  statistics,  399;  Board 
of  Health,  400;  a  prosperous  era,  400;  Long 
Island  Bank,  401;  almshouse,  401;  great  men 
who  visited  Brooklyn,  402;  Guy's  snow  scene, 
403;  schools,  404;  temperance  society,  404;  the 
Heights,  404;  real  estate  development,  405;  city 
charter,  nine  wards,  406. 

-The  First  City.— Manifestations  of  civic  pride, 
409;  first  board  of  aldermen,  408;  a  succession 
of  Mayors,  409;  City  Hall  project,  417;  Atlantic 
Docks,  418;  street  stages,  419;  water  supply, 
419;  the  great  fire  of  1848,419;  cholera  epidemic, 
420;  Know-Nothingism,  420;  police,  422;  statis- 
tics of  progress,  422;  city  of  homes,  423;  news- 
papers, 423;  Walt  Whitman,  425;  Gabriel  Fur- 
man,  425;  church  development,  426;  the  city  of 
churches,  428;  annexation  of  Bushwick  and 
Williamsburgh,  440;  Mayor  Hall's  report  of 
progress,  440. 

-The  Consolidated  City,  443;  Mayors  Hall,  Powell, 
Kalbfleisch  (the  "War  Mayor"),  Wood,  Booth, 
444  ;  The  Metropolitan  Police  act,  446;  Mr. 
Stranahan's  service,  447;  Prospect  Park,  447: 
growth  of  the  city,  450;  Erie  Basin,  451;  Gow- 
anus  Canal,  451;  Some  statistics,  452;  Gabriel 
Harrison, 453. 

-Public  Libraries,  454;  Rev.  Dr.  Cuyler,  455;  Rev. 
Dr.  Talmage,  458;  Rev.  Father  Malone,  459; 
The  Civil  War,  Patriotism  of  the  city,  464; 
Splendid  service  of  Brooklyn  troops,  466;  Ship- 
building. 468;  Navy  Yard  Scare,  466;  The 
Death  grapple  of  the  Struggle,  471;  draft 
riots,  471;  generosity  of  the  citizens,  471;  help- 
ful organizations,  472;  the  Sanitary  fair,  472; 
United  States  Christian  Commission,  478;  war 
fund  committee,  479;  the  close  of  the  struggle, 
479;  honoring  the  heroes,  480. 

-The  Splendid  Closing  Record,  483;  Mayor  Low, 
483;  Mayor  Whitney,  486;  Mayor  Chapin,  485; 
Mayor  Boody,  486;  Mayor  Schieren,  486;  Mayor 
Wurster,  487;  opening  of  the  Brooklyn  bridge, 
487;  elevated  roads  and  other  means  of  transit, 
488;  statistics  of  all  sorts,  489;  valuation,  490; 
mechanical  and  manufacturing  industries,  493; 
educational  matters,  503;  the  drama,  507;  archi- 
tectural development,  510;  Wallabout  market, 
511;  statues  and  memorials,  512;  honoring  Mr. 
Stranahan,  512;  annexation  of  Kings  county 
towns,  517;  consolidation  with  Manhattan,  617; 
the  end  of  an  auld  sang,  518. 

-Early  school  regulations,  268;  School  at  Bedford 
corners,  270;  John  Clark's  school  at  Ferry,  270; 
Punderson  Ansten's  school  at  Ferry,  270  ;  first 
school  at  Wallabout,  270;  early  schools,  270; 
care  of  roads,  280. 

-City  Hospital  and  similar  institutions,  595;  Patho- 
logical Society,  609  ;  Dispensaries,  612;  Dent- 
ists, 617. 

-Social  Clubs— Architectural  Features,  680;  Ham- 

ilton  Club,  681  ;  Brooklyn  Club,  681  ;  Union 
League,  684;  Lincoln,  684;  Hanover,  685;  Mon- 
tauk,  686;  other  social  clubs,  686. 

The  Future  Of,  518. 

Brooklyn  Masonic  Veterans.— 659. 

Brotherton.— 36. 

Brouwer,  Jan. — 314. 

Brown,  Edward,  of  Gravesend.— 362. 

Bruce,  Hon.  Wallace.— 499. 

Brush,  Rev.  Alfred.— 333. 

Brush,  Conklin.— Mayor  of  Brooklyn,  411,  412. 

Bryant,  William  Cullen.— 907. 

Buel,  Rev.  Samuel.  -271. 

Building  and  Loan  Associations,  Brooklyn. — 492. 

Bull,  Ralph.-276. 

Bunce,  Joel.  — First  postmaster,  510. 

Burnet,  Guvernnr. — 74. 

Burns,— 314. 

Burr,  Cul.inel  Aaron.— 627. 

Burroushs  Family.- 709. 

Burton,  Mary,  and  her  "confessions."— 120. 

Bushwick.— Case  of  sedition,  116;  women  assault  a  cap- 
tain of  mihtia,  116;  slaves,  121;  resolutions  in 
War  of  1812,  260;  first  school,  268;  general 
sketch,  337;  early  settlers,  337;  petition  for  a 
schoolmaster,  338;  trouble  with  Governor  Nic- 
olls  over  minister,  338;  charter,  339;  Dongan's 
charter,  339;  Revolutionary  War,  339;  peace 
rejoicings  and  toasts,  340;  modern  changes,  341. 

Buys,  Peter.— "Early  settler  of  New  Utrecht,  329. 

Calvary  cemetery.— 7. 

Campbell,  Rev.  William  H.— 274. 

Camp  Wickoff.-1072. 

Canarsie.— 316,  317. 

Canarsie  Indians.— Deed  to  Flatbush  settlers,  318. 

Canoe  Place.— village  of,  1046. 

Canoe  Place.— 31. 

Carleton,  Will.-499. 

Carman  family. — the,  895. 

Carstensen,  Claes,  of  Bu.shwick. — 337. 

Case,  Hon.  John  W.— 1020. 

Catholic  Church,  History  of, by  Dr.  Marc  C.  Vallette.— 

Catlin,  Gen.  J.  S.— 638. 
Cedarmere,  W.  C.  Bryant's  home.— 908. 
Cemeteries,  Various.— 438. 
Cemreoort. — village  of,  974. 
Chain  of  forts.— 2.54. 
Chapin,  Mayor.— 485. 
Charitable  organizations.— 483. 
Charlick,  Oliver.— Sketch  of,  288. 
Chauncey,  Capt.  Isaac. — 397;  400. 
Cherry  Point  (Greenpoint).— 341;  352. 
Cholera.-Visits  of,  420;  452. 
Christiaensen,  Hendrick.— 45. 
Church,  James  C. — 641. 
Churches,  early.— 134. 

Clapp,  Hawley  D.— Of  the  Hamilton  House,  328. 
Clark,  Rev.  F.  G.— 572. 
Clark,  ■■Philomath."— 270. 
Clarke,  (leurgi-.  -  Lieutenant-Governor,  74. 
Clarkson,  David. — 322. 

Clinton,  DeWitt.— '257,  262;  statue  in  Greenwood  cem- 
etery, 435;  home  in  Maspeth. — 547. 
Clinton,  Gov.  George. — 74. 
Clocq,  Pilgrom.— 267. 
Clover  Croft  estate -909. 
Clowes,  Rev.  Timothy. — 274. 
Cobbett,  William,  English  reformer —916. 

Cock,  William.— 648. 

Coe,  Robert.— 60;  540. 

Coffee,  Paul,  Indian  preacher. —Sketch  of,  37. 

Coffee,  James.— 41. 

Coffee,  Nathan  J.— 41. 

Cohen,  B.,  of  Gravesend.— 371. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  Lieutenant   Governor.— Sketch 

of,  75;  family,  229. 
Colden,  Cadwallader,  Mayor.— 262. 
Cold  Spring  Harbor. — United  States  Fish  Hatchery,  9. 
Coles,  Jordan. — Distiller,  Williamsburgh,  344. 
Colgan,  Rev.  Thomas. — 531;  letters  from,  558. 
Colman,  John.— Killed  by  natives,  44. 
Colve,  Governor.— Regains  New  Netherlands  for  the 

Dutch,  68. 

Coney  Island. — 56,  Op  Dyck's  purchase,  365;  a  salt 

monopoly,  366;  instance  of  popular  power, 

part    of   Gravesend    according    to    Lovelace's 

charter,  366;  the  Labadist  Fathers'  visit,  366 

early  names,  373;  modern  history,  373;  pioneer 

hotels,  373;  description  as  a  popular  resort,  374 

Jockey  Club,  369;  horseracing,  369;  stories   of 

piracy,  375;  Captain   Heyler,  patriot  or  pirate, 

376;  the  tragedy  of  the  "Vineyard"  brig,  "~" 

Coney  Island  House.— 372. 

Congress,   Provincial. — Long    Island    delegates, 


Connecticut  rule  at  East  Hampton. — 1057. 
rule  of,  923;  refusal  to  recognize  punished  at  Hun- 
tington,  966;  over   Southold,    1020;    in    South- 
ampton, 1039. 

Conklin,  Capt.  Jacob. — 976. 

Conselyea,  William,  Bushwick. — 340. 

Cooper,  James  B.— Quoted,  252. 

Cooper,  J.  Fenimore. — "Water  Witch,"  574. 

Cooper,  Joab,  273. 

Copeland,  Edward. — Mayor  of  Brooklyn,  411,  412. 

Copp,  John. — Teacher,  270. 

Coram.— village  of,  996. 

Corbin,  Austin.— sketch  of,  299. 

Corlear,  Jacob,  New  Utrecht.— 330. 

Cornbury,  Lord,  Governor. — 151;  161;  553. 

Cornelise,  Peter. — 267. 

Cornell  family. -699. 

Corona,  village.— 537. 

Corsa,  Isaac— 232. 

Cortelyou,  Jacques. — Colonizing  scheme,  24;  329. 

Cortelyou,  Peter.— 280. 

County  Judges— list,  625. 

Court  of  Common  Pleas.— Judges,  624. 

Courts  reorganized  under  Dongan.— 70. 

Cowenhoven,  Nicholas— Uncertain  I  jyalty  of,  191;  323 

Cowenhoven,  Peter. — 257. 

Craig,  Andrew.— 273. 

Creedmoor. — 916. 

Creiger,  Martin.— 60. 

Crematory. — Fresh  Pond,  Queens,  438. 

Crimmin.'Rev.  Father. —  Hunter's  Point,  567. 

Cripplebush  road.— 405. 

Cruikshank.  Rev.  William.— 313. 

Cuffee,  Paul,  Indian  preacher,  sketch  of,  37. 

Cuffee,  James,  41. 

Cuffee,  Nathan  J.,  41. 

Cullen,  Justice  E.  M.— 642. 

Culloden. — wreck  of,  874. 

Currie,  Rev.  Robert  Ormiston  — 333. 

Cutchogue.— villageof,  581,  1U23. 

Cutler,  Rev.  Dr.  B.  C— 427. 

Cutting,  Rev.  Leonard. — 886. 

Cutting,  R.  Fulton.— 427. 


Cutting,  William— 83;  Kerry  lessee,  407. 
Cuyler.— Rev.  Dr.  Theodore  L.— 4.57;  472. 
Cypress  Hills  Cemetery. — 437. 

Bankers  and  Sluyter  (Missionaries)  Description  of  In- 
dian home. — 24. 

Dartmouth  College. — Origin  of,  35. 

Davenport,  Rev.  James. — 137. 

Davenport,  W.  B.— 646. 

Davie,  Rev.  T.  M.— 314. 

Davis,  Rev.  Thomas.— 933. 

De  Bevoise,  Carl. — Schoolmaster,  Brooklyn,  268. 

De  Bevoise,  Jacobus.— 99. 

De  Hart,  Mayor.— 193. 

De  Lanoy,  Abraham. — 314. 

Dentists  in  Brooklyn. — 617. 

Denton,  Daniel. — "Brief  Description"  quoted,  524. 

Denton's  Pond. — Lawsuit  over,  117. 

Denton,  Rev.  Richard. — 144. 

Denyse,  Captain  William. — 257. 

Denyse's  Ferry. — Landing  place  of  British,  334. 

De  Peyster,  AlDraham.— 73. 

Dering  family. — 723. 

Derry,  Valentine.— 273. 

De  Sille,  Nicasius.— 321;  329;  sketch  of,  330. 

Dewey,  Rev.  H.  P.-421. 

De  Witt,  Peter  Janse.— 338. 

De  Witt,  William  C.-645. 

Dikeman,  Judge.— 628. 

Dirksen,  Cornells. — 96;  ferryman,  393. 

Ditmas  family.— 704. 

Ditmas,  Dan.— 276. 

Dominie's  Hook. — 568. 

Dongan,  Governor. — 69;  84;  patent  to  Flatbush,  319; 
Long  Island  Courts,  323. 

Donop,  Colonel— .Battle  of  Flatbush,  323. 

Dosoris.— 8;  9;  137. 

Dosoris. — village  of,  935. 

Doughty,  Rev.  Francis.— 529;  639. 

Drama  in  Brooklyn.— 454;  507. 

Drowned  Meadow  (Port  Jefferson).— 995. 

Du  Bois,  Rev.  Dr.  Anson.— 314. 

Dukes  Laws,  the.— 33;   66;  115. 

Dunbar— Early  postman,  281. 

Duncan,  John  D. — 480. 

Dunham,  David.— Merchant  and  land  speculator,  344. 

Du  Pre,  Nicholas.— New  Utrecht,  .332. 

Dutch  church  in  Jamaica. — 561. 

Dutch  homes  and  social  customs. — 108. 

Dutch  kills.-568;  576. 

Dyker  Meadow.-  village,  335. 

F.agle,  Brooklyn  Daily— 416;  record  of,  424;  4.55;  499. 

Earle,  Rev.  Marmaduke.— 933. 

Early  families  and  their  descendants. — 76. 

East  Hampton — 31;  Sunday  laws,  116;  Clinton  Acad- 
emy, 271  ;  Lion  Gardiner's  "observations," 
1049;  first  settlement,  10.56;  Connecticut  rule, 
1057;  Indian  and  other  deeds,  10.58;  the  con- 
stable and  his  dignified  office,  1059;  the  church, 
1060;  Clinton  Academy,  1061;  troubles  with 
English  Governors,  1063;  warrant  for  arrest  of 
Rev.  Mr.  James,  1065;  recent  history,  1068. 

East  Neck.— 10. 

East  New  York.— 514. 

East  Norwich. — village  of,  937;  preachers,  937. 

Economic  Geology  of  Long  Island. — 16. 

Educational  Progress— story  of,  266. 

Eigenbrodt.  Dr.  L.  E.  A.— 275. 

Elbertson,  Elbert.— 60;  62;  267;  310. 

Eliot,  Rev.  John.— 143. 

Elizabeth.— wreck  of,  875. 

Elmhurst  Village.— 636. 

Elwell,  Elijah.-314. 

Emans,  Jacobus, — Gravesend,  368. 

Erasmus  Hall  Academy,— Flatbush,  272. 

Erie  Basin,  The.-  451. 

Errenpeutch,  Rev.  William. — 276. 

Evans,  Joseph  D.— Sketch,  665. 

Evans,  Capt.  Samuel. — 397. 

Evergreens  Cemetery.— 437. 

Faithoute,  Rev.  George. — 275. 

Fanning,  Colonel  Edmund.— 219. 

Farmingdale. — village  of,  939. 

Farret,  James — Agent  tor  Lord  Stirling,  79. 

Far  Rockaway.— Mr.  W.  S.  Pettit's  historical  paper, 

Far  Rockaway— Railroad,  292. 

Feeks,  Robert.— 933. 

Feeks,  Tobias.— 60. 

Fenner,  James  H. — 276. 

Ferguson,  James. — 274. 

Ferry. — First  ferry,  Fulton  street  to  Peck  Slip, 
381;  Cornells  Dircksen  (Hoogland),  ferryman, 
392:  Van  Borsum  appointed,  392,  the  ferry  a 
New  York  municipal  asset,  393;  the  case  of 
Hendrick  Remsen,  393;  Samuel  Waldron  be- 
comes lessee,  393;  Catharine  ferry,  397;  manners 
and  customs  of  the  ferry  and  ferrymen,  407; 
steam  service,  407;  South  Ferry,  406;  a  horse 
boat,  408;  New  York  and  Brooklyn  Ferry  Com- 
pany, 408;  Hamilton  terry,  438;  Wall  Street 
ferry,  438;  Union  Ferry  Company  organized, 
438;  fares  reduced,  438;  new  company  formed, 

Field,  Thomas  W.— 499. 

Fielding,  Lemuel. — 41. 

First  settlers. — A  forgotten  race,  34. 

Fish  and  Fish  Culture. — 5;  see  Menhaden  and  local 

Fish  as  fertilizers.— 793. 

Fiske,  John.— on  Wampum,  49;  on  Quakers,  107. 

Flatbush. — Slaves  and  their  owners,  122;  first  church 
in  Kings  county,  146  ;  ministers  of,  154  ; 
156;  in  War  of  1812,  260;  general  sketch,  317; 
Friends'  school,  270;  John  Copp's  grammar 
school,  270;   passing  of  i^s  legal  glory,  624. 

First  patent  issued,  317;  name  changed,  317;  legal 

struggle  with  Flatlands  and  Newtown,  319;  Don- 
gan's  patent,  SI9;  signatures  of  earlv  settlers, 

Rustenberg,  320;  quit  rent,320;  squabble  with  Stuy- 

vesant,  321 ;  courts,  322;  delegates  to  Continental 
Congress,  322;  Revolutionary  record,  323;  bat- 
tle at,  323;  occupation,  324;  modern  develop- 
ment Ijegan,  325;  first  newspaper,  326;  churches, 
.326;  town  hall,  326;  annexed,  328;  the  passing 
of  the  old  homesteads,  328. 

Flatlands.— Slave  population  and  owners,  123;  pio- 
neer land  owners.  310  ;  residents  in  1687, 
311;  census  of  1698,  312;  census  of  1738,  312; 
church,  312;  church  members,  1762;  ministers, 
313;  schoolhouse,  315. 

Fleet,  Samuel. — 276. 

Fletcher,  Governor.— 72. 

Floyd,  Richard.— Family  of,  86. 

Floyd,  Nicolls  —86. 

Floyd,  William. — signer  of  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, 87;  family  of,  87;  271. 

Floyd,  Judge  Richard. — 87. 

Floyd-Jones  family. — 88. 

Flushing. — Railroad  communication,  290;  295;  paten- 
tees of  1645,  .528;  Rev.  Francis  Doughty,  529; 
Quakers,  530;  Denominational  troubles,  531; 
St.  George's  church,  532;  agriculture,  etc.,  532; 
Washington  visits,  532;  village  charter,  533; 
story  of  progress,  .533. 

Folk,  J.   S.— Chief  of  police,  422. 

Forbus,  Jan.^of  Bushwick,  .337. 

Ford,  Gordon,  Leicester. — 499. 

Ford,  W.  C.-500. 

Ford,  Paul  L.-  500. 

Fordham.  Rev.  Robert.— 141;  142. 

Forest  Park,  Brooklyn.— 449. 

Forrester,  Captain. — 47. 

Fort  Diamond.— 335. 

Fort  Greene  Park,  Brooklyn. — 449. 

Fort  Hamilton. — 328;  335;  modern  works,  335;  fortifi- 
cations, 254. 

Fortitude  Masonic  Lodge,  Brooklyn.— 651. 

Fort  Neck.— battle  of,  21. 

Fort  Pond  Bay.— railroad  extended  to,  303;  1068. 

Fossils  found  on  Long  Island. — 13. 

Foster,  Howell.— 83. 

Foster,  Nat.  W.— 1009. 

Fowler,  Col.  E.  B.— 465. 

Fowler,  David. — 35. 

Fowler,  Rev.  Andrew. — 934. 

Fox,  George. — 163;  arrives  at  Gravesend,  362;  visits 
Flushing,  530. 

Franklin,  Benjamin.  — Postmaster  General,  281. 

Franklinville  Village.— 581. 

Freedman,  Rev.  Bernardus.— 1.50;  339. 

Freeman,  Rev.  James  B. — 139. 

Freemasons  in  War  of  1812,262;  History  of  on  Long 
Island,  647;  pioneer  lodges,  648:  Suffolk  Lodge, 
story  of,648;  Suffolk  Lodge,  No. 60, 6.50;  Morton 
Lodge,  650;  Fortitude  Lodge,  651;  Rev.  John 
Ireland,  6.53;  Rev.  E.  M.  Johnson,  6,53;  the  craft 
in  Sag  Harbor,  6.54;  some  early  lodges,  657: 
lists  of  lodges,  657  ;  Masonic  \'eterans,  659  ; 
Joseph  D.  Evans,  664;  John  G.  Barker,  668. 

French's  Gazetteer  quoted. — 569. 

Friends,  Society  of. — Beginnings  of  in  Long  Island, 
163;  persecutions,  165;  Stuyvesant's  bitterness, 
166;  list  of  Quakers  at  Flushing,  167;  Bownes' 
victory  over  Stuyvesant,  169;  the  case  of  lohn 
Tilton,  169;  Lady  Moody;  169;  362;  trial'and 
acquittal  of  Samuel  Bownas,  172. 

Fuller,  Margaret,  drowned  off  Fire  Island.— 874. 

Fulton,  Robert. — steamboat  inventor,  407. 

Fulton  Ferry. — 58. 

Funeral  customs. — 112. 

Furgueson,  Cornelius. — politician,  336. 

Furman,  Gabriel.— sketch  of,  425;  list  of  ancient  place 
names,  759. 

Furman,  Garret  and  Grover  C,  Williamsburgh.— land 
speculators,  .345. 

Furman,  William. — 628. 

Gallatin,  Albert.— Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  572. 

Gambling,  statute  against. — 115. 

Garden  City.— Beginning  of,  294;  railroad,  294;  295; 
.582;  story  of  the  inception  of,  889;  descrip- 
tion of  the  cathedral  and  school;  890;  A.  T. 
Stewart's  memorial,  894. 

Gardiner's  Bay.-49:  251;  262. 

Gardiner's  Island.— 15;  Farret's  deed  on  Lion  Gard- 
iner, 1055;  1056;  1072;  Gulls  on,  1026. 

Gardiner,  Elizabeth.— 80. 

Gardiner,  Lion. — 20;    27;  sketch  of,  28;    49;  acquires 
Gardiner's  Island,  80;   sketch  of,  80;  family,  80. 
Gardiner,  Lion.— 1037;  1049. 
Gaynor,  Judge  William  J.— 371;  638. 
Gelston,  Rev.  Maltby.— 275. 
Gelston,  Rev.  Samuel— 142. 
George,  Henry. — 499. 
Gibb,  Andrew.— 987. 
Gildersleeve,  Richard.— .540. 
Giles,  Colonel  Aquilla.-234;  273. 
Gleason,  Mayor  Patrick  Jerome. — sketch  of,  575. 
Glen  Cove. — 8;  railroad  communication,  289. 
Glen   Cove, — village    of;   beginning,   935;    steamboat 
enterprise,  936;  manufacturing,  936;  Pratt  and 
Dana  estates,  937. 
Godwin,  Colonel  Abraham, — 257. 
Goetschius,  Rev.  J.  H.— .561. 
Golfing  links  on  Long  Island. — 577. 
Gomez,  Estevan,  voyage  of  1525. — 43. 
Goodrich,  Justice. — 640. 
Goodwin  Parke.— 909. 
Goodyear,  Stephen. — 79. 
Gordon,  Rev.  Patrick.— 161;  .531. 
Governor  Tompkins,  privateer. — 251. 
Gowanus. — 56;  382. 
Gowanus   canal. — 451. 
Graham,  Augustus,  Brooklyn.— Endows  City  Hospital, 

422;  505. 
Graham,   John   B.,    Brooklyn.— Endows  Old    Ladies' 

Home,  422. 
Graham,  John  L.,  Williamsburgh.— 347. 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic— 481;  677. 
Grant,  V.  S.— statute  of,  680. 

Gravesend.— 32;  .59;  slaves,  124;  in  War  of  1812,261; 
General  history,  3.54;  origin  of  the  name,  354; 
discovery,  3.55;  early  land  patents,  355;  arrival 
of  Lady  Moodv,  3.55;;  Kieft's  patent,  3.57;  lay- 
ing out  the  little  town,  359;  plan,  360;  trouble 
with  Indians,  361;  municipal  rulers  and  laws, 
362;  religious  tolerance,  362;  first  meeting  house, 
363;  Reformed  Church  ministers,  363;  gift  of  a 
burying  ground,  364;  early  dwellings  and  roads, 
364;  slow  and  peaceful  progress,  365;  The  Rev- 
olution, 365;  visit  of  General  Washington,  365; 
Modern  history,  366;  church  extension,  367; 
first  school  house,  367;  Ocean  parkway  and 
other  modern  roads,  368;  horse  racing,  369; 
annexation— the  sad  story  of  John  Y.  McKane 
and  his  associates,  370;  punishments  for  the 
"  crime  of  Gravesend,"  371. 
Great  Neck.— village  of,  915. 
Green,  Zachariah. — 228. 

Greenfield  (ParkviUe)  village.— 326.  .,     .  ^ 

Greenpoint.— 341;   modern     beginning,    3o2;    Neziah 

Bliss'  enterprise,  3.52;  first  house,  3.52;  Eckford 

Webb's  shipyard,  -352;   ferry,  353;   annexation, 

353-  ship  and  monitor  building,  468. 

Greenport.-viUageof,  581;  1022.  , 

Greenwood   cemetery.— .54;    history   of,   435;    Primes 

description,  436. 
Griffin,  Edward.— Buys  land  at  Midwout,  317. 
Griffin's  Journal.— quoted,  1024. 
Grout,  Edward  M.— 642. 
Guisbert's  Island.— 373. 
Gulliams,  William.— 62. 
Gull  Islands.— 1025. 
Gunnison,  Dr.,  Flatbush.— 275. 
Guy,  Francis,  artist.— Sketch  of,  402. 
Guysbertz,  Jan,  New  Utrecht.— 332. 


Hagaman,  Joseph. — 280. 

Hainelle,  Michil,  of  Brooklyn.— 321. 

Hale,  Nathan.— The  story  of,  971. 

Hall,  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  H.— 42B. 

Hall,  George.— First  mayor  of  Brooklyn;  sketch  of, 
410;  speech  on  beginning  second  term,  440. 

Hallet,  William.— 568. 

Hallet  Family.— 707. 

Hallet's  Cove.— 570. 

Halsey,  Stephen  A.— 669. 

Hammond,  Selah. — 276. 

Hand,  Colonel,  of  Pennsylvania  Rifles.- 328. 

Hanna,  John.  —  First  interment  in  Greenwood,  436. 

Hansen  (or   |ansen)  Hans. — 310. 

Hanson,  Rev.  M.  G.— 363. 

Harbor  Hill.— estate  of,  912. 

Hardscrahble.— old  village  name,  9.39. 

Harper  Family  (publishers). — .547. 

Harriman,  Rev.  John.— 141. 

Harrison,  Gabriel. — 4o3. 

Harrison,  President  I?enjamin,  descended  from  the 
TuthiU  family  of  Suffolk.— 1014. 

Hart,  I.  I\I.-.50'.'. 

Hart,  Rev.  |oshua.— 14.5. 

Hart,  Th(>m'as.-S9. 

Hartford,  treaty  of.— 730. 

Hartt  family.— 724. 

Hasbrouck,  Jared. — 275. 

Hastings,  Hugh,  state  historian.— ()uoted,  254. 

Havemeyer,  H.  0.-989; 

Havens,  Jonathan.— 1031. 

Hazard,  Thomas. — 540. 

Hazzard,  Rev.  Joseph.— 139. 

Hazzard,  Thomas. — 60. 

Heard,  Colonel  — 192. 

Hegeman,  Adrien.— Schoolmaster,  Flatbush,  266,  267; 
letter  from,  268;  320,  321;  331;  338,  385. 

Hegeman,  Jost  ph.— 319. 

Hell  Gate. — Blown  up  by  United  States  authorities, 

Hempstead. — Meeting  of  delegates  at,  60;  slaves,  124; 
hrst  church,  142;  ministers  of,  145;  railroad  ex- 
tended to,  287;  Morton  lodge  of  Freemasons, 
650;  celebrates  its  centennial,  650;  list  of  com- 
mittees, 651;  Early  settlers,  880;  Indian  deeds, 
881;  town  meeting  records,  883;  Gov.  Colve's  in- 
structions, 885;  the  Revolution,  887;  St.  George's 
Church,  886  ;  the  Rev.  John  Lowe  and  his 
famous  song,  887;  modern  progress,  888. 

Hempstead  and  Rockaway  railroad. — 292. 

Hendrick's  Reef. — 335. 

Herbert,  Capt.  Joseph.— 256. 

Herrick,  Rev.  Samuel  E.— 1005. 

Het  Dorp.— 341. 

Het  Kivis  Padt,  village.— 341. 

Het  Strand,  village.— 341 

Hewlett,  Capt.  Richard.— 194,  196,  227. 

Heyeman,  Evert. — Builds  first  house  in  Bushwick,  338. 

Hevler  and  Marriner,  patiiuts  and  pirates. — 376. 

Hicks,  Elias.-697. 

Hicks,  John.— 60. 

Hicks  Family.— 697. 

Hicksville.— Railroad  opened  to,  2i^6;  village  of,  938. 

Hillis,  Rev.  N.  I).,  Plvnioiith  church.— 434. 

Hinchman,  Mrs.,  Jamaica.     275. 

Historical  Geoloi;v  uf  l.ung  Island.— 12. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Jeremiah. -H4. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Peter.— 136. 

Holy  Trinity  church,  Brooklyn. — 427. 

Homewood,  New  Utrecht. — 328. 

Hoock,  Huybert,  of  New  Utrecht.— 329. 

Hoogland,  Cornells  Dirckson. — 58. 

Horse-racing. — At  Gravesend,369;  at  Hempstead,  524; 
at  Union  course,  525. 

Horton,  Barnabas. — 1014. 

Horton,  Joseph.— 1019. 

Horton,  Joshua.— 1000. 

Horton,  Rev.  Azariah. — Diary  and  labors,  742. 

Horton,  Rev.  Simeon. — 544. 

Hosford,  Miss,  of  Shelter  Island.— 1029. 

Houldsworth,  Jonas,  teacher,  Huntington. — 267. 

Howard,  Rev.  W.  W.— 275. 

Howe,  General.— 200. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  John.— 161. 

Hubbard,  James.— 60, 61;  elected  schout  of  Gravesend, 

Hudde  (or  Hudden),  Andries.— 54;  58;  310. 

Hudson,  Hendrick. — 18;  discovery  of  the  Hudson,  the 
voyage  of  the  "  Half  Moon,"  44. 

Hunt,  Adison  L.— 276. 

Hunter,  Captain  George. — 568. 

Hunter,  Governor. — 73;  foretells  the  Revolution,  73. 

Hunter's  Point.— 538. 

Huntington. — Early  land  transactions,  964;  streets, 
"  Town  Records,"  quoted,  964;  patent  of  1664; 
ministers,  967;  the  Connecticut  rule,  967;  Gov. 
NicoUs  settles  suzerainty,  967;  troubles  with 
Lovelace  and  Dongan,  968;  welcomes  inde- 
pendence, 968;  troops  in  the  patriot  army,  969- 
the  cruelties  of  the  loyalists,  970;  "  Count  Rum- 
ford's"  sacrilege,  970;  Nathan  Hale,  971;  Hunt- 
iiigion  Bay,  972;  War  of  1812  and  Civil  War, 

Huntington  flatly  refuses  to  be  taxed  without  consent. — 
67;  slaves,  128;  excitement  in  war  of  1812,  253; 
Masonic  lodge  at, 648. 

Huntington,  Jonas  Houldsworth. — Agreement  with  to 
teach  school,  '267;  Academy,  276. 

Huntting,  Lieut.  E.  F. — Rev.  Dr.  Whitaker's  sermon 
on  death  of,  716. 

Huntting,  Rev.  Joseph.— 139. 

Huntting  family. — 715. 

Indians  on  Long  Island. — 17;  list  of  tribes,  folklore, 
etc.,  18;  eloquence  of,  32;  drunkenness,  33;  laws 
against  sale  of  liquor  to,  33;  decadence,  33; 
names  of  places,  antiquities,  39;  modern  land 
claims,  41;  trails,  317;  deed  to  Flatbush,  318. 

Industries  of  Brooklyn. — Census  returns,  493. 

Ingoldsby,  Richard,  Governor. — 151. 

Institutions  of  learning,  arts  and  sciences. — 503. 

Ireland,  Rev.  John. — 653. 

Ironsides,  William. — 273. 

Irving.  Washington. — Bust  of,  448. 

Islip.— Population,  topography,  etc.,  985;  patentees, 
986;  freeholders,  987;  town  meetings,  987;  re- 
ligious progress,  988;  villages,  989;  the  Vander- 
bilt  and  other  estates,  989. 

lackson.  General.— 263;  visits  Brooklyn,  402. 

Jacobs,  William.— 320. 

lacobson,  Jan.— New  Utrecht,  330. 

Jans,  Aneke.— 568. 

Jamaica.-- -sketch  of,  548;  some  early  names,  548;  pio- 
neers, 549;  importance  of  town  meeting,  549; 
ministers,  551;  denominational  wrangles,  5.52; 
petition  to  Colden,  560;  Grace  church,  561; 
Dutch  church,  561;  other  churches,  562;  early 
trades,  562;  first  school,  563;  Union  hall,  563; 
stone  church,  563;  revolution,  564;  newspapers, 
564;  manufacturing,  565;  Governor  R    C.  Mc- 

Cormick,  .565;  583;  early  Masonic  lodge  at,  648; 

plank  road;  897. 
Resolution  against  taxation  and  of  sympathy  with 

New  England. — 188. 
Jameson,  A.  S. — Gravesend,  371. 
Janse,  Derrick. — 310. 
Jansen,  Anthony  (Salee).— 57;  329. 
Jenks,  Almet  F.— 640. 
Jenks,  Grenville  T.— 640. 
Jeunissen,  Guisbert.— 62. 
Jericho. — village  of,  938. 
Jerusalem — village,  888. 
Jochemsen,  David. — 62. 
John,  Peter,  Indian  preacher. — 37. 
Johnson,  Rev.  Evan.— 428;  653. 
Johnson,  Rev.  E.  A. — 41. 
Johnson,  E.  S.— 314. 
Johnson.  Gen.  Jeremiah. — 263;  sketch  of  by  Dr.  Stiles, 

263;  purchases  land  in  Bushwick,  343;  Mayor  of 

Brooklyn,  411. 
lohnson.Dr.  W.  H.-41. 
Johnston,  Prof.  Alexander.— Quoted,  46. 
Johnston,  Re\'.  John  Barent. — 160. 
Johnston,  Sir  William. — 34. 
Johnston. — A  group  of  families,  701. 
[ones.  Captain,  pirate.— 181. 
Jones,  Capt.  William  L.— of  Port  Jefferson,  995. 
lones,  David  W.--95. 
Jones,  Israel  C— 276. 
Jones,  John  Paul.— 994. 

Jones,  Samuel,  comptroller  of  New  York. — 92. 
Jones,  Thomas.— 90;  family,  91. 
Jones,  Thomas,  Royal  Recorder  of  New  York.— 92. 
logues,  Rev.  Isaac,  Jesuit  Missionary. — Murdered,  22. 
Judah,  Moses.— W'iUiamsburgh  steam  ferry,  344. 
June  meeting  and  religious  services.— 38. 

Kalbfleisch,  Martin.— Mayor  of  Brooklyn,  443;  sketch 
of,  444;  re-elected  mayor,  445. 

Keikout,  The.— 337. 

Keith,  Rev.— 933. 

Keith,  Rev.  George. — 161;  sketch  of,  171. 

Kellis,  David. — Shinnecock,  41. 

Kellogg,  lonathan,  273. 

Kelly,  I.  A.  F.— 547. 

Keteltas,  Rev.  Abraham.— 145;  185. 

Kidd,  Captain  William.— 176;  career,  178;  stories  of 
buried  treasure,  180;  Kidd's  Rock.  181;  a 
deserter  from  the  "San  Antonio." — 976;  on 
Shelter  Island.— 1U29. 

Kieft,  Governor.— 22;  47;  sketch  of,  54;  55;  146;  patent 
for  New  Utrecht  lands,  328;  patent  for  Grave- 
send,  355;  568. 

King,  Horatio  C— Quoted,  464;  sketch,  644. 

King,  John  Alsop,  700. 

King,  Rev.  .Samuel  W. — 1024. 

King,  Rufus.— 561;  699. 

King  Family  of  Jamaica. — 699. 

Kings  County. — Slaves  and  their  owners,  122;  relig- 
ious prn'j,r.-ss,  146,  in  War  n{  ISlL',  256;  military 
comp.ini.-s,  L'-^T  -tivral  liistnr\-  ;md  descrip- 
tion. 'Mrs  t..ns(.lMlaiHai  laiinnussioners,  327; 
Medical  S(.ca-ty,  ■''.14;  courts,  r.-.'4;  Thompson's 
account  of,  7(57. 

Kinsella,  Thomas,  of  the  Eagle.— 424. 

Kirk,  Thomas.— Issues  first  Brooklyn  newspaper,  395. 

Kissam,  Daniel  Whitehead,  Whig,  protests  against 
Sears's  methods. — 194. 

Kissam  Family  of  North  Hempstead.— 711. 

Kniphausen,  Col. — Regiment  quartered  at  Flatlands, 

Korten,  Myndert,  New  Utrecht.— 332. 
Kupors,  Rev.  W.  P.— 145. 

Labadist  Fathers.— Visit  New  Utrecht,  109;  280. 

Labagh,  Rev.  Abram  I.— 363. 

Labagh,  Rev.  I.  P.— 363. 

Labagh,  Peter.— 314. 

Lafayette's  visit. — 402. 

Lambert,  Edward  A.,  mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411,  412. 

Lambertson,  Adrian. — 318. 

Lambertson,  Cornelius. — 58. 

Land  boomers,  a  paradise  for. — 583. 

Lane,  John,  ferryman. — 334. 

Latting,  Richard,  banished  from  Huntington, — 966. 

Laws,  some  curious. — 116. 

Leake,  John  W. — 276. 

Lee,  Gen.  Charles.— 193. 

Lee,  Gen.  Robert  E.— 335. 

Lefferts  Family.— 102;  320. 

Lefferts,  John.— 322;  323. 

Lefferts,  Judge.— 103. 

Lefferts'  Park,  village.— 335. 

Lefferts,  Peter— 273;  320. 

Leisler,  Jacob. — 71;  Long  Island  towns  except  Hunt- 
ington, oppose  him,  71;  hanged  for  treason,  72. 

Lent  Family.— 709. 

Leverich,  Rev.  William.— Sketch  of,  34;  967. 

Lewis,  Elias,  Jr. — Quoted,  8. 

Lewis,  Francis,  signer  of  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence.— 535. 

Lewis,  Rev.  Dr.  W.  H.— 427. 

Lewis,  Gov.  Morgan.— 277;  335;  5.35. 

Lewis,  Commodore. — 251. 

Lexington. — wreck  of,  875. 

Libraries,  Brooklyn. — 455. 

Lighthouses. — Life  Saving  Service,  870. 

Lincoln,  President.— Reception  of  news  of  assassina- 
tion of,  479. 

Lindenhurst. — village  of,  977. 

Literary  men  of  Suffolk  county,  962. 

Literature.— 499;   543. 

Littlejohn,  Bishop.— 428,429;  Sketch  of,  893. 

Little  Neck.— 536. 

Livingston,  Rev.  Dr.  ].  H.— 160;  272. 

Livingston.  Philip.— 99. 

Livingston,  Robert. — recommends  Captain  Kidd,  177. 

Livingston,  Chancellor. — 648. 

Lloyd  Family.  The.— 89. 

Lloyd,  Rev.  W.  H.— 139. 

Locke,  Richard  A.— author  of  "The  Moon  Hoax," 

Long  Beach.— railroad  to,  302. 

Long  Beach.— 899. 

Long  Island  Historical  Society.— 455;  501. 

Long  Island.— position  of  in  history  of  the  United 
States,  1;  population,  3;  physical  features,  to- 
pography, 4;  game  and  game  laws,  5;  botany, 
arborculture,  6;  geology  and  natural  history,  7; 
discovery  and  early  white  settlement,  42;  and 
Connecticut,  46;  an  early  Dutch  description,  47; 
divided  between  Dutch  and  English,  61;  passes 
under  English  rule,  63;  becomes  part  of  York- 
shire, 63;  Dutch  place  names  changed,  63;  divided 
into  three  counties, 70;  some  primitive  character- 
istics, 104;  early  laws,  administration  of  justice, 
104;  the  Ante-Revolutionary  struggle,  ISi ; 
changes  under  Gov.  NicoUs,  322;  quick  succes- 


sion  of  governments,  331;  troops  in  War  of  1812, 

253;  257 ;  public  school  system,  277  ;  roads,  279; 

Prime's  description,  282;  Furman's  description, 

284;  Long  Island  railroad;  history  of,  by  Judge 

Hinsdale,  285;    latest  development  plans,  303; 

Long  Island  City. — History  of,  567;  574;  court  house, 

575;  mayors,  575. 
Long  Island  College  Hospital.— 593;  615. 
Long  Island  Sporting  Clubs. — 688. 
Loot  (Lot)  Barteland  Peter,  early  Flatbush  settlers. — 

317;  320. 
Lott,  Abraham.— 327. 
Lott,  Johannes. — 322. 
Lott,  J.  A.— 327;  414;  628. 
Loughlin,  Bishop, — 427;  see  also  chapter  on  "Catholic 

Church  in  Long  Island." 
Louise  [Block]  Island.--43. 
Louisian  School,  The. — 404. 
Lovelace,  Governor.— 66;  73;  151;   183;  318;  359;  390; 

Low,  A.  A.— 472. 
Low,  Seth,— 480;  483. 
Lowe,  Rev.  John. — 887. 
Lowe,  Rev.  Peter.— 1.53;  160;  273;  313. 
Loyalists  m  Kings  and  Queens  counties. — 191;  hunted 

down    under   orders   from    Lee;    Field   quoted 

concerning  cruelties,  195. 
Lubbertse,  (iarret.— 320. 
Lubbertsen,  Frederick.— 58;  60;  385. 
Ludlow,  Judge.— 916. 
Lupardus,  Rev.  Casparus. — 148. 
Luqueer,  Abraham,  Bushwick. — 340. 

Macaulay,  Lord,  and  the  story  of  Captam  Kidd.— 177. 

Macinnes,  Duncan. — Story  of  consolidation,  526;  679. 

Mack,  Rev.  E.  E.— 276. 

Mackay,  Mrs.  Clarence.— 909;  estate,  912. 

MacMonnies,  Frederick,  sculptor. — 480. 

Madison,  President.— 250. 

Makins,  Thomas,  teacher,  of  Flushing. — 270. 

Malone,  Rev.  Dr.  Sylvester.— 459. 

Manhasset.— 8;  village,  916. 

Manhattan  Beach,  Coaev  Island. — 374. 

Manhattan  Island.— Fortifications  in  war  of  1812,  258; 

influence  exerted  against  Brooklyn,  406. 
Manout,  Boudesvyn,  schoolmaster  and  clerk. — 338. 
Mareckawieck. — 382. 
Marsh,  William  B.— 424. 
Martense,  Gerrit  L. — 325. 
Martense,  J.  V.  B.— 327. 
Martense,  Roelof. — 310. 

Marrying  among  the  early  Dutch  families. — 111. 
Mason,  Rev.  E.— 160. 
Maspeth.-539:  546. 
Mather,  Rev.  Cotton.— Quoted,  144. 
Matinicock  village.— 934. 
Matthews,  A.  D.— Sketch  of,  510. 
Matthews,  David,  Mayor.— 196;  230;  323. 
Mattituck  \'illage.— 681,  1023. 
Maujer,  Daniel,  of  Williamsburgh. — 360. 
Maxwell,  James  H.,  Bushwick  speculator. — 342;  343. 
Mavo,  Samuel. — 89. 
McCloskev,  Henry,  of  The  Eagle.^424. 
McConnell,  Rev.  S.  D.— 428. 
McCormick,  Governor  R.  C. — 522;  665. 
McCue,  Alexander.— 638. 
McGarron,  Hugh.— 314. 

McKane,  John  Y.— Sketch  of,  370;  death,  371. 
McKelway,  St.  Clair,  of  The  Eagle.— 424. 
McKibben,  John  S.— Williamsburgh,  347. 

McMaster,  Prof.  J.  B.-On  causes  of  War  of  1812,  250; 

McNish,  Rev.  George.— 553. 
Medical  Profession,  The. — 585. 
Megapolensis,  Rev.  Johannes.— 147;  157;  317;  362. 
Meigs,  Return  Jonathan. — 248. 
Memorial  Arch,  Prospect  Park  Plaza.— 480. 
Menhaden  Fishery. — 5. 
Merrick.— Sketch  of,  895;   early  settlers,  896;    Mr.  C. 

N.  Kent's  historical  paper,  895. 
Merrill,  F.  J.  H.,  on  Geology  of  Long  Island— 6  et. 

Meserole,  Jean,  of  Bushwick. — 337. 
Meserole,  John  A.— 340;  341. 

Meserole.  Abraham. — 340;  secretary  of  village  of  Wil- 
liamsburgh, 345. 
Meserole,  Col.  J.  V.^66. 

Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  Brooklyn.— 162. 
Metropolitan  Police  Act. — 446. 
Mexican-War. —  V'eterans  of,  in  Brooklyn,  764. 
Mey,  Cornelissen.— 45. 
Michelius.  Dominie. — 146. 
Middleton,  Thomas.— 7-9. 
Middle  Village.— 647. 

Military  lorce  on  Long  Island  in  1776. — 215. 
Miller,  Charles  Henry.— 502. 
Miller,  David,  of  Bushwick.— 340. 
Mills,  Rev.  Lawrence  H.-^27. 
Mills,  old,  on  Long  Island.— 879. 
Mineola.— village  of,  916;  agricultural  society, 917. 
Minister's  Salary — How  paid,  142. 
Minto,  Dr.  Walter.— 273. 
Minuit,  Peter.— 53. 
Moll,  Lambert,  of  Bushwick.— 337. 
Mongotucksee,  Indian  hero.— 31. 
Monroe,  President. —  In  Brooklyn,  402. 
Montauk  Point.— 26;  Indians  of,  30;  583. 
Montauk  Point.— 1056;  1072. 
Montgomery,  John,  Governor.— 74. 
Moody,  Lady  (Deborah). — 22;  arrives  at   Gravesend, 

356;  sketch  of,  366;  supposed  grave  of,  364. 
Moody,  Sir  Henry.  356;  Library  of,  367. 
Moors  Indian  charity  school. — 35. 
Moore,Beniamin. — 710. 
Moore,  Rev.  T.  Lambert.— 887. 
Moore,  Sir  Henry,  Governor. — 74. 
Moore,  Judge  Henry  A. — 638. 
Moore,  John,  of  Newtown. — 709;  family,  710. 
Moore,  Rev.  John,  second  minister  of  Hempstead.— 

Moriches. — village  of,  996. 
Morrell,  Thomas,  of  Newtown. — 343. 
Morris,  Judge  S.  D.— 638. 
Morton,  General  Jacob. — 262. 
Mount  Sinai.— village  of  [Old  Man's],  997. 
Mowatt,  Mrs.— 234. 
Mulford,  Captain,  and  his  troubles.— An  early  patriot, 

Mulligan,  Rev.  lohn.— 273;  276. 
Municipalities. —  Forty-eight    merged    into    Greater 

New  York,  626. 
:\Iurphv,  Henry  C— 24;  Mayor  of  Brooklyn,  411 ;  sketch 

o'f,  413;  list  of  works,  416;  422. 
Murray,  Lindley.— 234;  mother  entertains  Howe  while 

Putnam's  troops  retreat,  236;  Walter  Barrett's 

story  of  the  Murray  family,  236. 

Nassau  County.— Description  and  history,  869;  whale- 
fishing,  871;  shipwrecks,  875;  piracy,  876;  Rev- 
olutionary troops,  877;  old  mills,  879;  Popula- 
tion, 3;  Queens  County  Agricultural  Society,  917. 


Nassau  Water  Company. — 443. 

National  Banks.— Brooklyn,  490. 

National  Guard.— .See  War  of  1812;  early  Brooklyn 
companies,  422;  the  Fourteenth  and  Thirteenth 
Regiments,  422;  462;  other  regiments,  462;  first 
call  for  troops,  464;  the  gallant  Twenty-eighth, 
465;  the  Red-legged  Devils,  465;  enlistments 
from  Brooklyn,  467;  all  Brooklyn  regiments  at 
the  front  save  one,  471;  honoring  the  veterans, 
480;  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  481;  U.  S. 
Grant  Post,  481;  after  the  war,  608. 

Navy  Yard. — Established,  397;  in  operation,  400;  dry 
dock,  439;  list  of  ships,  439;  469;  508. 

Neilson,  Judge  Joseph. — 633;  on  Justice  Coke,  634. 

New  Lots.— 318;  513. 

Newspapers,  Brooklyn. — The  Courier  and  Long  Isl- 
and Advertiser,  395;  The  Long  Island  Weekly 
Intelligencer,  395;  The  Long  "Island  Star,  396, 
423;  The  Long  Island  Patriot,  423;  The  Brook- 
lyn Advocate,  423;  the  Brooklyn  Evening  Star, 
423;  a  group  of  short-lived  organs,  424;  another 
group,  4.55;  Standard,  Standard-Union,  499; 
Brooklyn  Citizen,  499;  other  newspapers,  499. 

Newton,  R.  V.  B.,  Gravesend.— .371. 

Newtown. — Slaves,  126;  the  step-child  of  the  metropol- 
itan era,  538;  cemeteries,  539;  first  settlers,  .539; 
story  of  the  village,  640;  first  house  of  worship, 
540;  punishment  of  a  ne'er-do-well,  540;  local 
government,  .541;  m  the  Revolution,  .542;  Rev. 
Mr.  Leverich  and  other  ministers,  543;  means 
of  travel,  545. 

Newtown  creek. — 341;  538. 

New  Utrecht. — Slaves,  124;  general  history,  338;  first 
bathing  resort  on  Long  Island,  329;  land  boom- 
ers, 329;  land  grants  issued  by  Stuyvesant,  329; 
list  of  fiatentees,  330;  descendants  of  patentees, 
330;  visit  of  Capt.  Scott,  331;  Dongan's  patent, 
332;  church,  332;  ministers,  333;  old  grave- 
yard, .333;  Revolutionary  memories,  334;  de- 
fense in  War  of  1812,  336;  churches,  335;  an- 
nexed, 336. 

Nichois,  Charles. — 276. 

Nicholson,  Francis,  Lieutenant-Governor.— 70. 

Nicoll  family,  of  Shelter  Island.— 1029;  1031. 

Nicolls,  Gov.,  patent  to  Shelter  Island.— 1028. 

Nicolls,  Matthias.— 986. 

Nicolls,  Matthias.— Sketch  of,  65;  author  of  The 
Duke's  Laws,  65;  appointed  speaker,  69. 

Nicolls,  William.-986. 

Nicolls,  Sir  Richard. — Captures  New  Amsterdam  and 
assumes  government  of  New  Netherland,  63; 
letter  to  Magistrates,  64;  treaty  of  capitulation, 
728;  address  of  deputies,  64;  patent  to  Flatbush, 
317;  321;  fac  simile  of  Brooklyn   charter,   386; 

Ninnecraft,  Sachem.— 26. 

Noka,  John.-^l. 

Noka,  Joshua.— 41. 

Noll,  Rev;  F.  M.— strange  quarters  of,  994. 

North  Hempstead.— History,  903;  Pioneers  [904,  Revo- 
lutionary details,  904;  loyalists  and  confiscation, 
903;  Churches,  906;  William  Cullen  Bryant,  907. 

Northport. — railroad  communication,  14,  291;  village 
of,  974. 

North  Sea.— village  of,  1046. 

Northwest. — village  of.  1072. 

Nostrand  Family.— 703. 

Nott,  Dr.  Eliphalet.-352. 

Nyack  (Fort  Hamilton).— 335. 

Oakdale,  a  baronial  estate. — 579. 

Oblenis,  Albert.— 273. 

Occom,  Rev.  Samson. — 23;  sketch  of,  36. 

Oceanic  Hotel,  Coney  Island.— 372. 

Olympia,  village  of.— Boomed,  98;  395. 

Onderdonk,  Henry,  Jr.— Sketch  of,  276;  56.3. 

Orient  Point.— 14. 

Orient,  village.— 582,  1024. 

Overbaugh,  Voorhies. — 315. 

Oyster  Bay.— Neither  Dutch  nor  English,  919;  first 
land  patent,  919;  the  Andros  patent,  920;  the 
disposal  of  the  land,  922;  the  unpopular  pio- 
neer merchant,  923;  troubles  in  the  time  of  the 
Revolution,  924;  the  sad  fate  of  George  Town- 
send  and  George  Kirk,  926;  military  operations. 
927;  the  whaleboat  campaign,  927;  oystering, 
931;  religious  life,  Quakers,  and  others,  932; 
Syosset,  934;  villages,  939. 

Oyster  Bay.— Slaves,  123;  academv,  277;  railroad  ex- 
tended to,  302;  early  Masonic  lodge  at,  648. 

Oyster  trade.— The,  931. 

Packer,  William  F.— 51^3. 

Packer  Institute  for  Girls.^22. 

Paine,  Elijah  Freeman,  patriot  and  schoolmaster,  270. 

Parker,  George.— 314. 

Parker,  Rev.  W.  H.-39. 

Parsons,  Col.  S.  H.— 248. 

Parsons,  Samuel.— 533. 

Patchen,  Andrew.— 270. 

Patchogue  as  a  summer  resort. — 580. 

Patterson,  Charles  J. — 641. 

Payne,  John  Howard,  author  of  "  Home,  Sweet  Home  " 

— 271;  bust  in  Prospect  park,  448;  sketch  of,  711. 
Payne,  William.— 271. 
Payne  family. — 712. 
Pearsall,  Thomas  E.— 639. 
Pearsalls  village.— 895. 
Peconic  Bay.— 580. 
Pelletreau  family.— 721. 
Penewit,  Thomas. — 60. 
Penny,  Rev.  Joseph.— 273,  274. 
Perrv.  J.  A.— Comptroller  of  Greenwood. — 336. 
Pierrepont,  H.  B.— 99;  family,  100;  404. 
Pierson,  Rev.  Abraham,  of  Southampton.— 140. 
Pietersen,  Jacob,  New  Utrecht.— 330. 
Pitkin,  John  R.— 613. 
Plank  Road  Craze,  The.— 282. 
Piatt,  Isaac— 68. 
Piatt,  Epenetus.— 68. 
Plum  Island  (Island  of  Patmos).— 1026. 
Polhamus,  Daniel  Mr.— 320. 

Polhemus,  Rev.  Mr.— Buys  a  slave,  119;  148,  157,  159. 
Polhemus,  Theodorus,  of  Bushwick. — 339. 
Poppenhausen,  Conrad. — 297. 
Port   Jefferson. — Railroad  communication,   291;    680; 

Suffolk  lodge  No.  60,  660. 
Port  Jefferson.— Origin    of.   995;   story   of  John   Paul 

Jones,  the  naval  hero  of  the  Revolution,  996;  John 

Wilsie  begins  shipbuilding,  995;  churches,  995; 

modern  conditions,  995. 
Port  Washington— 8;  railroad  to,  303;  old  mill  at,  879; 

village,  915. 
Potter,  Cornells  de.— 96. 

Powell,  Samuel  S.,  Mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 443. 
Powers,  William  P.— Williamsburgh,  347. 
Poyer,  Rev.  Thomas.— 531;  letters  from,  553. 
Praa  (Pratt),  Peter.— 568. 
Pratt,  Calvin  E.— 638. 


Pratt,  Charles. —505. 
Pratt  Institute.— 504. 
Prime,  Dr. — Account  of  Queens  and  Suffolk  counties, 

Prince,  William.— 532. 

Prison  ship  martyrs. — 450;  755;  story  of  survivors,  756. 
Privateers  in  War  of  1812.— 251;  252. 
Prospect  Park  laid  out.— 447. 

Provoost,  David  Schout,     m    Breuckelen.— 320;    385. 
Provost,  John. — patriot,  840. 
Prudden,  Rev.  John.— 651. 
Public  Parks,  Brooklyn.— 449;  driveways,  450. 
Putnam,  General. — Defense  of,  764. 
Putnam,  Harrington. — quoted,  383. 

Quakers  at  Oyster  Bay.— 932. 

Queen,  Montgomery. — city  stages,  419. 

Queens,  Borough  of. — population,  3;  521;  progress 
smce  consolidation,  622  ;  a  place  for  home- 
building,  523;  Revolutionary  story,  526;  inner 
story  of  consolidation,  526. 

Queens  County. — Slaves,  126;  boundaries,  521;  Dr. 
Prime  on,  790. 

Queens.— village,  565. 

Quogue. — village  of,  1046. 

Race.— The,  1026. 

"  Rain  Water  Doctor,"  396. 

Rapalye,  Jacob  Joris,  grant  of  land  at  Wallabuut.— 46; 
65;  68;  family,  '^6;  381. 

Rapalye,  Jan.— 280. 

Rapalye,  John.— 103;  229. 

Rapalje,  Mrs.— Scheme  to  block  the  retreat  from 
Long  Island,  229. 

Ravenswood. — 538;  568;  charity  establishments  at, 
burned  by  mob,  569. 

Raymond,  Rossiter  VV.— 499. 

Red  Hook.— value  of  real  estate  at,  405. 

Remsen,  Abraham.— pioneer  dry-goods  man,  397. 

Remsen,  Mrs.  Anthony.— reminiscences,  19. 

Remsen,  Derick. — 314. 

Remsen,  Joris.— 99. 

Remsen,  Henry, — 99. 

Remsen,  Peter.— 99. 

Remsen,  Philip.— 99. 

Revolution.— The  story  prior  to  1776,  182;  review  of 
events,  185. 

Revolution.— Roll  of  Queens  and  Suffolk  troops,  877; 
losses,  879;  Long  Island  fined,  879. 

Richards,  Daniel.— 418. 

Richardson,  J.  L.  and  Lemuel,  Bushwick. — land  specu- 
lators, 346. 

Richbill,  John.— 89. 

Riverhead. — Act  constituting  the  township,  998;  town- 
ship laws,  999;  population  statistics,  1000;  be- 
ginning ol  the  village,  1000  ;  court  house  and 
other  improvements,  1000;  industries,  1001;  Suf- 
folk County  Agricultural  Society,  1001;  savings 
bank,  1005;  Historical  Society,  1006;  villages, 
1010;  churches,  1012. 

Roads  and  Railroads.— 279. 

Roberts'  "  History  of  New  York." — quoted,  69. 

Robin's  Island.— 79;  1025. 

Rockaway  Beach.— blockhouse  on,  253;  railroad,  292; 

Rockaways,  Indian  tribe. — 318. 

Rockville  Center,  village.— 895. 

Roeloffse,  Peter,  New  Utrecht.— 330. 
Rogers,  Major  Robert.— 220. 

Rogers,  John.— 276. 

Roman  Catholic  church  in  Kings  county.— 163. 

Ronkonkoma,  Lake. — 11;  83. 

Roosevelt,  President  Theodore. — home  at  Oyster  Bay, 

934;  sketch  of,  939. 
Rose,  Judge  A.  T.— sketch  of  by  Judge  Hedges,  725. 
Roslyn.— 8;  908;  Bryant  library,  908. 
Ross,   Charley. — supposed   abductors  killed    at   Bay 

Ridge,  335. 
Ross,  Dr.  John  D.— 499. 
Rouse,  Thomas. — 79. 
Rowland,  A.  J.— shipbuilder.  469. 
Royal  arms  defaced  in  1697.-183. 
Ryan,  M.  P.,  of  Gravesend. — 371. 

St.  Alban's  Masonic  lodge,  Brooklyn. — 651. 

St.  Ann's  church.— 427. 

St.  Johnland.— Society  of,  984. 

St.  John's  Episcopal  church. ~-427. 

Sabbath,  laws  relating  to. — 116,  117. 

Sabring,  Cornelius,  tries  to  break  ferry  monopoly. — 

Sackley,  R.  B.-83. 
Sag  Harbor. — 31;   Col.  Meigs's  expedition,  249;   CoK 

Hardy's  expedition,  261;   in  war  of  1812,  254; 

railroad  communication,  291. 
Sag    Harbor. — Dr.   Tooker   on    Indian    names,   1041; 

history,  1043:  Judge  Hedges  on   "olden  times," 

1044;   Fenimore  Cooper's  visit,  1043. 
Sands,  Col.  Benjamin. — 194. 
Sands,  Comfort. — 97,  273. 
Sands,  Joshua.- -97. 
Sands  Brothers.— 395. 
Sanford,  Louis,  treasurer  of   Williamsburgh  village.— 

Sanitary  fair,  the. — 472. 

Saunders,  Frederick,  "Salad  tor  the  Social." — 453. 
Savannah. — wreck  of,  874. 
Saving*  Banks,  Brooklyn.— 493. 
Saxe,  John  G. — 453. 
Schenck,  Martin.— 314. 
Schenck,  Rev.  Dr.  Noah  H.— 427. 
Schieren,  Mayor,  486. 

School,  early  regulations  in  Brooklyn. — 268. 
Schoonmaker,  Rev.  Dr.  Jacob.— 262;  545. 
Schoonmaker,  Rev.  Maninus.— 153;  164;  273;  363. 
Schroeder,  William.  .\1.  D.—bio. 
Schuyler,  Peter.— 73. 

Scott,  Capt.  John,  invades  Long  Island.— 61;  331. 
Scudder  Family. — 714. 
Scudder,  Thomas.— 1019. 

Scudder,  Townsend,  address  in  Congress.— 1011. 
Seaburv,  Rev.  Samuel. — 531;  560. 
Sea  Cliff.— village  of,  937. 
Seaman,  Capt.  John. — 888. 
Sears,  Capt.  Isaac— 190;  194. 
Seawanhaka,  destruction  of  steamer.— 936. 
Selyns,  Rev.  Henricus,  Brooklyn's  first  preacher.— 384. 
Setauket. — 7. 
Setauket.— village     of,  founded,    991  ;     Presbyterian 

church,  992;  Caroline  Episcopal,  993. 
Settlement  of  Homes,  A.— 523. 
Shad,  enormous  catch  of,  in  1749. — 334. 
Sharp,  Thomas  K.— 298. 
Shearman,  Thomas  G. — 138. 
Sheepshead  Bay,  369. 
Shelter  Island,— Geology,  8;  11;  79. 
Shelter  Island. -Primitive  sales,  1(J27;  the   Sylvesters 
and   others,   1027;    Gov.  Nicolls'    release,   1027; 
an  asylum  for  Quakers,  1028;  changes  in  owner- 
ship,   1029;  the~  manor    house,    1029;    a    quain 

burying  groun(3,  1030;  William  Nicoll  and  his 
descendants,  1031;  male  inhabitants  in  1730, 
1031;  Whitefield  preaches,  1031. 

Shepard.  Edward  M.— b42. 

Shipbuilding  at  Sag  Harbor. — 1044. 

Ships  and  Shipbuilding. — Monitors  at  Greenpoint, 
4GU;  at  Setaalvet,  993;  994;  at  Port  Jefferson, 
995;  at  Greenport,  1022;  see  navy  yard  ref- 

Shipwrecks  on  Long  Island  coast,  874. 

Siggelon,  Johannes. — 314. 

SiUiman,  feenjamm  D. — tiSo. 

Skinner,  Abraham,  Jamaica. — 275. 

Slavery  on  Long  Island.— 119;  laws  of  1683, 119;  negro 
plots,  120;  value  and  number  of,  121,  129;  manu- 
missions, list  of,  129;  last  auction  sale  in  Brook- 
lyn, 133. 

Sloughter,  Governor. — 32;  72. 

Slover,  Isaac. — 314. 

Smallpox  in  Brooklyn. — 391. 

Smith,  ClaesClaessen,  New  Utrecht.— 330. 

Smith,  Cvrus  P.,  mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411. 

Smith,  Rev.  Ralph.— 139. 

Smith,  Richard  (Bull).— 28;  82;  sketch  of,  83;  family 
of,  83. 

Smith,  Samuel,  mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411;  412. 

Smith,  William  (Tangier).— 83;  sketch  of,  84;  family 
of,  85 

Smith,  William  (2d),  of  Mastic— 8.5. 

Smith,  William  (3d),  member  of  First  Provincial  Con- 
gress.— 85. 

Smith. — Various  popular  family  designations. — 82. 

Smithtown.— Old  mill  at,  879;  history,  978;  Richard 
Smith,  977;  Indian  deed,  979;  patents  by  Nicolls 
and  Andros,  980;  Smith  family,  982;  list  of 
residents  in  1774,  983;  St.  Johnland,  984. 

Smithtown. — Slaves,  128;  railroad  opened,  291. 

Snedecor,  Jan.,  tavern  keeper  in  New  Amsterdam,  317. 

Snediker,  Jan.— 267;  702;  family,  702. 

Social  World  of  Long  Island. — 672;  Royal  Arcanum, 
673;  Odd  Fellows,  674;  Knights  of  Pythias,  676; 
Foresters  of  America,  676;  smaller  bodies,  679. 

Solyns  (or  Selwvn),  Rev.  Henry— 148;  159. 

Sons  of  Liberty.— 188. 

Southampton. — First  purchase  of,  26;  59;  church  at, 
13-5;  140;  some  ministers  of,  142. 

Southampton. — The  "undertakers"  and  their  troubles, 
1034;  Farret's  patent,  1034;  Gov.  Winthrop's 
endorsement,  1035;  the  first  Indian  deed,  1036; 
the  pioneers,  1036;  laying  out  the  land,  1037; 
the  town  meeting,  1037;  Connecticut  rule,  1037; 
patent  of  Andros'  patent  objected  to,  reasons, 
1038;  text  of,  1039;  the  Rev.  Abraham  Pierson; 
the  Rev.  Robert  Fordham  and  other  ministers, 
1040;   Indian  legends,  1041. 

Southold. — 59;  punishment  for  tattlers,  116;  church  at, 
134;  in  War  of  1812,254. 

Southold. — Rev.  John  Youngs  and  his  associates,  1012; 
Mr.  Pelletreau  on  the  first  settlers,  1013;  con- 
firmatory Indian  deed,  1020;  Connecticut  rule, 
1020;  Andros'  patent,  1021  ;  population,  1021; 
villages,  1022. 

Spanish  American  War. — 693;  President  Roosevelt  in, 

Spicer,  Captain  Elihu. — 503. 

Spicer,  Thomas. — 60. 

Spooner,  Alden  J.— Sketch,  630. 

Sprague,  Joseph,  mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411. 

Stanton,  Henry,  Catharine  street  ferry — 344. 

State  Banks,  Brooklyn.— 491. 

Statues  in  Brooklyn. — 512. 

Stearns,  John  M.,  historian  of  Williamsburgh. — 342. 

Steers,  Henrv,  shipbuilder. — 469. 

Steinway  Village.- 569. 

Stelman,  Jan,  of  Bushwick. — 338. 

Stevens,  Gen.  Ebenezer. — .570;  571. 

Stevens  family. — W'hittemore's  record,  570. 

Stevensen,  Coert.— 62. 

Stewart,  A.  T.— 889;  Purchase  at  Hempstead,  294. 

Stewart,  Commodore.— 263. 

Stewart,  Rev.  \V.  H.— 39. 

Stiles,  Dr.  Henry  R.^99. 

Stille,  Cornelius  Jacobse. — 337. 

Stillman  Jan  Hendricksen.— 96. 

Stillwell,  Nicholas.— 58. 

StiUwell,  Nicholas,  of  Gravesend.— .361. 

Stillwell,  William  H.-Ouoted,  376. 

Stirling,  Sir  William  Alexander,  Earl  of.^46;  49;  59; 
sketch  of,  77. 

Stirling,  Lady.— Agent  of,  47. 

Stirling,  Lord  (General  Alexander).— 192;  195. 

Stockwell,  Rev.  A.  P.— Quoted,  359;  363. 

Stony  Brook.— village  of,  996. 

Storms. — some  remarkable,  1025. 

Storrs,  Rev,  John.— 139. 

Storrs,  Rev.  Dr.  R.  S.— 139;  sketch  of,  430;  477. 

Stranahan,  J.  S.  T. — 368;  defeated  for  mayor,  412;  some 
public  services,  447. 

Street,  Charles  R.— Quoted,  276. 

Strong,  George  D..  Williamsburgh  speculator. — 347. 

Strong,  Rev.'T.  C— 545. 

Strong,  Rev.  Robert  G. — 275. 

Strong,  Dr.,  of  Flathush.— 148;  266;  317. 

Strycker,  Jan.- 60;  62;  267. 

Stryker,  Captain  Burdett,  of  the  Katydids.— 256. 

Stryker,  Francis  B.,  mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411;  412. 

Stuyvesant,  Governor.— 20;  47;  sketch  of,  59;  147;  157; 
163;  reprimanded  by  home  government,  170;  De 
Bevoise  a  protege  of,  268;  farm  at  Flatlands, 
310;  issues  patent  to  Midwout,  317;  to  New 
Utrecht,  331 ;  surveys  the  site  of  Boswijck  (Bush- 
wick), 328;  regard  for  Lady  Moody,  367;  angry 
with  Brooklyn  dwellers,  384;  385;  his  rule  on 
Long  Island,  390;  his  lien  on  the  ferry  earn- 
ings, 392. 

Sudani,  Yan. — 314. 

Sueberingh,  Jan. — 321. 

Suffolk  county. — Population,  3;  military  in  1776,  216; 
early  Masonic  lodge,  648;  in  war  of  1812,261; 
Dr.  Prime's  account  of,  790;  Characteristics,  955; 
in  the  Revolution,  935;  Rev.  Dr.  Whitaker's 
paper  on  "Fifty  Years  of  Suffolk  County,"  957; 
Suffolk  count,  authors,  962;  churches,  963;  emi- 
nent lawyers,  S)63;  professional  men,  964;  His- 
torical Society,  1005. 

Summer  resorts. — 577. 

Supreme  court  justices,  list  of. — 626. 

Sutherland,  Kenneth  F.,  Gravesend,  371. 

Sutphen,  Rev.  David  S.— 333. 

Suydam,  Capt.  Lambert.— 224. 

Swearing,  statute  against. — 115. 

Swedenborgians  on  Long  Island. — 164. 

Sylph.- wreck  of,  874. 

Sylvester.— family  of,  1028. 

Sylvester,  Constant.— 79. 

Sylvester,  Grizzel,  married  James  Floyd,  Boston. — 89. 

Sylvester,  Nathaniel. — 79;  89. 

Syosset.— 7;  railroad  to,  288. 

Talleyrand,  a  resident  of  Brooklyn.— 402. 
Tallmadge,  Col.  Benjamin.— 244;  his  brilliant  services 


in  the  Revolution,  245;  the  Tallmadge  family, 

Talmadge,  Thomas  G.,  mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411. 

Talmage,  Rev.  T.  DeWitt.— 458;  1068. 

Tammany  Society  in  War  of  1812.— 262. 

Tanner,  Corporal  James. — 481;  678. 

Tariff  duties,  early.— 69. 

Taxation  without  representation  condemned  at  early 
town  meetings. — 67. 

Taylor,  Rev.  John — 141. 

Temperance  society  in  Brooklyn. — 404. 

Tenney,  Asa  W.— 638. 

Terry  Family,  The.— 1019. 

Teunissen,  Guisbert,  of  Bushwick. — 838. 

Teunissen,  Jan. — 59;  320;  appointed  schout  of  Breuck- 
elen,  384. 

Thayre,  William.— 273. 

Theaters  in  Brooklyn. — 507. 

Thomas,  Rev.  John.— 144;  162. 

Thompson,  Col.  Benjamin  (Count  Rumford).— 222; 
desecrates  graves  at  Huntington,  971 

Thompson,  B.  F. — Sketch  of  Kings  county,  767. 

Thompson.  Richard  VVhyte.— 273. 

Thorburn,  Grant.— 569;  sketch  of,  572. 

Thorn,  Lieut.  Jonathan. — 397. 

Three-.Mile  Harbor.— Townsend  Scudder  on,  1069. 

Throop,  Rev.  William.— 139. 

Tilje,  Jan,  of  Bushwick.— 338. 

Tilton,  John,  pioneer  settler  of  Gravesend. — 362;  be- 
queaths a  plot  fQr  burymg  ground,  364. 

Tilton,  Theodore. — 45d. 

Titus,  Charles,  Bushwick.— 342. 

Titus,  Francis  J. — estate,  342. 

Titus,'  Major  Francis. — 267. 

Titus,  Samuel.— 68. 

Tompkins,  Gov.  Daniel  D.— 253;  263. 

Tonneman,  Pieter,  Schout  in  Breuckelen. — 385. 

Tooker,  Dr.  W.  Wallace. — 39;  quoted;  Indian  place 
names  in  Brooklyn,  40;  on  Rev.  Robert  Ford- 
ham,  142;  Indian  names  around  Sag  Harbor — 

Tooker,  John.- 1000. 

Townsend,  Madam  Sarah. — 933. 

Tracy,  Gen.  Benjamm  F.— 682. 

Tredwell,  Daniel  M.— .500. 

Trotter,  Jonathan,  Mayor  of  Brooklyn. — 411. 

Tryon,  Governor.— 190;  323. 

Tull,  Pieter.-314. 

Turnpike,  Brooklyn  and  Jamaica. — 281. 

Tyler,  President,  married  to  Julia  Gardiner.— 80. 

Underbill,  Capt.  John,  defeats  Indians  at   Fort    Neck, 

21;  Schout  of  Flushing,  629;  1018. 
Underbill,  J.  S.,  shipbuilder.— 469. 
Union  Hall,  Jamaica. — 275. 
Urquhart,  Rev.  W.— 161;  631;  553. 

Van  Anden,  Isaac,  of  the  Eagle. — 424. 

Van  Boerum,  William  Jacobse.— 267. 

Van  Borsum,  Egbert,  ferryman. — 392. 

Van  Brunt,  Major  Albert  C. — 257. 

Van  Brunt,  Rutgert  Joosten.— 330. 

Van  Brunt  family. — 330. 

Van  Buskirk,  Rev.  P.  V.— 363. 

Van  Cleef,  Jan.— 62. 

Van  Corlaer,  Jacob. — 46, 

Van  Cortlandt,  Stephen.— 986^ 

Van    Couwenhoven,    Wolfert  Gerritsen. — 54;  95;  311; 

Van  der  Boek,  Paulus.— 54;  60;  38.5. 

Vanderbilt,  Aries  Jansen. — 319. 

Vanderbilt,  Mrs.  Gertrude  L.— 146. 

A'anderbilt,  Jansen. — 319. 

Vanderbilt,  Hon.  John.— 154;  1.55;  273;  323. 

Vanderbilt,  John  J.— 273;  327. 

Vanderbilt,  William  K.— 989. 

\'anderveer.  Dr.  Adrian. — 325. 

Vanderveer,  Cornelius. — 320. 

Vandervoort,  John,  schoolmaster. — 270. 

Vandewater,  Benjamin.— 280. 

Vanderwyck,  Cornelius. — 319. 

\'an  Duyn,  John. — 323. 

\'an  Dycke,  Johann  Tomasse. — 330. 

Van  Eckelen,  Johannes,  schoolmaster. — 268. 

Van  Giesen,  Reynier. — 267. 

Van  Hatten,  Arent. — 60. 

Van  Kleeck,  Rev.  Richard  D.— 274. 

Van  Nest,  Rev.  Reynier.— 275;  561. 

Van  Nostrand,  Jan  Hansen. — 333. 

Van  Pelt,  Magdalena.— 332. 

Van  Pelt,  Gysbert  T.,  New  Utrecht.— 332. 

Van  Pelt,  Manor.— 329. 

\'an  Sickelen,  F^rnandus. — 58. 

Van  Sinderen,  Dominie. — 152. 

Van  Tienhoven,  Cornelius. — 49. 

Van  TwiUer.  Governor.— 46;. 53;  119;  erects  first  church 
in  New  Netherland,  134;  secures  lands  at  P'lat- 
lands,  311;  lands  at  Red  Hook,  382. 

Van  Wyck,  Abraham  H.— 513. 

Van  Zuren,  Rev.  Casparus.— 148;  3.32, 

Verazzano,  John,  voyage  of  1524. — 43. 

Von  Rossem,  Huyck  Aertsen. — 59. 

Voorhees,  Abram. — 314. 

\'oorhees,  Adrian. — 322. 

Voorhees,  Isaac. — 314. 

Voorhees,  Luykas. — 314. 

Wading  River.— 7;  1010;  railroad  extended  to,  302. 

Wainscott.— village  of,  1071. 

Walker,  Rev.  Zachariah.— .5.50. 

Wall,  William,  last  mayor  of  WiUiamsburgh.— 351. 

Wallabout,  The.— 382;  '397;  market,  511. 

Wampum. — 25,  49. 

Wantenaer,  Albert  Cornells. — 62. 

Ward,  Richard,  chief  of  the  Poosepatucks.— 39. 

Waring.  Nathaniel  F.— 653. 

War  of  1812—250;  defenses  at  New  Utrecht,  335; 
skii-mish  near  Wading  river. — 1010. 

Warren,  Gen.  G.  K.— Statue  of,  448. 

Washburn,  William.— 60. 

Washington,  George. — Address  from  Provincial  Con- 
gress, 190;  arrives  in  New  York  and  assumes 
command  of  forces  there,  197;  Loyalist  plot,  196; 
address  from  Bushwick,  340;  visits  Flushing, 
532;  visits  Jamaica,  563.  See  also  local  refer- 

Water  Supply,  Brooklyn.— 450. 

Waterbury,  Noah,  "  Father  of  WiUiamsburgh."— 344; 
first  president  of  village,  345. 

Webb,  Capt.  Thomas.— 162. 

Webb,  W.  S.— 314. 

Webster,  Daniel.— at  Babylon,  977. 

Wells,  Benjamin  Horton.— 1023. 

Wells,  Capt.  John.— 1010. 

Wells,  John.— 626. 

Werckhoven,  Cornelius  Van.— 24;  .329. 

Westbury.— village  of,  917. 

West  Brooklyn,  New  Utrecht.— 328. 

West  End  Coney  Island.— 374. 

Westervelt,  Abram.— 315. 

West  India  Trading  Company. — 45. 

Whaleboat  campaign. — The,  y27. 

Whalefishing.— 871;  R.  M.  Bayles  on,  872;  at  Green- 
port;  list  of  ships,  1022. 

Whalefishing,  early.— 9U;  Sag  Harbor,  1043. 

Whaley,  Alexander,  of  the  Boston  Tea  Party.— 340. 

Wheelock,  Rev.  Eleazar. — 35. 

White  (railroad)  Line.— 295. 

White,  Rev.  Sylvanus.— 142. 

Whitehead,  Daniel.— 89. 

Whitestone.— 634. 

Whiting,  Rev.  Joseph.— 142. 

Whitlock,  Thomas.-314. 

Whitman,  Walt.^24;  sketch  of,  425. 

Whitney,  Mayor. — 485. 

Whittaker,  Rev.  Epher,  D.  D.— 139;  sketch  of,  140. 

Wicks,  Thomas.— 68. 

Wilkins,  William,  of  Gravesend.— 362. 

Williamsburgh.— 341;  WoodhuU's first  speculation,342; 
Morrell's  opposition,  343;  early  road  to  Brook- 
lyn, 342;  the  ferry,  342;  first  church,  343;  the 
father  of  Williamsburgh,  344;  village  organiza- 
tion, 345;  rapid  progress,  346;  wild  land  specu- 
lation, 346;  the  crash,  347;  healthful  recovery, 
348;  churches,  nevi'spapers,  literary  societies 
and  banks,  348;  a  city  charter,  348;  history  in 
street  names,  349;  the  first  mayor,  350;  the  curse 
of  politics,  350;  annexation,  351. 

Williamsburgh  and  Brooklyn. — Story  of  consolidation, 

Williamsburgh  Democrat,  The,  started. — 348. 

Wills.— Cornells  Van  Catts,  114;  Benjamin  Conkling, 
114;  Pelletreau's  volume  of  "Abstracts"  re- 
ferred to,  114;  William  Ludlam,  of  Southamp- 
ton, 114;  John  Foster,  of  Rustdorp,  114;  John 
Hart,  of  Maspeth  Hills,  114;  Ralph  Hunt,  of 
Newtown,  114;  Rev.  Thomas  James,  1060. 

Wilmot,  Rev.  Walter.-.553. 

Wilson,  Capt.  John.— 257. 

Wilson.  Dr.,  Flatbush.— 273. 

Windsor  Terrace,  village.— 326. 

Witchcraft.— Trial  of  Mary  Wright,  173;  trial  of  Ralph 
Hull  and  wife,  174;  trial  of  Goody  Garlicke,  174. 

Withers,  Reuben,  of  Houston  street  ferry. — 349. 

Woertman,  Dirch  Janssen. — 99. 

Wood,  Col.  Alfred  M.,  mayor  of  Brooklyn.— 444;  465. 

Wood,  Fernando,  niavor  of  New  York.— 446. 

Wood,  George  M.— 628. 

Wood,  Jonas. — 68. 

Wood,  Silas,  quoted.— 25. 

Wood,  William,  of  The  Eagle.— 424. 

WoodhuU,  Gen.  Nathaniel,  180;  sketch  of,  237;  vari- 
ous stories  of  details  of  capture,  240;  the  death 
of  a  patriot  and  a  Christian,  242;  thoughts  on 
his  career  and  services,  243;  the  long  talked  of 
monument  still  talked  of,  244;  the  De  Sille 
house,  where  he  died,  330. 

Woodhull,  Richard  M.,  founder  of  Williamsburgh,342. 

WoodhuU,  Richard,  founder  of  a  famous  family. — 991. 

Woodhull,  Rev.  Selah  S.— 160. 

Woodruff,  Horace.— 276. 

Woodruff,  Rev.  William.— 550. 

Woodworth,  H.  D.— 314. 

Woodworth,  Samuel,  poem  "The  Patriotic  Diggers." 

Woolsev,  Rev.  Benjamin.— 137;  145. 

Wright,'  Peter.— 89. 

Writers'  Club,  The.— 502. 

Wurster,  Mayor.^87. 

Wyandanch— Tragedy  of,  20;  30;  31;  89. 

Wyckoff,  Peter,  Gov.  Stuyvesant's  farmer. — 311. 

Wykoff's  Hotel,  Coney  Island.— 372. 

Yaphank.— village  of,  996. 

Yellow  fever  epidemics. — 405;  452. 

York,  G.  D.— 276. 

Yorktown,  projected  town. — 343. 

Youngs,  Rev.  John,  of  Southold. — 134. 

Youngs,  Capt.  John. — 136. 

Youngs,  Col.  John.— 1016;  1019;  1023. 

Youngs,  John,  sheriff. — 69. 

Youngs,  Rev.  John. — 1012. 

Zeeaw,  Jan  Cornelise,  of  Bushwick.^38. 

Zeelen,  Johann,  early  settler  at  New  Utrecht. — 329. 


PROEM.  • 


A  PART  of  the  state  of  New  York, 
Long  Island  can  hardlj' be  said  to  have 
now  any  separate  political  interest  or 
to  have  at  any  time  in  the  past  done  an\- 
more  than  a  like  share  with  the  other  sections  of 
the  Empire  State  in  building  up  in  Congress, 
in  the  tented  field,  or  in  the  realms  of  liter- 
ature, science  or  art,  the  country  of  whose 
present  greatness,  of  whose  rank  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth  we  are  all  so  proud. 
The  inland  has  fully  met  every  claim  made 
upon  her ;  in  the  Revolution  she  suffered  much 
and  deeply,  and  the  name  of  Woodhull  and 
many  another  gallant  hero  ranks  high  on  the 
honored  roll  of  those  who  sacrificed  home  and 
property  and  life  that  political  and  religious 
freedom  might  live;  in  the  war  of  1812  she 
was  ready  to  meet  any  invading  force,  and 
her  ships  helped  to  win  the  victory  and  to 
wrest  from  Britain,  for  a  time,  at  least,  that 
country's  old  claim  to  invincibility  on  the  sea ; 
in  the  Civil  war  she  liberally  contributed  men 
and  treasure  to  preserve  intact  what  the  found- 
ers of  the  Republic  had  fought  for,  and  in 
the  war  with  Spain  she  freely  responded  to 
the  call  of    the  General    Government.     But, 

then,  other  sections  of  the  state  acted  equally 
as  nobly,  according  to  the  measure  of  their 

Still,  Long  Island  did  exert,  indirectly,  it 
is  true,  but  none  the  less  clearly  traceable  and 
unmistakable,  a  degree  of  influence  upon  the 
general  history  of  the  country,  especially  in 
the  early  stages — the  stages  when  history  was 
being  made  and  precedents  established.  It  has 
always  been  obedient  to  established  authority, 
but  when  the  rights  of  the  individual  or  the 
community  were  assailed  or  trampled  on — be 
the  government  Dutch  or  English — it  has  led 
the  way  in  defending  those  rights,  and  even 
Peter  Stuyvesant  found  the  farmers  of  Long 
Island  more  troublesome  and  determined,  at 
times,  than  the  burghers  of  New  Amsterdam. 
The  keynote  of  liberty  resounded  over  the 
island  long  before  the  call  to  arms  was  made, 
and  one  of  her  sons  was  among  the  immortals 
who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
while  another  presided  over  the  discussions 
of  the  first  patriot  assembly  of  the  state  of 
New  York.  The  position  it  held  in  the  mo- 
mentous affairs  of  the  latter  half  of  1776,  when 
it  was  regarded  by  the  veteran   Generals  of 


King  George  as  the  key  by  which  the  continent^ 
was  to  be  opened  up  again  to  British  au- 
thority, was  alone  sufficient  to  exalt  it  to  a 
position  among  the  shrines  of  the  nation,  one 
'of  the  spots  on  which  the  struggle  for  liberty 
was  most  strenuously  waged,  and  where, 
though  defeated,  it  was  shown  that  in  military 
skill  and  finesse  the  Continentals  were  the 
equal  of  their  adversaries,  the  veterans  of 
many  wars.  It  was  there,  too,  that  Washing- 
ton first  earned  his  right  to  be  regarded  as  one 
of  the  greatest  captains  of  his  time,  of  any  time. 
But  besides  this  Long  Island  showed,  even 
before  the  Revolution,  that  the  people  were 
perfectly  fit  to  rule  themselves  and  the  various 
town  governments  were  models  of  local  au- 
thority for  the  rest  of  the  country.  .  Even  un- 
der the  Dutch  the  townships  enjoyed  a  gen- 
erous measure  of  local  rule,  and  what  was  not 
allowed  by  the  authorities  in  the  fort  on  Man- 
hattan they  took  themselves.  In  fact  the  whole 
course  of  the  history  of  Long  Island  shows 
that  the  less  the .  general  government  inter- 
fered with  local  affairs  the  better  the  result 
all  round.  The  Dutch  paternal  rule  in  the 
western  section,  the  English  town  rule  in  the 
eastern,  and  the  happy  way  in  which  in  Queens 

county  both  Dutch  and  English  could  pool 
their  issues,  could  respect  each  other's  religious 
views  and  notions  of  statecraft,  could  live  to- 
gether in  peace  and  harmony,  formed  three 
significant  conditions  which  were  not  lost  upon 
the  statesmen  who  were  engaged  in  the  work 
of  bridging  this  country  safely  across  the 
chasm  which  separated  the  disjointed  and 
jealous  colonies  into  a  strong  and  united 

Long  Island  since  the  echoes  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary war  have  died  away  has  always  been 
found  ranged  on  the  side  of  liberty  and  tolera- 
tion, her  representatives  in  Congress  and  in 
the  assembly  have  been  men  who  by  their 
talents  commanded  respect  and  by  their  efforts 
added  largely  to  the  progress  the  nation  has 
made  in  all  the  arts  that  render  men  happy 
and  ensure  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  She 
has  been  to  a  certain  extent  a  community  in 
herself,  she  so  remains  in  a  great  measure  to 
the  passing  day,  and  presents,  in  fact,  in  her 
own  career  an  epitome  of  all  that  makes  the 
country  really  great,  thrift,  honesty  and  re- 
ligion leavening  the  whole,  while  progressive- 
ness,  energy  and  a  v/atchfulness  for  oppor- 
tunities add  year  by  year  to  the  general  wealth. 

rah  Jansen  De  Rapelje,  by 



ONG  ISLAND  lies  between  40  de- 
crees, 34  minutes,  and  41  degrees,  10 
minutes,  north  latitude,  and  between 
71  degrees,  51  minutes,  and  74  de- 
grees, 4  minutes,  west  longitude  from  Green- 
wich, England.  It  is  bounded  south  and  east 
by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  on  the  north  by  Long 
Island  Sound  and  on  the  west  by  New  York 
Bay  and  the  East  River,  which  latter  divides  it 
from  Manhattan  Island.  Its  length  is  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles,  its  average 
width  about  fourteen  miles,  and  its  total  area 
927,900  acres.      It  is  divided  into  the  counties 


e  popula 

ion  according  to  wards  and 


is  given 

as  follows 





Wds.          Pop. 


1  ... 



17  . . .      rj7..309 




18...      2.-),  133 


:! . . . 



19  . . .      37,()45 


4  ... 



20  .  . .      2.i.44(i 

401.. 50 



11!).  40 

21  . .  .       .->8,!).-)7 


() ... 



22  .  .  .      (>().. -)7.-) 


7  . .  . 



23...      ()l,8i;{ 


,s  .  .  . 



24...      31.7(i7 


!)  . 



2.5  .  .  .       48,. 328 





20...       (iO,0,SO 


11  ... 


2.")2  (iO 

27  .  .  .       43  091 


12  ... 


(HkI  id 

2S  .  .  .       77  912 




■>:'M  '■'•!' 

■.".) ...     ■-';  iss 

3  800  00 

14  ... 


■>s-'  i;i) 


].■)  ... 


:;i  ...      1  i.ooii 


10  .  .  . 



244. so 

32...        8,243 





*Include3  swamp 

lands  and  unattached  islands. 









40  903 

14  700  00 




of  Kings,  Queens,  Nassau  and  Suffolk;  but 
all  of  Kings  and  part  of  Queens  are  now  under 
the  general  government  of  the  greater  New- 
York,  although  still  retaining  their  county  or- 
ganization; The  population  of  these  divisions 
according  to  the  census  of  1900  was  as  follows: 

Kings  ....   1,166,582  I  Queens 152,999 

Nassau...        55,448  |  Suffolk 55,582 

Being  a  total  for  Long  Island  of  1,452,611.* 
In  1880  the  total  was  743,957,  and  in  1890, 
1,029,097,  so  that  a  considerable  advance  has 
been  made.      The  advance  has  been  greatest 

Wards.  Population.         Acres. 

4 30,761         36,600.00 

5 7,193  4,933.00 

Total 152,999        82,883.00 


Hempstead   Township 27.067 

North  Hempstead  Township 12,048 

Oyster  Bay  Township 10,3.33 

Total .55,448 


Babylon  Township 7,112 

Brook-haven  Township 14,590 

Easthampton  Township .3,740 

Huntington  Township 9,483 

*Islip  Township 12, .545 

Riverhead  Township 4,.503 

Shelter  Island  Township 1,006 

tSmithtown  Township 5,863 

Southampton  Township 10,.371 

Southold  Township 8,.301 

Total 77,582 

*Includes  1,.349  people  on  the  premises  of  the  Manhattan 

State  Hospital  for  the  Insane, 
'i-Includes   3,177    people    on    the    premises  of  the    Long 

Island  State  Hospital, 


in  Kings  county,  but  all  the  divisions  show 
substantial  increases. 

The  island  as  a  whole  is  flat  and  low-lying. 
Through  the  centre  is  a  range  of  small  hills 
from  New  Utrecht  northeasterly  to  Roslyn, 
and  from  there  extending  to  Montauk  Point, 
the  best  known  being  West,  Dix,  Comae,  Bald 
and  Shinnecock  Hills.  The  average  height  of 
this  chain  is  about  250  feet,  but  Harbor  PI  ill 
at  Roslyn  rises  to  a  height  of  384  feet,  Janes 
Hill  to  383  feet,  Reuland's  Hill  to  340  feet 
and  Wheatley  Hill  to  369  feet.  Along  the 
north  shore  from  Astoria  to  Orient  Point  a 
bluff  follows  the  outline  of  the  coast,  rising 
sometimes  to  a  height  of  200  feet.  From  the 
central  chain  of  hills  to  the  south  shore  the 
land  slopes  gently  down  to  the  sea,  and  much 
of  the  land,  being  pure  sand,  was  long  ui- 
capable  of  cultivation,  although  it  is  yielding 
to  modern  methods  and  appliances.  Between 
these  hills  and  the  bluff"  which  overhangs  the 
north  shore  is  a  level  elevated  plain,  broken 
in  many  places  by  rocks  and  glacial  del)ris, 
but  on  the  whole  capable  of  being  brought  to 
a  high  state  of  cultivation.  The  physica*l  ap- 
pearance of  the  entire  island  bears  witness  to 
the  force  of  the  movements  of  nature  in  the 
glacial  period,  and  nowhere  in  America  can 
that  wonderful  epoch  be  more  closely  or  un- 
derstandingly  studied.  In  a  general  way  it 
may  be  said  that  the  south  shore  is  level,  while 
the  north  is  full  of  bits  of  rugged  nature, 
rocks,  dells,  splendid  marine  and  land  views 
and  an  ever  changing  vista  of  hills,  forests, 
cultivated  fields  and  rich  pasture  lands. 

The  entire  coast  line  is  indented  with  bays 
and  inlets,  some  forming  even  in  their  rugged- 
ness  beautiful  landscapes,  and  many  of  them 
affording  splendid  harbors  and  anchorages. 
On  the  south  side  of  the  island  is  the  Greai 
South  Bay  as  it  is  called  (although  local 
names  have  been  given  to  several  sections), 
nearly  one  hundred  miles  long  and  from  two 
to  five  miles  broad,  and  it  is  separated  from 
the  Atlantic  by  a  sandy  bar  from  a  fourth  of  a 
mile  to  a  mile  in  width,  changing  its  dimen- 
sions in   every  direction  with  every  winter's 

stomi.  To  the  west  end  of  the  island  are 
Jamaica,  Hempstead,  Oyster  and  Huntington 
Bays,  and  at  the  east  end  Gardiner's,  Little 
Peconic  and  Great  Peconic  Bays ;  and  the  Pe- 
conic  River,  the  only  stream  of  water  of  any 
size  on  the  island,  ends  its  course  of  some 
fifteen  miles  at  Riverhead.  Gardiner's,  Fish- 
er's and  Plumb  Islands  are  politically  incor- 
porated with  Long  Island. 

There  are  scattered  throughout  the  island, 
especially  throughout  its  eastern  half,  many 
small  sheets  of  inland  water,  none  worthy  of 
mention  in  a  summary  such  as  this  except  one, 
the  largest  of  them  all — Lake  Ronkonkoma. 
This  beautiful  lake,  about  three  miles  in  cir- 
cumference, has  a  maximum  depth  of  eighty- 
three  feet ;  its  waters  are  ever  pure  and  cool, 
and  it  has  no  visible  outlet  or  inlet.  The  lat- 
ter peculiarities  are  common  to  many  much 
smaller  lakes  on  the  island.  Ronkonkoma  lies 
in  the  midst  of  a  beautiful  landscape,  into 
which  it  fits  naturally,  becoming  the  centre  of 
one  of  the  most  delightful  bits  of  scenery  on 
Long  Island.  It  was  famous  for  its  beauty 
even  in  the  prehistoric  Indian  days,  when  the 
red  man  reigned  and  roamed  over  the  soil,  and 
many  quaint  and  pathetic  legends  are  yet  as- 
sociated with  it,  although  it  has  now  received 
the  tinsel  adornments  common  to  a  popular 

The  ocean  bottom  to  the  south  of  Long 
Island  has  a  slope  of  about  six  feet  to  the 
mile,  but  intersected  in  what  appears  to  have 
been  the  old  valley  of  the  Hudson  by  a  series 
of  deep  depressions.  In  that  distant  time  the 
shores  of  Long  Island  were  much  higher  than 
now.  It  is  impossible  to  tell  when  the  age  of 
retrogression  set  in,  but  it  seems  clear  that  the 
process  is  still  going  on,  although  so  slowly 
as  hardly  to  make  any  change  visible  to  the 
casual  eye  in  any  single  generation. 

The  animal  life  on  Long  Island  presented 
nothing  unusual.  We  have  plenty  of  evidence 
that  deer  once  had  the  freedom  of  the  whole 
island  and  were  hunted  by  the  red  men  and 
the  earlier  settlers;  but  they  have  long  been 
reduced  to  limited  numbers  in  spite  of  the  most 


stringent  game  laws.  It  has  been  thought  that 
the  moose  and  elk  once  roamed  through  the 
forests,  and  in  1712  we  read  of  an  attempt 
being  made  to  ship  a  pair  of  moose  from 
Fisher's  Island  to  England  as  a  gift  to  Queen 
Anne,  but  this  pair  seems  to  have  been  the 
last  of  the  race.  Wolves  which  so  often  played 
havoc  with  the  lives  and  stock  of  the  pioneer 
settlers  have  long  since  disappeared.  Foxes, 
too,  which  were  plentiful  at  one  time,  are  now 
imported,  or  the  aniseed  trail  is  made  to  do 
duty  in  their  stead  for  hunting  purposes,  and 
the  old-time  presence  of  wild  cats,  beavers, 
bears,  opossum,  raccoons  and  many  others  is 
forgotten.  It  may  be  said  that  all  the  animals 
common  to  New  York  and  Connecticut  were 
common  to  Long  Island,  and  are  so  still,  al- 
though the  increasing  march  of  population 
and  culture  renders  their  numbers  smaller  year 
after  year.  Bird  life  was  and  is  plentiful, 
and  grouse  in  the  earlier  days  especially  so. 
It  has  been  said  that  some  320  species  have 
been  found  on  the  island,  specimens  of  most  of 
them  being  in  the  museum  of  the  Long  Island 
Historical  Society.  The  island  was  a  resting 
place  for  many  migratory  species  of  birds  on 
their  semi-annual  journeys  north  and  south  or 
vice  irrsa,  and  at  such  seasons  it  was  a  verit- 
able sportman's  paradise.  Indeed  hunting 
was  long,  with  agriculture,  one  of  the  arts  by 
which  the  pioneers  added  to  their  store  of 
wealth,  while  in  the  hands  of  an  Indian  a  skin 
was  a  facile  medium  of  exchange.  The  people, 
however,  were  early  aroused  to  a  consciousness 
that  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  animals  or 
birds  was  a  thing  to  be  guarded  against,  and 
as  early  as  1786  the  slaughter  of  deer  and 
grouse  was  prohibited  in  Brookhaven  except 
to  actual  citizens  of  the  town.  Since  then 
the  successive  restrictions  upon  hunting  have 
been  numerous  enough  to  form  a  theme  for 
separate  study,  but  stringent  as  they  are  Long 
Island  is  yearly  becoming  less  and  less  a  happy 
hunting  ground  for  the  man  who  goes  out 
with  a  gun  anxious  to  shoot  something. 

But  in  spite  of  the  restrictions,  the  man 

with  the  gun  keeps  steadily  in  evidence.  On 
Nov.  6,  1901,  when  the  season  for  killing  deer 
opened,  it  was  estimated  that  2,000  "hunters" 
armed  with  rifles  were  on  Long  Island,  ready 
for  the  "sport."  It  was  then  estimated  that 
about  2,000  deer  were  on  Long  Island,  the  bulk 
being,  roughly,  in  the  central  portion  extend- 
ing from  Islip  and  Setauket  to  Riverhead.  The 
center  of  the  hunting  area  is  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  South  Side  Sportsmen's  Club  at 
Oakdale  in  whose  preserves  the  deer  are  not 
permitted  to  be  killed,  even  by  its  own  mem- 
bers. It  is  possible  that  it  is  to  this  org-aniza- 
tion,  and  to  the  rigid  way  in  which  it  guards 
its  grounds  and  protects  the  game  from  slaugh- 
ter that  the  deer  on  Long  Island  have  not  been 
exterminated  long  ago.  It  is  one  of  the  dis- 
puted points  on  the  island  whether  or  not  the 
deer  really  should  be  preserved.  The  farmers 
would  vote  for  their  extermination,  while  the 
hotel-keepers  and  the  summer  visitors  would 
like  their  numbers  increased.  The  growth  of 
large  private  estates  within  recent  years  would 
indicate  a  careful  preservation  of  all  sorts  of 
game  and  a  consequent  increase  in  numbers, 
especially  of  deer — the  most  picturesque  of  all 
game  in  civilized  and  populated  communities. 
As  early  as  1679  we  find  the  oyster  industry 
in  the  Great  South  Bay  a  marked  feature, — 
so  marked  that  even  then  there  was  considered 
a  possibility  that  the  supply  would  be  ex- 
hausted and  orders  were  issued  restricting  the 
annual  catch;  but  the  bay  from  then  to  now 
has  yearly  extended  its  output,  and  the  oyster 
industry  of  Long  Island  has  brought  to  it 
more  material  wealth  than  any  other.  The 
inexhaustible  supply  of  clams  has  also  proved 
a  profitable  industry  and  over  $1,000,000  of 
capital  is  employed  in  the  Menhaden  fishery 
alone.  The  factories  where  the  oil  is  ex- 
tracted from  these  fish  have  never  been  popu- 
lar in  Long  Island  for  various  reasons,  but 
thev  still  give  employment  to  several  thousand 
workers  every  year  in  one  way  or  another, 
and  have  contributed  their  share  to  the  com- 


mercial  upbuilding  of  the  section.  Cod,  bass 
and  blue  fish  and  other  species — some  200 
in  all,  it  has  been  estimated — are  common  to 
the  shores  of  Long  Island,  and  generally  are 
to  be  found,  in  their  season,  in  immense  quan- 
tities. The  fisheries  form  quite  a  feature  of 
the  industrial  life  of  the  island,  but  the  finan- 
cial result,  great  as  it  is,  is  but  a  fraction  of 
what  it  should  be  were  the  wealth  of  the  sea 
worked  as  zealously  and  as  scientifically  as 
that  which  lies  beneath  the  soil.  However, 
Long  Island  has  long  been  a  delight  to  the 
amateur  angler,  and  the  many  successful  sport- 
ing clubs  of  which  it  now  can  boast  all  include 
angling,  either  with  the  seine  or  "with  an 
angle,"  after  the  gentle  manner  of  old  Izaak 

Although  from  a  botanical  point  of  view 
the  plant  life  of  Long  Island  is  not  as  varied 
or  interesting  as  might  be  expected,  still,  if 
we  accept  the  estimate  made  by  Elias  Lewis 
in  1883  that  there  were  then  eighty-three 
species  of  forest  trees  within  its  boundaries, 
there  is  not  much  cause  for  complaint.  The 
most  prolific  of  these  trees  was  the  locust, 
which  was  first  planted  at  Sand's  Point  about 
1700  by  Captain  John  Smith,  who  brought 
the  pioneer  specimens  from  Virginia.  It 
spread  with  great  rapidity  and  the  quality  of 
its  lumber  was  regarded  as  better  than  that 
in  the  trees  it  left  behind  in  its  parent  state. 
Nowhere  else  on  the  Atlantic  coast  does  the 
locust  flourish  as  on  Long  Island.  Oaks, 
chestnut  and  walnut  trees  are  to  be  found  all 
over  the  island  in  great  variety. 

"Long  Island,"  writes  Mr.  Elias  Lewis, 
"is  fairly  well  wooded.  Its  forests  are  of  oak, 
hickory,  chestnut,  locust,  with  many  other 
species  of  deciduous  trees.  The  evergreens 
indigenous  to  the  soil  are  almost  entirely  of 
the  yellow  or  pitch  pine,  Pinus  rigida.  At  an 
early  period  of  its  history  the  forest  growth 
of  the  island  was  doubtless  heavier  than  now. 
There  were  oaks,  chestnuts,  tulip  trees,  and 
others  of  great  age  and  of  immense  size:  a 
few  of  these  survive.    The  fox  oaks  at  Flush- 

ing, no  longer  existing,  were  historic  trees 
and  justly  celebrated.  A  white  oak  at  Green- 
vale,  near  Glen  Cove,  is  twenty-one  feet  in 
girth,  and  is  probably  five  hundred  years  old ; 
another  nearly  as  old  is  at  Manhassett,  in  the 
Friends'  meeting-house  yard ;  others  similar 
are  at  Smithtown  and  vicinity.  A  tulip  tree 
at  Lakeville,  on  the  elevated  grounds  of  S.  B. 
M.  Cornell,  impaired  by  age  and  storms,  is 
twenty-six  feet  in  girth  near  the  ground,  and 
was  a  landmark  from  the  ocean  more  than  a 
century  ago.  The  famous  black  walnut  at 
Roslyn,  on  grounds  of  the  late  W.  C.  Bryant, 
is  probably  the  largest  tree  on  Long  Island ;  it 
measures  twenty-nine  feet  in  girth  at  the 
ground,  and  twenty-one  feet  at  the  smallest 
part  of  the  trunk  below  the  spread  of  its  enor- 
mous branches.  Chestnut  trees  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Brookville  and  Norwich,  in  the 
town  of  Oysteir  Bay,  are  sixteen,  eighteen  and 
twenty-two  feet  in  girth. 

"The  growth  of  hard-wood  trees  on  Long 
Island  is  rapid.  A  few  large  trees  stand- 
ing indicate  what  they  may  have  been,  ur  what 
they  might  be  if  undisturbed.  The  evergreens 
grow  with  equal  luxuriousness.  A  century 
and  a  half  ago  pitch  pines  were  abundant  from 
twenty  inches  to  thirty-six  inches  in  diam- 

Of  the  physical  history  of  Long  Island, 
however,  the  most  interesting  feature  has  been 
its  geology,  and  this  has  been  so  thoroughly 
recognized  that  most  of  the  local  historians, 
including  Thompson  and  Prime,  have  devoted 
to  the  subject  considerable  space  in  their  re- 
spective works.  It  is  well  to  follow  their  ex- 
ample, but  in  this  case  an  improvement  will 
be  effected  by  presenting  the  subject  as  handled 
by  a  specialist, — for  no  one  but  a  devoted  and 
constant  student  of  geology  can  write  under- 
standingly  and  with  authority  upon  the  young- 
est and  most  exhaustive  of  all  the  sciences,  as 
some  one  has  called  it.  So  here  is  given  part 
of  a  paper  on  the  geology  of  Long  Island 
which  was  prepared  by  F.  J.  H.  jMerrill.  the 
learned  and  studious  State  Geologist  of  New 


York,  and  which  has  been  buried  in  the  trans- 
actions of  one  of  our  scientific  societies  for 
several  years: 

The  lithology  of  Long  Island  is  compara- 
tively simple,  the  crystalline  rocks  being  con- 
fined to  quite  a  limited  area.  The  greater  part 
of  the  region  consists  of  gravel,  sand  and 
clay,  overlaid  along  the  north  shore  and  for 
some  distance  southward  by  glacial  drift. 
This  material  fonns  an  important  element  of 
the  surface  formation,  and  though  it  has  been 
already  described  by  Mather  and  Upham,  I 
shall  devote  a  short  space  to  its  discussion. 
For  the  sake  of  clearness,  we  may  describe 
the  drift  as  of  two  kinds :  ist,  the  till  or  drift 
proper,  a  heterogeneous  mixture  of  gravel, 
sand  and  clay,  with  boulders,  and  2d,  the 
gravel  drift,  a  deposit  of  coarse  yellow  gravel 
and  sand,  brought  to  its  present  place  by 
glacial  and  alluvial  action,  but  existing  near 
by  in  a  stratified  condition,  before  the  arrival 
of  the  glacier.  This  yellow  gravel  drift,  which 
in  a  comparatively  unaltered  condition  forms 
the  soil  of  the  pine  barrens  of  southern  and 
eastern  Long  Island,  and  is  exposed  in  section 
at  Grossman's  brickyard  in  Huntington,  is 
equivalent  to  and  indeed  identical  with  the 
yellow  drift  or  preglacial  drift  of  New  Jersey, 
a  formation  of  very  great  extent  in  that  state, 
and  of  which  the  origin  and  source  have  not 
yet  been  fully  explained,  though  it  is  always 
overlaid  by  the  glacial  drift  proper  where  these 
formations  occur  together. 

In  the  hills  near  Brooklyn  the  till  attains 
its  maximum  depth.  This  has  never  been 
definitely  ascertained,  but  is  probably  between 
150  and  200  feet.  The  only  information  we 
have  on  the  subject  is  from  a  boring  in  Calvary 
Cemetery,  where  the  drift  was  139  feet  deep, 
and  this  point  is  nearly  five  miles  north  of 
Mount  Prospect,  which  is  194  feet  high  and 
probably  consists  for  the  most  part  of  till. 
The  occurrence  of  this  till  is  quite  local  and 
very  limited  along  the  north  shore  between 
Roslyn  and  Horton's  Point.  From  the  former 
locality  eastward  the  hills  are  mainly  composed 
of  stratified  gravel  and  sand,  probably  under- 
laid by  clay.  On  the  railroad  between  Syosset 
and  Setauket  is  an  abundance  of  coarse  gravel 
with  but  slight  stratification.  East  of  Setauket 
for  some  distance  the  drift  is  a  fine  yellowish 
sand,  which  washes  white  on  the  surface,  and 
at  Wading  River  the  drift  with  cobble-stones 
was  only  eighteen  inches  thick  where  exposed, 
being  underlaid  with  fine  yellow  sand.    Along 

the  remainder  of  the  north  shore  to  Orient 
Point,  six  feet  was  the  maximum  depth  of  drift 
observed.  Under  this  were  stratified  sands, 
gravels  and  clays,  usually  dipping  slightly 
from  the  shore.  On  Brown's  Hills,  north  of 
Orient,  the  drift  is  overlaid  by  three  feet  of 
fine  micaceous  sand,  which  has  probably  been 
carried  to  its  present  position  by  the  wind. 
The  drift  at  this  locality  is  a  clayey  till,  and 
its  surface  is  strewn  with  an  abundance  of 
boulders  of  coarse  red  gneiss.  On  Shelter 
Island  are  high  ridges  of  gravel  overlaid  by 
a  few  feet  of  till.  The  hills  from  Sag  Harbor 
eastward  are  also  composed  partially  of  un- 
modified drift,  but  the  most  extensive  deposit 
on  the  east  end  of  Long  Island  is  between 
Nepeague  Bay  and  Montauk  Point.  Here  the 
drift  is  disposed  in  rounded  hillocks  from  80 
to  200  feet  above  the  sea,  with  bowl  and 
trough-shaped  depressions  between.  The 
bluft's  along  the  south  shore,  which  are  rapidly 
yielding  to  the  action  of  the  waves,  consist 
for  the  most  part  of  boulder  clay  and  hard- 
pan  of  considerable  depth,  covered  by  a  shal- 
lower layer  of  till.  At  a  few  places,  however, 
on  the  south  shore,  west  of  the  point,  laminated 
blue  clay  streaked  with  limonite  occurs,  inter- 
calated with  the  till.  At  the  end  of  the  point 
a  similar  bed  of  clay  is  exposed,  overlaid  by 
stratified  sand.  From  the  extremely  limited 
character  of  the  exposures  I  am  unable  to  de- 
termine whether  the  clay  underlies  the  whole 
of  the  point  or  is  merely  local  in  its  occur- 
rence. In  character  and  position,  however,  it 
is  analogous  to  beds  occurring  on  Block  Island. 
The  boulders  of  Long  Island  attract  the  at- 
tention of  the  geologist  by  their  size  and 
variety.  They  represent  almost  every  geolog- 
ical age,  fossiliferous  rocks  of  the  Helderberg, 
Oriskany  and  Cauda  Galli,  Hamilton,  Che- 
mung and  Eocene  periods  having  been  found 
in  the  drift.  Examples  of  these  are  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society. 
There  are  also  various  members  of  the  Arch- 
aean series,  viz.,  gneiss,  granite,  syenite,  horn- 
blende, chlorite,  talcose  and  mica  schist,  lime- 
stone, dolomite,  and  serpentine ;  and  the 
Palajozoic  and  Mesozoic  ages  are  represented 
by  Potsdam  sandstone,  Hudson  River  slate, 
Oneida  conglomerate  or  Shawangunk  grit, 
Catskill  sandstone,  and  Triassic  sandstone  and 
trap.  As  the  lithology  of  the  boulders  has 
been  described  in  detail  by  Mather  (Geol.  ist 
Dist.  N.  Y.,  pp.  165-177),  it  would  be  super- 
fluous for  me  to  undertake  a  similar  descrip- 


In  addition  to  the  rocks  mentioned  above,  a 
ferruginous  sandstone  and  conglomerate  occur 
abundantly  in  fragments  along  the  east  shore 
of  Hempstead  Harbor,  and  in  the  drift  be- 
tween Glen  Cove  and  Oyster  Bay.  Many  of 
these  fragments  contain  vegetable  impres- 
sions, but  in  only  two  localities  have  any  leaf 
prints  been  found.  These  were  West  Island, 
Dosoris,  and  the  well  of  the  Williamsburg  Gas 
Co.  The  prints  are  supposed  to  belong  to 
Cretaceous  plants,  but  the  evidence  is  incom- 

Many  of  the  erratic  blocks  are  of  immense 
size,  one  in  particular,  of  gneiss,  on  Shelter 
Island,  near  Jennings'  Point,  contained  as  a 
solid  mass  over  9,000  cubic  feet.  It  has  split 
in  three  pieces  since  it  was  deposited.  Mather 
(Geol.  1st  Dist.,  p.  174)  mentions  a  mass  of 
granite  near  Plandome,  which  was  estimated 
to  contain  8,000  cubic  yards  above  the  surface 
of  the  ground. 

Having  thus  briefly  reviewed  the  characters 
of  the  surface  drift,  we  will  now  consider  in 
detail  the  strata  which  underlie  it.  The  crys- 
talline rocks  outcrop  along  the  shore  at  Hell- 
gate  and  over  a  limited  area  in  the  vicinity  of 
Astoria.  They  consist  of  finely  laminated 
gneiss  and  schists,  tilted  at  a  higla  angle,  and 
belong  to  the  same  formation  as  the  rocks  of 
Manhattan  Island.  I  am  informed  by  Mr. 
Elias  Lewis,  Jr.,  that  in  boring  an  artesian 
well  in  Calvary  Cemetery,  near  Brooklyn,  a 
bed  of  gneiss  was  encountered  at  a  depth  of 
182  feet.  Further  than  this  we  know  nothing 
of  the  extent  of  the  crystalline  rocks  on  Long 
Island.  The  section  obtained  in  the  boring 
mentioned  was  as  follows : 


Surface  loam  and  drift 139 

Greenish   earth    39 

White  clay  with  red  streaks 4 

Gneiss 400 

Total 582 

The  greenish  earth  referred  to  lost  its  color 
on  being  treated  with  hydrochloric  acid,  and 
the  white  residue  examined  under  the  micro- 
scope appeared  to  consist  of  minute  fragments 
of  kaolinized  feldspar,  with  occasional  grains 
of  quartz  sand.  The  acid  solution  gave  a 
strong  reaction  for  iron,  indicating  a  probable 
admixture  of  glauconite  with  the  material.  It 
is  stated  in  Cozzens'  Geological  History  of 
New  York  Island  that  a  shell  of  Exogyra 
costata,  with  green-sand  adhering,  was  found 

between  Brooklyn  and  Flatlands,  at  a  depth  of 
sixty  feet.  This  locality  is  about  five  miles 
south  of  the  well  just  mentioned,  and  would 
indicate  the  presence  of  Cretaceous  strata  near 

The  following  data,  also  furnished  by  Mr. 
Lewis,  of  a  well  dug  by  the  Nassau  Gas 
Light  Co.,  in  Williamsburg,  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  formation  at  that  locality: 

FEET.       INCHES. 

Surface    loam    3 

Quick-sand  (so  called)   2 

Boulder  clay,  somewhat  sandy.    70 

Blue  clay  with  pebbles   27 

Oyster  shells   6 

Total   102  6 

The  shell-bed  was  underlaid  by  quicksand 
bearing  water. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Manhasset,  on  the  road 
to  Port  Washington,  are  extensive  exposures 
of  stratified  sand,  mare  or  less  inclined  from 
the  horizontal.  About  200  yards  south  of  the 
postoffice,  on  the  west  side  of  the  road,  is  a 
bank  about  40  feet  high,  composed  of  a  white, 
coarse,  laminated  sand,  streaked  with  hydrous 
peroxide  of  iron,  the  layers  dipping  S.  E.  13 
degrees.  A  little  northeast  of  the  postoffice, 
along  the  road,  there  are  banks  of  ired  sand 
cemented  together  in  places  by  sesquioxide 
of  iron  and  resembling  the  Cretaceous  red  sand 
bed  of  New  Jersey. 

On  the  shore  of  Manhasset  Bay,  near  Port 
\\'ashington,  are  high  banks  of  coarse  yellow 
stratified  sand  and  gravel.  This  deposit  is 
very  irregular  in  its  stratification,  as  it  shows 
in  many  places  the  "flow  and  plunge"  structure 
described  by  Dana,  and  which  is  evidently  pro- 
duced by  swift  currents.  The  depth  of  this 
formation  cannot  be  determined  :  it  is  probably 
not  less  than  150  feet,  and  possibly  is  much 
greater.  These  beds  dip  about  15  degrees  W. ; 
the  strike  is  nearlv  due  north  and  south. 
Along  the  shore  of  Manhasset  Bay,  from  Port 
Washington  to  Barker's  Point,  are  extensive 
banks  of  stratified  sand  and  gravel,  much 
stained  with  iron  and  dipping  westward.  At 
Prospect  Point  and  Mott's  Point  the  banks  aire 
composed  of  coarse  gravel  similar  to  that  at 
Port  Washington. 

Between  Roslyn  and  Glen  Cove  there  are 
high  bands  of  red  and  flesh-colored  sands, 
while  at  Carpenter's  clay  pits  a  most  interest- 
ing section  is  presented.     The  greatest  height 


of  this  section  is  seventy-three  feet,  the  strike 
of  the  beds  being  N.  80  degrees  W.  and  the  dip 
about  T,y  degrees  northerly,  the  layers  here 
apparently  consisting  of  quartz,  but  susceptible 
of  being  easily  crushed  in  the  hand.  The  peb- 
bles are  traversed  by  innumerable  cracks,  and 
are  composed  of  coarse  white  gravel  and  sand, 
and  appear  to  have  been  subjected  to  the  action 
of  an  alkaline  solution.  Interstratified  with  the 
gravel  are  layers  of  fine  white  clay,  from  six 
I'nches  to  one  foot  in  thickness,  stained  pink  in 
some  places,  and  containing  occasional  frag- 
ments of  a  soft  hematite  or  red  ochre.  Besides 
these  beds  there  is  a  deposit  of  kaolin  farther 
south,  but  its  stratigraphical  relations  to  the 
layer  exposed  could  not  be  determined.  This 
kaolin  is  a  soft,  white,  granular,  clayey  sub- 
stance, consisting  chiefly  of  hvdrous  silicate  of 
alumina  from  the  decomposition  of  feldspar. 
In  fact  the  whole  deposit  would  seem  to  be  the 
decomposition  product  of  a  granulite  rock  such 
as  occurs  abundantly  in  Westchester  county, 
New  York,  and  in  southwestern  Connecticut. 
In  the  north  end  of  the  bank  is  an  uncontorm- 
ability,  the  gravel  beds,  which  dip  37  degrees, 
being  overlaid  by  stratified  sand  dipping  15 
degrees  in  the  same  direction.  The  layers 
shown  in  this  section  form  the  north  slope  of 
an  anticlinal  flexure,  the  lowest  beds  being,  I 
am  informed  by  Mr.  Coles  Carpenter,  one  of 
the  proprietors,  almost  vertical.  An  excava- 
tion made  about  100  yards  W.  S.  W.  of  the 
main  pit,  far  the  purpose  of  obtaining  some 
leaf-prints,  exposed  the  following  section : 

FEET.       INCHES. 

Gravelly  drift    6 

White  sand    18 

Coarse  sand 6 

Reddish  day   2 

•Grey,  sandy  carbonaceous  clay 
with    leaf-prints    4 


These  beds  dipped  about  15  degrees  S.  W., 
the  locality  being  on  the  south  slope  of  the 
anticlinal.  Owing  to  the  sandy  nature  of  the 
clay,  and  the  dryness  of  the  season,  no  satis- 
factory specimens  could  be  obtained.  The 
prints  retain  no  carbon,  but  simply  show  the 
venation  of  the  leaves. 

North  of  Sea  Cliff,  along  the  shore  of 
Hempstead  Harbor,  to  the  Glen  Cove  steam- 
boat landing,  is  a  series  of  clay  beds  outcrop- 
ping on  the  beach  and  dipping  N.  by  E.  about 

10  degrees ;  these  beds  are  of  various  colors, 
blue,  yellow,  reddish,  white  and  black.  The 
reddish  clays  contain  fragments  of  a  soft 
hematite,  and  one  of  the  blue  layers  is  over- 
laid by  about  two  inches  of  lignite  in  small 
fragments.  Other  layers  contain  pyritized 
lignite  and  nodular  pyrites,  but  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  the  nature  and  order  of  these 
beds  accurately,  without  extensive  excavations. 
Dark  clays,  with  pyrites,  are  also  reported  to 
occur  in  Carpenter's  pits  at  a  considerable 
depth.  In  the  beds  of  decomposed  gravel  al- 
ready mentioned  are  many  geodes  of  sand  ce- 
mented together  by  hydrous  and  anhydrous 
sesquioxide  of  iron,  containing  a  dark  granular 
mass  which  analysis  shows  to  consist  chiefly 
of  decomposed  pyrites.  The  conclusion  is 
therefore  justifiable  that  the  nodules  of  mar- 
casite  which  once  existed  in  the  gravel  beds 
have  decomposed  by  oxidation,  and  the  result- 
ing ferric  oxide  has  cemented  the  sand  about 
them  into  a  hard  crust,  while  the  nodules  in 
the  clay  beds  which  were  protected  from  oxi- 
dation have  remained  unaltered. 

North  of  Glen  Cove  clays  of  various  kinds 
occur  at  East  and  West  Islands,  Dosoris'  and 
at  Matinnecock  Village.  At  the  East  Willis- 
ton  brickyard,  near  Mineola,  there  is  a  local 
deposit  of  grey  micaceous  clay.  The  depth  of 
this,  where  excavated,  varies  from  seven  to 
eighteen  feet.  The  clay  overlies  white  lami- 
nated sands,  stained  with  limonite,  the  upper 
surface  of  the  sand  being  cemented  together 
for  the  depth  of  an  inch  by  the  yellow  oxide. 
Over  the  clay  is  about  six  inches  of  black 
alluvial  earth. 

At  the  brickyard  on  Centre  Island,  in  Oys- 
ter Bay,  there  is  a  deposit  of  brown  sandy 
clay  over  a  bed  of  more  homogeneous  and 
tougher  clay.  These  beds  undulate  in  an  east 
and  west  direction  or  away  from  the  shore, 
and  the  lower  stratum  contains  shaly  concre- 
tions or  claystones.  About  a  mile  north  of  the 
brickyard  it  is  said  that  a  bed  of  white  fire 
clay  has  been  found  at  a  depth  of  twenty-five 
feet  under  the  drift  and  sand.  A  little  west 
from  the  U.  S.  Fish  Hatchery,  at  the  head  of 
Cold  Spring  Harbor,  is  a  bank  of  stratified 
gravel  seventy  feet  high.  About  forty  feet  be- 
low the  top  of  this  bank  is  an  exposure  of 
laminated  sand  and  sandy  clay  stained  red, 
brown  and  yellow  with  oxide  of  iron,  and  a 
short  distance  below  a  chalybeate  spring  issues 
from  the  bank.  The  clay  deposit  at  Stewart's 
brickyard,  at  Bethpagc,  is  about  sixty  feet  in 
depth.     The   surface   stratum    is   a   yellowish 



micaceous  clay,  the  lower  part  being  mottled 
blue  and  yellow.  It  probably  was  originally 
a  gray  or  blue  clay,  its  present  yellow  color  be- 
ing due  to  the  peroxidation  and  hydration  of 
the  iron  contained.  Of  this  stratum  there  is 
about  thirty-five  feet ;  below  is  about  five  feet 
of  reddish  sandy  clay,  and  beneath  this  a  blue- 
black  sandy  clay  containing  nodules  of  white 
pyrites.  This  stratum  is  about  twenty-five  feet 
deep  and  is  underlaid  by  white  sand.  The 
beds  are  somewhat  disturbed  and  folded,  the 
uppermost  being  slightly  undulating,  while  the 
two  lower  appear  to  be  raised  in  a  fold  trend- 
ing nearly  east  and  west. 

I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Lewis  for  the  follow- 
ing section  obtained  in  digging  a  well  at 
Jericho  in  1878,  on  the  premises  of  Mr.  Jules 
Kunz : 

FEET.       INCHES. 

Surface   loam    15 

Drift   36 

Yellow  gravel    81 

Sand   15 

Sandy  clay   with   a   carlionized 

branch    4 

Yellow  clay   3 

Blue  aTnid  gray  sandy  clay  with 

pyrites    30 

Micaceous   sand    14  6 

Total 198  6 

From  the  same  authority  I  have  the  follow- 
ing section  of  a  well  on  Barnum's  Island : 


Sand   and  gravel,   stratified 70 

Clay  and  clayey  sand  _ with  -lignite 56 

Gravel  and  fine  sand  with  clayey  sand .  .  44 
Blue  clay,  clayey  sand  and  silt,  with  lig- 
nite and  pyrites 168 

Total 338 

In  the  third  stratum,  at  a  depth  of  168 
feet,  a  fragment  of  the  stem  of  a  crinoid  was 
found,  which,  together  with  a  complete  set 
of  specimens  from  the  well,  is  in  the  collection 
of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society.  The 
fossil  fragment  is  probably  from  some  Pal- 
aeozoic formation,  and  has  no  special  import- 

At  Grossman's  brickyard  in  Huntington, 
on  the  east  shore  of  Cold  Spring  Harbor,  we 
have  an  intersected  section  trending  a  little 
east  of  north,  which  is  as  follows: 


Till  and  stratified  drift la 

Quartz  gravel   45 

Red  and  blue  "loam"  or  sandy  clay 20 

Diatomaceous  earth   3 

Yellow  and  red  stratified  sand 20 

Red  plastic  clay 20 

Brown  plastic  clay 25 

Total  I43j 

The  bed  of  diatomaceous  earth  is  of  unde- 
termined extent,  and  appears  to  be  replaced  a 
little  to  the  east  by  a  blue  clay,  which,  how- 
ever, contains  some  diatoms.  It  is  undoubt- 
edly equivalent  to  the  bed  of  ochre  which  over- 
lies the  sand  throughout  the  remainder  of  the 
section.  At  Jones'  brickyard,  adjoining  Cross- 
man's,  there  is  a  similar  fold  nearly  at  right 
angles  to  the  first,  but  the  upper  portion  has 
been  removed  by  ice  or  water  down  to  the 
sand.  This  stratum,  which  is  yellow  and 
brown  in  the  north  part  of  Grossman's  yard, 
is  dark  red  in  the  south  end  and  at  Jones'.  It 
appears  to  be  mixed  with  a  fine  red  clayey 
matter  which  separates  on  washing. 

The  formation  on  Lloyd's  Neck  is  similar 
to  that  at  Grossman's,  with  regard  to  the  com- 
position of  the  strata.  On  the  north  side  of 
East  Neck,  at  Eckerson's  brickyard,  is  a  de- 
posit of  reddish  clay  underlaid  by  brown  clay 
very  similar  to  that  at  Grossman's.  To  the 
west  of  this  is  a  bank  of  white  quartz  gravel, 
while  on  the  east  is  an  extensive  deposit  of 
fine,  white  quartz  sand,  laminated  with  red, 
yellow  and  brown  waved  streaks.  The  exact 
relations  of  these  strata  I  was  unable  to  de- 
termine, but  from  their  analogies  to  other  de- 
posits I  am  inclined  to  consider  the  laminated 
sand  as  the  more  recent. 

On  the  north  end  of  Little  Neck  there  is 
another  large  deposit  of  these  laminated  sands. 
At  this  point  they  dip  S.  E.  about  15  degrees. 
The  following  section  is  given  in  Mather's  Re- 
port Geol.  of  1st  Dist.,  p.  254: 


1.  Loose  surface  sand ly, 

2.  Dark-colored  loamy  sand  and  clay.      3 

3.  Yellowish  and  reddish  sand,  waved 

laminae   4  ^ 

4.  White  sand  tinged  with  yellow.  ...     4 

5.  Sand  similar  but  diflfering  in  color 

and  direction  of  laminae 4 

6.  Sand  red,  waved  laminae 30 

7.  White  clay    4 




8.     White    sand    tinged    with    red    or 

yellow    4 

9-     Clay,  white  like  No.  7 3 

10.  Sand,  white  like  No.  8 3 

11.  White  clay  like  No.  7 5 

12.  White  sand  like  No.   8 5 

Total   70 

South  of  this  deposit,  about  half  a  mile,  is 
a  clay-pit  which  is  worked  by  Captain  Sam- 
mis,  of  Northport.  Here  the  shratification  is 
as  follows : 


Surface  loam  and  drift 3  or  4 

Sandy  kaolin 10 

Yellowish  clay 4 

Dark  blue  sandy  clay 15 

Dip,  5  degrees  W. 

The  lowest  stratum  is  sepairated  into  thin 
laminae  by  equally  thin  layers  of  sand,  in 
which  are  numerous  impressions  of  fragments 
of  vegetable  matter,  but  only  one  leaf-print 
has  been  found ;  this  is  in  the  museum  of  the 
Long  Island  Historical  Society.  It  is  a  small, 
broadly  elliptical  leaf,  about  three-fourths  of  an 
inch  long.  In  this  same  bed  was  found  several 
years  ago  a  shark's  tooth  which  has  been 
identified  as  Carcharodon  aiigustideus  or 
incgalodon.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  re- 
lation of  this  stratum  to  the  other  layers  in 
the  vicinity,  but  it  is  probably  of  the  same 
period  as  the  laminated  sands,  and  seems  to 
be  identical  with  a  bed  which  Mather  describes 
as  occurring  on  Eaton's  Neck.  (Geol.  ist 
Dist.,  p.  228.) 

At  the  brickyard  near  West  Deer  Park,  be- 
neath the  gravel  and  drift,  is  a  stratum  of 
flesh-colored  clay,  underlaid  by  dark  blue  clay 
containing  pyrites.  I  was  informed  by  the 
owner,  Mr.  Conklin,  that  in  the  centre  of  the 
hill  of  gravel  the  clay  rises  up  in  a  fold.  Be- 
tween Bethpage  and  West  Deer  Park  is  a  de- 
posit of  ferruginous  conglomerate  and  sand- 
stone formed  by  the  solidification  of  the  strati- 
fied gravel  and  sand  or  yellow  drift.  This  rock 
is  very  similar  in  composition  and  appearance 
to  one  which  occurs  in  fragments  in  the  glacial 
drift  and  contains  vegetable  impressions.  At 
Provost's  yard,  near  Fresh  Ponds,  are  quite 
extensive  loeds  of  brown  sandy  clay,  reddish 
clay,  and  chocolate-brown  clay,  dipping  from 

the  shore.  The  red  and  chocolate  clays  are 
probably  identical  with  the  similar  beds  at 
Crossman's  in  Huntington. 

Lake  Ronkonkoma  is  in  a  basin  of  which 
the  bottom  is  about  210  feet  below  the  high 
ground  on  the  south.  Its  southern  bank  is 
composed  of  laminated  sand  streaked  with 
o.xide  of  iron,  and  the  rest  of  the  shore  ap- 
pears to  be  formed  of  the  same  material.  At 
Crane  Neck  Point  are  bluffs,  60  feet  high, 
of  sand  and  gravel  containing  masses  of  fer- 
ruginous sandstone  of  recent  date.  At 
Herod's  Point  the  bluffs  consist  of  fine  yellow 
sand  and  gravel,  slightly  stratified,  and  dip- 
ping a  few  degrees  south.  Limonite  concre- 
tions are  here  abundant.  The  bluffs  at  Friar's 
Head  are  about  120  feet  high,  and  consist  of 
yellow  stratified  sand  with  pebbles.  Over  these 
is  a  dune  of  yellowish  drifted  sand  90  feet 
high,  making  the  total  height  of  the  peak  210 
feet.  On  the  west  side  of  Robbin's  Island  is 
an  exposure  of  blue  clay  overlaid  by  laminated 
ferruginous  sand.  The  depth  of  this  clay-bed 
has  not  been  determined,  but  it  is  similar  in 
appearance  and  quality  to  some  of  the  clays 
near  Huntington,  especially  at  Crossman's 
brick-yard.  A  chalybeate  spring  issues  from 
the  laminated  sand  on  the  shore,  a  little  to 
the  south  of  the  clay-pit.  The  clay  bed  ap- 
pears to  dip  southward  about  10  degrees 
throughout  the  whole  extent  of  the  island- 
Near  the  railroad  between  Southold  and 
Greenport  are  two  brickyards.  At  the  more 
easterly  of  the  two  there  are  various  deposits 
of  stratified  sand  and  clay  very  much  folded 
and  tilted.  At  this  place  the  section  exposed 
shows  two  parallel  folds,  the  axes  of  which 
trend  a  little  north  of  east.  The  upper  stratum 
of  brown  clay  contains  angular  fragments  of 
mica  schist.  At  the  other  yard  they  are  work- 
ing a  bed  precisely  similar  to  that  just  men- 
tioned and  also  containing  angular  fragments 
of  rock. 

On  Sheher  Island  are  high  hills  of  gravel 
with  a  thin  covering  of  till ;  the  highest  point 
is  about  180  feet  above  tide.  West  of  the  vil- 
lage of  Orient  is  a  narrow  isthmus  of  sand 
beach  and  salt  meadow,  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
long  and  not  more  than  ten  feet  above  tide. 
East  of  this,  on  the  north  side  of  the  peninsula. 
Brown's  Hills  extend  along  the  shore  for  a 
mile  and  a  half,  the  highest  point  being  128 
feet  above  Long  Island  Sound.  The  struc- 
ture of  these  hills  is  difficult  to  determine,  as 
extensive  land  slides  have  occurred,  and  the 



slopes  are  covered  with  grass  and  bushes.   One 
exposure  gave  the  following  section : 


Drift   3 

Fine  yellow  sand 8 

Micaceous  clay   i 

Micaceous  sand 25 

Total  37 

The  micaceous  sand  occurs  at  the  foot  of 
the  blutTs  along  the  shore  in  this  vicinity. 
It  may  also  be  seen  half  a  mile  west  of  Orient, 
in  a  bank  by  the  road-side. 

On  Gardiner's  Island  a  very  complete  sec- 
tion is  exposed  on  the  southeast  shore,  which 
exhibits  the  strata  to  the  depth  of  about  250 
feet.  Here  stratified  sands  and  clays  of  va- 
rious kinds  and  colors  are  raised  up  in  two 
parallel  anticlinal  folds.  In  the  southerly  fold 
the  stratum  is  a  light  red,  fine,  plastic  clay, 
very  similar  to  that  at  Grossman's  in  Hunting- 
ton; it  is  here  exposed  to  a  depth  of  about  100 
feet  and  is  upheaved  at  a  high  angle,  its  outer 
slopes  dipping  about  45  degrees,  while  along 
the  axis  of  the  fold  the  lamina;  are  vertical. 
The  northern  anticlinal  has  about  15  degrees 
dip  on  either  side,  and  in  its  north  slope  is  a 
stratum  of  yellowish  clayey  sand  containing  a 
bed  of  post-pliocene  shells,  at  an  average 
height  of  15  feet  above  the  sea.  The  formation 
which  is  here  brought  to  view  probably  un- 
derlies the  whole  of  the  island,  as  it  is  ex- 
posed at  various  other  points.  On  the  north 
and  southeast  shores  the  beds  are  very  much 
disturbed  and  folded,  and  the  surface  of  the 
island  is  raised  in  a  series  of  parallel  ridges 
corresponding  in  position  to  the  folds  and  hav- 
ing a  general  trend  of  N.  65  degrees  E.  The 
highest  point  on  the  island  is  128  feet  above 
the  sea ;  the  bluffs  along  the  shore  being  from 
twenty-five  to  seventy  feet  high.  The  fossil- 
iferous  stratum  is  about  20  feet  long  and  four 
feet  thick,  containing  an  abundance  of  shells, 
most  of  which  appear  to  have  been  crushed 
by  superincumbent  pressure.  The  locality  was 
visited  in  1863  by  Prof.  Sanderson  Smith,  who 
describes  the  bed  as  150  to  200  feet  long. 
*     *     *     * 

Napeague  Beach,  east  of  Amagansett,  is 
three  miles  long  and  one-quarter  of  a  mile 
broad,  consisting  entirely  of  white  quartz  sand. 
Along  the  shore  on  the  north  and  south  are 
dunes  of  drifted  sand  20  or  30  feet  high,  but 
the  main  portion  of  the  beach  probably  aver- 
ages less  than    10  feet  above  the   sea.     East 

of  the  beach  the  country  for  twelve  miles  to 
the  end  of  Montauk  Point  is  chiefly  a  terminal 
moraine,  and  as  such  I  have  already  briefly 
described  it. 


Having  thus  reviewed  i;i  detail  the  various 
strata  underlying  the  drift,  we  come  now  to 
consider  their  age  and  history.  Without  at- 
tempting to  decide  the  geological  equivalence 
of  the  crystalline  rocks  at  Astoria,  we  will  dis- 
cuss the  unsolidified  deposits  which  have  just 
been  described. 

From  the  position  and  strike  of  the  Greta- 
ceous  strata  in  New  Jersey  and  Staten  Island, 
it  has  been  surmised  by  geologists  that  they 
underlie  Long  Island  throughout  the  whole  or 
a  portion  of  its  extent.  The  locality  at  which 
the  strata  most  resemble  the  Cretaceous  beds 
of  New  Jersey  is  Glen  Gove,  where  the  clays 
already  described  are  probably  of  this  age.  If 
the  Cretaceous  formation  extends  under  the 
whole  of  Long  Island  it  must  occur  at  a  very 
great  depth,  since  deep  sections  at  points  east 
of  Glen  Cove  do  not  reveal  its  presence. 

In  regard  to  this  formation  and  the  follow- 
ing, it  should  be  understood  that  sufficient  data 
have  not  yet  been  obtained  to  warrant  an  at- 
tempt to  map  out  their  extent.  The  only  ex- 
posures are  in  vertical  sections  along  the  shore 
and  in  various  clay-pits  or  similar  excava- 
tions ;  and  there  being  an  immense  amount  of 
quaternary  material  overlying  them,  no  satis- 
factory degree  of  accuracy  can  be  as  yet  at- 
tained in  this  regard. 

The  Tertiary  strata  of  Long  Island  cannot 
as  yet  be  identified  with  much  more  certainty 
than  the  Cretaceous.  From  their  character  and 
position  we  may  surmise  that  the  brown  and 
red  plastic  clays  of  Huntington,  Gardiner's 
Island  and  elsewhere  belong  to  the  age  in  ques- 
tion, but  we  have  no  palasontological  evidence 
except  from  the  shark's  tooth  found  on  Little 
Neck,  which  would  identify  the  bed  in  which 
it  occurred  as  Eocene  or  Miocene.  The  strati- 
fied sands  and  gravels,  however,  which  overlie 
the  supposed  Cretaceous  and  Tertiary  beds, 
and  in  turn  are  overlaid  unconformably  by 
surface  drift  and  till,  we  may  accept  as  Post- 
pliocene,  from  the  analogy  of  their  composi- 
tion, structure  and  position  to  the  deposits  of 
Gardiner's  Island  and  Sankaty  Head,  of  which 
the  fossils  determine  the  age  beyond  question ; 
unfortunately,  however,  there  is  no  unconform- 



ability  to  show  where  the  Tertiar}'  ends  and 
the  Quaternary  begins. 

At  various  times  and  places  fossil  shells 
and  lignite  have  been  found  on  Long  Island. 
I  append  a  synopsis  of  a  list  of  these  compiled 
by  Elias  Lewis,  Jr.,  from  Mather's  Report  and 
from  other  sources : 

presumed  Cretaceous  and  Tertiary  beds  were 
deposited  we  know  nothing;  though  it  is  rea- 
sonable to  conclude  that  they  consist  of  the 
debris  of  New  York  and  New  England  rocks 
carried  down  from  the  highlands  and  deposited 
along  the  coast  by  rivers  or  by  other  agencies 
of  transportation.     The  overlying  deposits  of 

N.\TURE  OF  Fossil 

Locality  and  Date 




Recent  shells. 

Fort  Lafayette. 

23-53  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 


Pyrula.  clam,  oyster. 

New  Utrecht. 

43-67  feet. 

Thompson's  Hist,  of  L, 



Clam  and  oyster  shells. 

Well  in  Prospect  Park. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 


Clam  and  oyster  shells. 

Well  at  Flatbush  Almshouse. 

40-50  feet. 

E,  Lewis,  Jr. 


2  Petrified  clams. 


100  feet. 

\  W.  J.  Furnam,  Antiqu 
/       of  Long  Island. 



Oxof/yra  Costaia,  with 

Bet.  Brooklyn  and  Flatlands. 

60  feet. 

3  Dr.  J.  C.  Jay,  Ann.  of  Lye. 

grain  sand. 

(       Nat.  Hist.,  1842. 


Oyster  shells. 

High  grounds  in  Brooklyn. 

73  feet. 

Furman's  Antiquities. 


Clam  shells. 

Fort  Greene,  1814. 

70  feet. 

Furman's  .•\ntiquities. 


Anomia  ,p/appunn. 

Cor.  Jay  &  Front  St.,  Brooklyn 

1.5  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 


Oyster  shells. 

Nassau  Gas  Light  Co.,  Wil- 

127  ft.  6  in. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 


Log  of  wood. 


40  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 




70  feet. 

Thompson's  History, 


Clam  shells. 

East  New  York, 

80  feet. 

Thompson's  History, 



Three  miles  west  of  Jamaica. 

25  feet. 

Thompson's  History, 


Clam  and  oyster  shells. 


(  85  ft.  above  tide. 
'{  140  to  160  feet. 

Henry  Onderdonk.'jr, 


Clam,  oyster  and  scallop 


\  200  ft.  above  tide. 
\  47  feet. 

J,  H,  L'Hommedieu. 



Great  Neck,  1813. 

50  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 


Oyster  shells. 

Manhasset,  1813. 

78  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 



Bet.  Manhasset  and  Roslyn. 

140  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 


Stem  of  Crinoid. 

Barnum's  Island. 

168  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 



Barnum's  Island. 

100-383  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 



Near  Westbury. 

Great  depths. 

Thompson's  History. 



Hempstead  Plains,  1804. 

100-108  feet. 

Dwight's  Travels. 


Carbonized  wood. 

Sea  Cliff.  184.5. 

94  feet. 

Isaac  Coles. 



Glen  Cove.  1804. 

40  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 



Jericho.  1878. 

9(i  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 



Cold  Spring. 

110  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 


Curfharndnn  iinf/ugtuh'ns 

Little  Neck. 

P.  B.  Sills. 


Log  of  wood. 

Strong's  Neck. 

40  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 


Clam  shells. 

Shelter  Island,  1898. 

57  feet. 

Thompson's  History. 



Wells  at  Amagansett. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 


Bones  of  mastodon. 

Jamaica  Pond,  1846. 


Venus  mercenaria.. 


(  100  ft.  above  tide. 
)  20  feet. 

E.  Lewis,  Jr. 


Ostrea  Virginiana. 

Sag  Harbor,  1864. 

\H0  ft.  above  tide 

Dr.  Cook, 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  we  have  nowhere 
else  any  good  evidence  of  a  change  of  sea  level 
amounting  to  200  feet  in  the  vicinity  of  New 
York  during  the  Glacial  epoch,  we  can  only 
account  for  the  high  elevation  of  some  of  these 
fossils  by  supposing  that  they,  with  their  con- 
taining beds,  have  been  raised  to  their  present 
position  by  glacial  action  in  the  manner  I  shall 

Of  the  physical  conditions  under  which  the 

stratified  gravel,  sand  and  clay,  part  of  which, 
as  before  stated,  are  equivalent  to  the  "yellow 
drift"  of  New  Jersey,  are  also  difficult  to  ac- 
count for.  They  consist  largely  of  transported 
material  from  older  beds,  and  by  their  struc- 
ture indicate  that  they  have  been  formed  by 
swift  currents  which  carried  along  and  de- 
posited coarse  and  fine  material  mingled  to- 
gether. Their  fossils,  so  far  as  we  know,  ex- 
clude them  from  the  Tertiary,  and  they  under- 



lie  the  drift  unconformably,  altliough  by  defini- 
tion tlie  Glacial  period  begins  the  Quaternary 

If,  however,  we  assume  in  the  Quaternary 
a  succession  of  glacial  epochs,  or  alternate 
periods  of  advance  and  retreat  of  the  ice-sheet, 
as  suggested  by  Croll's  theory,  we  can  explain 
the  origin  of  the  beds  in  question  by  supposing 
that  during  the  epoch  of  glaciation  imme- 
diately preceding  their  deposition  the  ice- 
sheet  did  not  reach  so  far  south,  while  the 
floods  of  the  succeeding  warmer  epoch  modi- 
fied and  spread  over  the  sea-bottom  the  drift 
thus  formed. 

In  order  to  appreciate  more  exactly  the  re- 
lations of  these  Post-pliocene  beds  to  the 
glacial  drift,  it  will  be  necessary  to  consider 
some  very  interesting  phenomena.  Along  the 
north  shore  of  Long  Island  from  Flushing  to 
Orient  Point  are  exhibited  most  striking  evi- 
dences of  glacial  action.  We  find  the  stratified 
gravels,  sands  and  clays  upheaved  by  the  lat- 
eral pressure  of  the  ice-sheet  and  thrown  into 
a  series  of  marked  folds  at  right  angles  to  the 
line  of  glacial  advance,  which,  judging  from 
the  grooves  and  stri:^  on  the  rocks  of  New 
York  and  Connecticut,  was  about  S.  30  de- 
grees E.  The  glacier  having  thus  crumpled 
and  folded  the  underlying  strata,  it  evidently 
rode  over  them  and  continued  its  course  south- 
ward, pushing  before  it  an  immense  mass  of 
sand  and  gravel,  together  with  debris  from 
the  rocks  of  New  York  and  New  England. 

The  theory  that  Long  Island  Sound  was  a 
body  of  water  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the 
ice-sheet  would  seem  to  be  sustained  by  the 
character  of  the  detritus  deposited  by  the  ice 
on  Long  Island.  From  Brooklyn  to  White- 
stone,  where  the  sound  is  narrow,  the  till  or 
drift  proper  is  quite  conspicuous ;  east  of  this 
it  becomes  less  noticeable,  and  beyond  Roslyn, 
as  before  stated,  it  does  not  again  occur  in 
abundance  until  we  reach  the  vicinity  of  Green- 
port,  where  the  Sound  again  grows  narrow. 
This  seems  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  finer 
debris  of  the  northern  rocks  was  carried  along 
imbedded  in  the  lower  part  of  the  glacier. 
The  channel  of  the  East  River,  owing  to  its 
narrowness,  was  filled  up  and  passed  over,  the 
till  being  deposited  to  form  the  range  of  hills 
near  Brooklyn;  but  in  crossing  the  broader 
part  of  the  Sound  the  ice  probably  lost  the 
greater  portion  of  its  load  of  till,  and  only 
carried  over  the  boulders  which  were  on  the 
suface  or  in  the  upper  part  of  the  glacier.  On 
reaching   the   north   shore   of   the   island   the 

alluvial  gravel  and  sands  were  scooped  up  and 
pushed  forward  in  front  of  the  ice-sheet,  to 
form  the  "moraine,"  and  the  boulders,  when 
the  ice  melted,  were  deposited  on  the  surface. 
The  map  shows  that  the  principal  bays  on  the 
north  shore  penetrate  the  land  in  a  direction 
identical  with  that  of  the  advance  of  the 
glacier.  We  may  reasonably  infer  from  this 
fact  that  these  indentations  were  ploughed  out 
by  projecting  spurs  of  ice,  and  the  inference 
is  supported  by  the  fact  that  the  bays  are 
walled  in  by  high  ridges  which  have  been 
formed  largely  through  the  upheaval  of  the 
beds  by  lateral  thrust.  The  best  example  of 
this  displacement  in  the  formation  of  a  bay  is 
shown  in  the  section  at  Grossman's  clay-pit  in 
Huntington,  which  I  have  previously  de- 
scribed. Harbor  Hill,  which  stands  at  the  head 
of  Hempstead  Harbor,  is  384  feet  high  and 
chiefly  consists  of  gravel  and  sand  more  or  less 
stratified.  Jane's  Hill,  four  miles  S.  S.  E.  of 
the  head  of  Cold  Spring  Harbor,  is  383  feet 
high,  and  is  composed  of  the  same  materials. 
In  the  vicinity  of  each  of  these  hills,  moreover, 
there  are  other  ridges  and  elevations  averaging 
about  300  feet  in  height.  Southeasterly  from 
Huntington  Bay  we  have  the  Dix  Hills  and 
Comae  Hills  rising  about  250  feet.  Southeast 
of  Smithtown  Harbor,  we  have  Mt.  Pleasant, 
200  feet  in  height;  in  a  like  direction  from 
Stony  Brook  Harbor  are  the  Bald  Hills,  also 
200  feet  high.  Again  we  have  Reulands  Hill, 
which  is  340  feet  in  height,  and  has  the  same 
general  bearing  from  Port  Jefferson  Harbor. 
About  South  30  degrees  East  from  Wading 
River,  where  there  is  quite  a  deep  valley,  we 
find  Terry's  Hill,  175  feet  high.  South  of 
Great  Peconic  Bay  rise  the  Shinnecock  Hills, 
140  feet,  and  southeasterly  from  Little  Peconic 
Bay  are  the  Pine  Hills,  about  200  feet  high. 
From  these  instances  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
areas  of  high  elevation  bear  a  very  marked 
geographical  relation  to  the  deep  indentations 
of  the  coast.  That  this  relation  is  due  to 
glacial  action,  seems  more  than  probable,  as  it 
can  scarcely  be  an  accidental  coincidence  that 
the  highest  hills  on  the  island  should  be  in  a 
line  with  the  deepest  bays  on  the  northern 
coast,  and  that  the  course  of  these  bays  should 
coincide  with  that  of  the  glacier. 

At  every  point  along  the  north  shore  where 
a  section  of  the  strata  is  exposed,  the  flexed 
structure  of  the  beds  under  the  drift  may  be 
observed.  On  Gardiner's  Island  these  folds 
are  remarkably  prominent,  the  surface  of  the 
island  being  broken   with   numerous   parallel 



ridges  having  a  general  trend  N.  65  degrees  E. 
These  ridges  correspond  to  folds  in  the  strati- 
fied beds,  which  the  surface  drift  overlies  un- 
conformably,  and  as  they  are  at  right  angles 
to  the  line  of  glacial  advamce  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  any  agency  which  could  have  pro- 
duced them  except  the  lateral  thrust  of  the 
ice-sheet.  Unless  these  phenomena  can  be  re- 
ferred satisfactorily  to  some  other  cause,  and 
of  this  I  very  much  doubt  the  possibility,  we 
have  in  these  folds  a  strong  argument  against 
the  iceberg  theory,  as  it  seems  evident  that  a 
mere  drifting  berg  could  not  develop  sufficient 
progressive  force  to  do  the  work  here  shown. 
A  similar  origin  may  be  attributed  to  the 
ranges  of  hills  which  form  the  so-called  "back- 
bone" of  the  island,  as  their  structure  indicates 
that  they  have  been  formed  partly  of  gravel 
and  sand  transported  from  the  north  shore  and 
partly  through  the  upheaval  of  the  stratified 
beds  by  the  friction  of  the  moving  mass  of  ice. 
As  the  downward  pressure  of  the  glacier  was 
about  450  lbs.  per  square  inch  for  1,000 
feet  of  thickness,  and  its  progressive  force  was 
only  limited  by  the  resistance  of  the  ice,  it  is 
quite  reasonable  to  assume  it  capable  of  pro- 
ducing such  a  result.  At  one  locality,  West 
Deer  Park,  this  is  manifestly  the  case,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  that  in  time  it  will  be  found 
generally  true.  The  numerous  springs  that 
issue  from  the  hillsides  along  the  north  shore 
also  lead  one  to  infer  that  the  substratum  of 
clay  has  been  raised  up  in  the  center  of  the 
hills.  The  occurrence  of  the  springs  might  be 
accounted  for  hypothetically  by  supposing  that 
morainal  hills,  distributed  on  the  plain, 
eroded  horizontal  strata  of  sand  underlaid  by 
clay ;  but  this  we  know  is  not  the  case. 

Mr.  Upham,  in  his  discussion  of  the  mo- 
raines, attributes  all  the  stratified  deposits  to 
diluvial  and  alluvial  action  in  the  Champlain 
period,  to  which  the  Gardiner's  Island  deposit 
has  been  erroneously  referred.  He  also  con- 
cludes that  the  more  southern  drift  hills,  which 
are  from  200  to  250  feet  high.  Avere  formed 
in  ice-walled  river-channels  formed  upon  the 
surface  of  the  glacial  sheet  when  rapidly  melt- 
ing. That  this  process  has  taken  place  in  some 
cases  :s  quite  probable,  as  there  are  undisputed 
kames  in  certain  places ;  but  from  the  analogy 
of  the  deposits  in  question  to  the  others  de- 
scribed, [  am  inclined  to  refer  them  generally 
to  the  same  causes. 

The  changes  which  have  occurred  on  Long 
Island  since  the  retreat  of  the  glacier  have 
been  mainly  topographical,  and  unquestionably 

very  extensive.  The  streams  of  the  Cham- 
plain  epoch  carried  down  the  drift  from  the 
moramal  hills  and  distributed  it  on  the  plain 
to  the  south,  forming  in  many  places  local  beds 
of  clay.  In  the  vicinity  of  Bethpage  and  else- 
where are  hillocks  of  stratified  sand  similar 
in  appearance  to  the  New  England  kames. 
The  valleys  mentioned  above,  which  have  been 
examined  by  Elias  Lewis,  Jr.,  are  unquestion- 
ably the  channels  of  streams  resulting  from 
the  melting  of  the  glacier. 

The  coast  line  of  the  island  is  rapidly 
changing  on  account  of  the  action  of  the  swift 
westerly  currents,  which  are  wearing  away  the 
east  end  and  depositing  the  sediment  along  the 
north  and  south  shores.  By  this  means  the 
bays  which  open  into  the  Sound  are  rapidly 
becoming  shallow.  The  Great  South  Beach  is 
also  an  evidence  of  the  action  of  the  waves  and 
currents  in  changing  the  outline  of  Long 
Island.  We  have,  moreover,  abundant  evi- 
dence that  the  south  shore  has  been  gradually 
sinking.  This  subsidence  probably  began  in 
the  later  Quaternary  and  may  be  still  contin- 


Magnetite  is  the  only  metallic  ore  found  on 
Long  Island,  and  occurs  almost  everywhere  on 
the  beaches  in  the  form  of  sand.  It  is  not, 
however,  sufficiently  abundant  in  any  one 
locality  to  render  its  collection  profitable.  A 
company  was  started  some  time  since  for  the 
purpose  of  separating  the  ore.  in  the  vicinity 
of  Ouogue,  from  its  associated  quartz  and  gar- 
net sand  by  means  of  powerful  electro-mag- 
nets ;  but  the  enterprise  proved  unsuccessful. 
Iron  pyrites  in  its  white  variety,  or  marcasite, 
is  common  in  the  lower  clay  beds,  but  does  not 
occur  in  sufficient  abundance  to  pay  for  utiliz- 
ing it.  Lignite  occurs  only  in  small  quantities 
and  usually  at  great  depths.  Peat  of  an  in- 
ferior kind,  composed  of  the  matted  roots  of 
grasses  and  other  plants,  occurs  at  the  heads 
of  most  of  the  bays  on  the  south  shore,  but  is 
not  used  to  any  extent. 

Although  not  productive  of  any  of  the  val- 
uable minerals.  Long  Island  may  be  considered 
peculiarly  rich,  from  the  fact  that  almost  the 
whole  of  the  island  can  be  utilized  in  the  arts 
and  trades.  Its  sands  and  gravels  are  of  every 
kind  in  use,  and  its  clays  are  suited  for  the 
manufacture  of  fine  grades  of  brick  and  pot- 
tery.      The     former     materials     are     largely 



The  most  extensive  deposit  of  fine  pottery 
clay  occurs  at  Glen  Cove,  on  the  premises  of 
the  Messrs.  Carpenter.  This  clay  is  very  plas- 
tic and  burns  a  light  cream  color.  The  friable 
quartz  pebbles  described  above  produce,  when 
shipped  from  Port  Washington  and  the  vicin- 
ity for  building  purposes, 
ground,  the  finest  quality  of  white  sand  for 
glass  and  pottery.  The  deposit  of  kaolin  is 
also  unsurpassed.  In  addition  to  these  ma- 
terials, this  locality  furnishes  fire-sand  for  pot- 
tery, gray  and  blue  pottery  clays  and  an  ex- 
cellent fire-clay. 

The  next  locality  of  note  is  Huntington. 
In  this  town  is  an  immense  deposit  of  the  finest 
bxick  clay,  upheaved  to  such  an  elevation  that 
it  is  easily  accessible.  The  beds  are  worked  at 
Grossman's  and  Jones'  brick-vards,  and  ex- 
tend    throughout     Lloyds'     Neck.      Between 

Huntington  and  Gold  Spring  a  large  deposit  of 
white  pottery-clay  has  been  worked  for  many 
years.  Tjie  brick-clay  extends  east  over  ten 
miles,  and  is  worked  at  Eckerson's  yard  on 
East  Neck,  and  Provost's  at  Fresh  Ponds.  At 
Eckerson's  and  at  Sammis'  pits,  on  Little 
Neck,  are  immense  deposits  of  fire-sand,  which 
extend  over  Eaton's  and  Lloyd's  Necks. 

A  little  west  of  Greenport  are  two  brick- 
yards at  which  a  bed  of  glacial  clay  is  being 
worked.  Between  these  two  yards  is  a  bed  of 
mottled  blue  clay,  used  for  making  flower 
pots.  The  most  extensive  deposit  of  all,  how- 
ever, is  that  on  Gardiner's  Island.  This  clay 
is  unsurpassed  for  the  manufacture  of  bricks, 
and  from  the  abundant  supply  of  molding- 
sand  and  the  easy  accessibility  of  the  locality 
by  water,  must  in  time  prove  an  important 
source  of  revenue. 




HF2  story  of  the  red  man  on  Long 
Island  is  an  epitome  of  that  of  his 
race  all  over  the  American  conti- 
nent. When  we  first  meet  him  he 
is  rich  as  riches  went  among  Indians,  power- 
ful, living  in  regular  communities  under  a  rec- 
ognized head,  waging  war,  engaging  in  the 
chase,  his  daily  life  hallowed  by  traditions,  cir- 
cumscribed by  superstition,  and  rounded  out 
by  a  blind  religion  which  taught  him  that  there 
was  a  hereafter,  but  a  hereafter  in  its  features 
very  much  like  those  he  regarded  as  brightest 
and  best  in  the  present.  Still,  it  was  a  relig- 
ion, and  if  it  did  not  elevate  him  sufficiently  to 
make  him  an  enthusiast,  it  at  least  made  him 
a  stoic.  Then,  when  the  time  came  for  him  to 
be  measured  with  the  white  man,  he  imitated 
the  latter's  vices,  not  his  virtues, — or  but  few 
of  them — and  gradually  but  surely  he  became 
beaten  in  the  struggle  for  existence,  cheated, 
wronged  and  cozened  at  every  turn,  sometimes 
under  the  guise  of  the  requirements  of  civili- 
zation, the  authority  of  religion,  or  the  inflex- 
ible demands  of  modern  progress.  Originally 
strong  and  numerous,  the  aborigines  steadily 
dwindled  under  the  influence  of  the  resources 
of  civilization  until  their  representatives  are 
now  but  a  handful,  and  these  are  facing  the 
inevitable  end,  of  total  annihilation,  not  very 
far  distant.  It  is  a  sad  story,  a  painful  story, 
that  of  the  undoing  of  an  ancient  race,  but  it 
must  be  told.  The  white  man  was  not  alto- 
gether to  blame,  for  he  was  but  the  factor  in 
the  carrying  out  of  an  inexorable  law — the 
survival  of  the  fittest.  One  comfort  is  that 
on  Long  Island  the  story  is  more  gentle,  less 

accompanied  by  blood  and  rapine  and  tragedy,, 
than  in  most  of  the  other  sections  of  the  coun- 
try where  the  Indians  were  at  all  powerful. 

As  is  the  case  with  all  efforts  at  solving 
early  Indian  history,  there  exists  much  doubt 
as  to  the  identity  of  those  occupying  Long 
Island  when  it  was  first  discovered  by  the 
white  adventurers,  and  the  effort  at  solution 
has  involved  considerable  controversy  and  still 
left  much  that  is  vague  and  obscure.  Into  that 
controversy  we  cannot  enter  here,  for  contro- 
versy is  not  history ;  but  it  may  safely  be  said 
that  the  consensus  of  opinion,  the  drift  of  all 
the  evidence  produced,  is  that  the  aborigines 
of  Long  Island  were  a  part  of  the  great  family 
of  Algonquins  and  belonged  to  the  group 
designated  by  the  Dutch  pioneers  as  the  Mo- 
hegan  nation.  The  language  spoken  over  the 
island  is  described  as  being  that  of  the  Algon- 
quins, the  same  which  prevailed  all  over  the 
seaboard  and  throughout  the  northeastern  part 
of  the  present  United  States,  but  doubtless  was 
diversified  by  as  many  dialects  as  there  were 
tribes  or  clans.  John  Eliot  used  it  in  his  trans- 
lation of  the  New  Testament  and  other  books, 
biblical  and  theological,  which  nowadays  form 
the  best  record  of  a  language  which  has  for- 
ever passed  from  the  lips  of  living  men. 

The  tribes  or  clans  of  the  Mohegans  on 
Long  Island  were  as  follows  :* 

*The  proper  spelling  of  Indian  names  has  never 
been  reduced  to  an  exact  science,  but  throughout  this 
chapter  we  give  the  most  generally  accepted  form  first, 
followed,  where  need  be,  by  one  or  more  accepted 



I.  Canarsies  (Canarsee,  Caiiarsie)  :  Oc- 
cupied Kings  county  and  part  of  the  old  county 
of  Queens  as  far  &s  Jamaica. 

Subordinate  tribes:  (i)  Marechawicks, 
Brooklyn.  (2)  Nyacks,  New  Utrecht;  seem 
to  have  settled  on  Long  Island  about  1646. 
(3)  Jamecos,  Jamaica. 

II.  Rockaways:  Occupied  Hempstead, 
Rockaway  and  parts  of  Jamaica  and  Newtown. 

III.  Matinecocks:  Occupied  lands  from 
Flushing  to  Fresh  Pond,  Glen  Cove,  Cold 
Spring,  Huntington,  Cow  Harbor. 

IV.  Nesaquakes  (Missaquogue,  Nisse- 
quah) :  Occupied  lands  from  Fresh  Pond  to 
Stony  Brook. 

V.  Setaukets  (Setalcats)  :  From  Stony 
Brook  to  the  Wading  River,  including  Strong's 

VI.  Corchaugs :  Claimed  the  territory 
east  of  the  Wading  River,  including  the  entire 
townships  of  Riverhead  and  Southold  and  also 
Robin's  Island. 

VII.  Merokes  (Morrick  Alerikoke)  : 
Claimed  land  between  Near  Rockaway  and 
Oyster  Bay,  through  the  middle  of  the  island. 
Part  of  Hempstead  was  purchased  from  this 

VIII.  Marsapeagues  .(^^^""sapcqua)  : 
From  Fort  Neck  to  Islip  and  north  of  about 
the  center  of  Suffolk  county.  The  Merokes 
are  believed  to  have  been  a  branch  of  this  tribe. 
The  battle  of  1653,  at  which  Capt.  Underbill 
was  victorious,  was  mainly  fought  against  the 

IX.  Secatogues  (Secatague)  :  In  and 
around  Islip  township.  "The  fann  owned  by 
the  Wallets  family  at  Islip  is  called  Secatogue 
Neck,  and  was,  it  is  supposed,  the  chief  set- 
tlement and  residence  of  the  Sachem." — 

X.  Patchogues:  Patchogue  to  Canoe 
Place.  A  Sag  Harbor  newspaper  in  1830 
mentions  the  death  on  Jan.  5,  of  that  year,  at 
Patchogue,  of  "Elizabeth  Job,  relict  of  Ben 
Job  and  Queen  of  the  Indians  in  that  place, 
leaving  but  two  females  of  her  tribe,  both  well- 
stricken   in  years." 

XI.  Shinnecocks:  Ranged  from  Canoe 
Place  to  Easthampton,  including  Sag, Harbor 
and  Peconic  Bay.  At  Shinnecock  Neck  is  the 
reservation  of  about  400  acres  on  which  yet 
linger  the  survivors  of  this  once  flourishing 
tribe,  now  numbering  about  loo.  They  have 
lost  their  ancient  tongue  and  most  of  their 
ancient  customs  and  ideas,  and  are  reported  to 
be  a  practical,  hard-working  and  fairly  pros- 
perous body,  a  body  which  has  adopted  the 
customs  and  ways  of  the  now  dominant  race, 
but  is  steadily  decreasing  decade  after  decade. 

XII.  Montauks:  The  Montauk  Penin- 
sula and  Gardiner's  Island.  "About  the  year 
1819,  Stephen,  the  King  or  Sachem  of  the 
Alontauk  Indians,  died,  and  was  buried  by  a 
contribution.  This  Indian  King  was  only  dis- 
tinguished from  others  of  his  tribe  by  wear- 
ing a  hat  with  a  yellow  ribbon  on  it." 

XIII.  Manhassets:  Shelter  Island  and 
Hog  Island.  Tradition  says  they  could  at  one 
time  place  500  warriors  on  the  warpath. 

There  are  legendary  traces  of  the  existence 
of  several  other  tribes  on  the  island,  but  all 
actual  record  of  them  has  passed  away. 

For  several  decades  following  1609,  when 
Hendrick  Hudson  anchored  in  Gravesend  Bay 
and  commenced  that  intercourse  of  white  men 
with  red  which  marked  the  beginning  of 
the  extermination  of  the  latter,  we  get  but  few 
glimpses  of  the  aborigines,  and  these  glimpses 
are  by  no  means  altogether  favorable  to  the 
whites.  It  must,  be  remembered  that  the  lat- 
ter were  intruders ;  that  their  main  object  was 
to  acquire  wealth ;  that  they  did  not  under- 
stand, or  seek  to  understand,  the  natives,  and 
that  trouble  necessarily  arose  between  them 
from  the  first.  The  stories  of  the  primitive 
transactions  between  the  two  are  now,  in  a 
measure,  lost  to  us,  and  the  early  writings  we 
have,  of  course,  all  show  the  white  man's  idea 
of  his  American  burden ;  but  it  should  be  re- 
membered that  the  white  man  himself  was  a 
burden  upon  the  native  and  proved  in  the  end 
a  burden  that  crushed  him  back  into  the  earth 
from  whence  he  came. 

Writing  about  1832,  Gabriel  Furman,  the 



most  eminent  and  painstaking  of  tlie  early  an- 
tiquaries of  Long  Island,  said : 

The  old  Dutch  inhabitants  of  Kings  county 
have  a  tradition  that  the  Canarsie  tribe  were 
subject  to  the  Mohawks,  as  all  the  Iroquois 
were  fonnerly  called,  and  paid  them  an  annual 
tribute  of  dried  clams  and  wampum.  When 
the  Dutch  settled  in  this  country  they  per- 
suaded the  Canarsies  to  keep  back  the  tribute, 
in  consequence  of  which  a  party  of  the  Mo- 
hawks came  down  and  killed  their  tributaries 
whenever  they  met  them.  The  Canarsie  In- 
dians are  at  this  time  totally  extinct;  not  a 
single  member  of  that  ill-fated  race  is  now  in 

We  have  still  preserved  in  the  records  of 
the  Dutch  government  of  this  colony  historical 
evidence  of  the  truth  of  this  tradition  and 
some  account  of  this  extraordinary  incursion 
of  the  Iroquois,  or  the  Five  Nations  of  In- 
dians, upon  Long  Island.  They  seem  to  have 
regarded  all  the  Indians  of  the  great  Mohegan 
family,  in  the  southern  part  of  this  colony, 
as  tiieir  tributaries,  and  they  probably  were  so 
long  anterior  to  the  Dutch  settlement  of  this 
country.  After  the  Dutch  colonization  the 
Indians  on  Long  Island  appear  to  have  dis- 
continued the  payment  of  the  usual  tribute  to 
the  Iroquois,  or  to  the  Mohawks,  as  they  were 
generally  called,  that  being  the  Iroquois  tribe 
most  contiguous  to  the  European  settlements, 
being  located  then  a  little  south  of  Albany, 
upon  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  River,  and 
thus  for  a  long  time  with  the  European  col- 
onists the  name  of  Mohawks  was  used  to 
designate  the  whole  Iroquois  Confederacy,  and 
the  Long  Island  Indians  did  this  probably  from 
the  belief  that  the  Iroquois  would  not  dare 
come  down  and  Eltack  them  among  the  Euro- 
pean settlements.  But  in  this  they  were 
greatly  mistaken,  for  in  the  year  1655,  with 
the  view  of  chastising  all  their  former  tribu- 
taries in  the  southern  part  of  the  colony,  a 
large  body  of  these  northern  Indians  de- 
scended upon  the  Hudson  River  and  made  a 
landing  upon  Staten  Island,  where  they  mas- 
sacred sixty-seven  persons.  *  *  *  After  this 
the  Indian  army  crossed  to  Long  Island  and  in- 
vested the  town  of  Gravesend,  which  they 
threatened  to  destroy,  but  which  was  relieved 
by  a  detachment  of  Dutch  soldiers  sent  from 
New  Amsterdam.  Upon  their  abandoning  the 
siege  of  Gravesend  the  Dutch  records  give  no 
further  account  of  them  than  to  mention  that 
all  this  was  done  when  those  northern  Indians 

were  on  their  way  to  wage  war  against  the 
Indians  upon  the  east  end  of  Long  Island.  It 
was  undoubtedly  directly  after  leaving  Grave- 
send that  they  fell  upon  and  destroyed  the 
Canarsie  tribe  and  afterward  proceeded  down 
through  the  island  with  that  terrible  foray  of 
murder,  the  account  of  which  has  been  pre- 
served in  tradition  to  this  day,  and  to  prevent 
a  repetition  of  which  the  Consistory  of  the 
Dutch  Church  at  Albany  undertook  to  be  the 
agent  to  see  that  the  required  tribute  was 
yearly  paid  by  the  Long  Island  Indians  to  the 
Five  Nations.  So  great  was  the  dread  of  the 
Iroquois  among  the  Indians  of  this  island, 
arising  from  the  tradition  preserved  of  this 
terrible  incursion,  that  a  very  aged  lady,  who 
was  a  small  girl  of  eight  or  nine  years  before 
the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  war, 
tells  us  that  five  or  six  Indians  of  the  Iroquois 
nation  were  for  some  offence  brought  to  New 
York  and  sent  to  Jamaica  upon  Long  Island ; 
and  that,  although  they  were  prisoners,  not  one 
of  the  Long  Island  Indians  could  be  induced 
to  look,  with  person  exposed,  upon  any  of  these 
terrible  "Mohawks,"  as  they  called  them ;  but 
very  many  of  them  would  be  continually  peep- 
ing around  corners  and  from  behind  other  peo- 
ple to  get  a  sight  at  those  northern  Indians, 
and  at  the  same  time  expressing  the  utmost 
fear  and  dread  of  them. 

Mrs.  Remsen,  the  widow  of  Anthony  Rem- 
sen,  formerly  of  Brooklyn,  says  that  soon  after 
she  was  married  they  moved  to  Canarsie,  now 
[1832]  about  forty  years  since,  where  she 
made  the  shroud  in  which  to  bury  the  last  in- 
dividual of  the  remnant  of  the  Canarsie  tribe 
of  Indians.  This  last  remnant  of  that  tribe 
also  told  her  of  the  tradition,  before  men- 
tioned, of  the  destruction  of  the  greater  por- 
tion of  the  Canarsie  tribe  by  the  Mohawks. 
This  Indian  told  her  that  three  or  four  fam- 
ilies of  them,  having  become  alarmed  by  the 
shrieks  and  groans  of  their  murdered  friends, 
fled  for  the  shore  of  the  bay,  got  into  their 
canoes  and  paddled  off  to  Barren  Island,  form- 
ing part  of  the  Great  South  Beach,  whither 
the  Mohawks  could  not,  or  did  not,  follow 
them.  They  returned  late  in  the  following 
day,  and  soon  ascertained  that  they  consti- 
tuted the  only  living  representatives  of  their 
entire  tribe,  who  had  the  night  previous  lain 
down  to  rest  in  apparent  security :  and  that  no 
trace  was  to  be  discovered  of  their  barbarous 
enemies.  It  was  some  days,  however,  before 
they  ventured  to  return  permanently  to  their 
old  residences,  and  not  before  they  became  en- 



tirely  satisfied  that  the  Mohawks  had  returned 
to  their  homes. 

This  Indian  incursion  caused  the  Dutch 
Government  to  feel  much  apprehension  on  the 
subject  of  Indian  attacks  upon  the  towns  of 
the  western  p.irt  of  this  island  for  a  long  time 
subsequent.  The  inhabitants  of  Flatbush  were 
ordered  by  Gov.  Stuyvesant,  in  1656,  a  short 
time  after  that  foray,  to  enclose  their  village 
with  palisades  to  protect  them  from  the  In- 

And  again,  to  prevent  the  incursions  of 
Indians,  the  Governor,  in  1660,  ordered  the 
inhabitants  of  Brooklyn  to  put  their  town  in 
a  state  of  defense  and  also  commanded  the 
farmers  to  remove  within  the  fortifications  un- 
der the  penalty  of  forfeiting  their  estates. 

The  Dutch  colonists  appeared  to  have  lived 
in  almost  continued  apprehension  of  the  Iro- 
quois. On  the  26th  of  June,  1663,  Gov.  Stuy- 
vesant informed  the  church  of  Brooklyn  that 
the  Esopus  [Ulster  county]  Indians,  who  were 
then  in  league  with  the  Iroquois,  had  on  the 
7th  of  that  month  attacked  and  burnt  the 
town  of  Esopus  [Kingston],  killing  and 
wounding  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  and 
taking  many  prisoners,  burning  the  new  town 
and  desolating  the  place.  July  4,  1663,  was 
observed  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  on  account 
of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Indians,  the  re- 
lease of  prisoners  and  the  defeat  of  the  English 
attempt  to  take  the  whole  of  Long  Island. 

But  the  northern  Indians  were  not  the  only 
ones  who  rendered  life  miserable  to  the  abor- 
igines on  Long  Island.  Dr.  Prime,  in  his 
"History"  (1845),  gives  the  following  addi- 
tional details  of  events  which  happened  shortly 
after  the  IVIohawks'  raid,  in  which  the  Narra- 
gansett  (Rhode  Island)  Indians  played  havoc 
with  the  Ivlontauks,  against  whom  they  car- 
ried on  war  for  several  years : 

In  one  of  these  assaults,  led  on  by  Nini- 
craft,  the  chief  of  the  Narragansetts,  Wyan- 
danch  (Grand  Sachem)  was  surprised  in  the 
midst  of  a  marriage  feast  while  he,  with  his 
braves,  was  celebrating  the  nuptials  of  his  only 
daughter.  Their  wigwams  were  fired,  their 
granaries  rifled  or  destroyed,  their  principal 
warriors  slain,  and,  to  complete  the  triumph 
of  the  enemy  and  the  misery  of  the  unfortu- 
nate chief,  the  youthful  bride  was  carried  away 
captive,  leaving  the  bridegroom,  who  had  just 

plighted  his  troth,  weltering  in  his  own  blood. 
It  was  for  procuring  the  ransom  of  this  be- 
loved daughter  that  Wyandanch,  in  the  last 
year  of  his  life,  gave  to  Lion  Gardiner  a  con- 
veyance of  the  territory  now  constituting  the 
principal  part  of  Smithtown.  [The  deed  is 
now  in  the  possession  of  the  Long  Island  His- 
torical Society.] 

The  conduct  of  the  Long  Island  Indians 
towards  the  whites  is  without  a  parallel  in  the 
history  of  this  country.  It  was  to  be  ex- 
pected that  individual  acts  of  aggression 
should  occur  on  the  part  of  a  barbarous  people, 
for  real  or  supposed  injuries.  But  even  these 
were  rare,  and  the  Indians  always  showed 
themselves  willing  to  submit  to  an  impartial 
investigation  and  just  decision  of  alleged 

One  of  the  first  occurrences  of  this  kind 
was  the  murder  of  a  woman  at  Southampton 
in  1649,  which  instantly  spread  fearful  appre- 
hension of  a  general  insurrection  against  the 
white  settlements.'  The  magistrates  of  that 
town  immediately  sent  a  messenger  to  J\Ion- 
tauk  and  summoned  Wyandanch  to  appear  be- 
fore them.  His  councillors,  fearing  that  he 
would  be  summarily  condemned  to  death  by 
way  of  retaliation,  advised  him  not  to  obey 
the  summons.  Before  he  expressed  his  own 
opinion  he  submitted  the  case  to  Mr.  Gardi- 
ner, who  happened  to  be  lodging  in  his  wig- 
wam that  same  night.  By  his  advice  he  set 
out  immediately  for  Southampton,  Mr.  Gardi- 
ner agreeing  to  remain  as  hostage  to  the  tribe 
for  the  safety  of  their  beloved  chief.  With 
amazing  celerity  he  not  only  accomplished  the 
journey  of  twenty-five  miles,  but  actually  ap- 
prehended on  his  way  and  delivered  to  the 
magistrates  the  murderers  of  the  woman,  who, 
instead  of  being  his  own  subjects,  proved  to 
be  two  Pequot  Indians  from  the  main  [Con- 
necticut], some  of  whom  were  generally  lurk- 
ing on  the  island  for  the  purpose  of  promoting 
disturbances  between  the  natives  and  the  new 
settlers.  These  men,  being  sent  to  Hartford, 
were  tried,  convicted  and  executed. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  which  should  be  re- 
corded to  the  eternal  honor  of  the  Long  Island 
Indians  that  they  never  formed  a  general  con- 
spiracy, even  of  a  single  tribe,  against  the 
whites.  The  only  apparent  exception  to  this 
remark,  it  being  the  only  instance  in  which  the 
natives  stood  upon  their  arms  against  their 
new  neighbors,  was  the  ever-to-be-lamented 
battle  of  Fort  Neck ;  and  although  the  origin 
of  this  unfortunate  rencounter  is  veiled  in  ob- 


scurity,  there  were  circumstances  connected 
with  the  event  which  induce  the  behef  that 
if  the  whole  truth  could  be  developed,  instead 
of  implicating  the  poor  natives  in  the  guilt  of 
that  transaction  they  would  appear  entitled  to 
the  universal  respect  and  gratitude  of  the  set- 
tlers. It  was  generally  believed  at  the  time 
that  the  dissatisfaction  and  aggression  in 
which  this  affair  originated  were  instigated  by 
the  Dutch  Government  with  a  view  to  expel 
the  English  from  Long  Island  and  Connecti- 
cut. The  fact  is  on  record  that  some  of  the 
Long  Island  chiefs  sent  a  messenger  to  Con- 
necticut with  the  information  that  the  Dutch 
Fiscal  had  offered  them  arms  and  ammunition 
and  clothing  on  condition  of  their  joining  in 
the  destruction  of  the  English ;  and  it  is  added 
that  strong  efforts  were  made  to  induce  the 
western  tribes  to  renounce  their  allegiance  to 
the  Alontauk  chief,  who  was  known  to  be  the 
stanch  friend  of  the  English  settlers.  These 
statements  were,  indeed,  indignantly  denied 
by  the  Dutch  Governor  and  an  examination 
invited,  for  which  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed. But  they  broke  uo  without  accom- 
plishing their  object  or  allaying  the  suspicions 
which  had  been  previously  excited. 

These  threatening  rumors  spread  fearful 
apprehension  to  the  extreme  end  of  the  island, 
and  every  town  adopted  measures  of  defense. 
An  application  was  made  to  the  commissioners 
of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  England  for 
aid,  and,  although  it  was  defeated  by  the  op- 
position of  Massachussetts,  the  Legislature  of 
Rhode  Island,  alone,  resolved  to  send  help  to 
their  brethren  in  this  emergencv.  They  ac- 
cordingly commissioned  their  officers  to  pro- 
ceed to  Long  Island,  with  twenty  volunteers 
and  some  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  it  is  not  the 
least  deplorable  circumstance  in  this  expedi- 
tion that  the  chief  command  was  committed  to 
Capt.  John  Underbill,  of  Massachusetts  noto- 
riety, who,  to  say  nothing  of  his  moral  char- 
acter, had  learned  the  mode  of  dealing  with 
Indians  in  New  Eneland,  and  not  on  Long 

When  matters  came  to  the  worst  it  appears 
that  only  a  part  of  the  Marsapeague  tribe, 
with  a  few  dissatisfied  individuals  from  other 
tribes,  whose  hostility  the  Dutch  had  aroused 
and  could  not  now  control,  assembled  in  hos- 
tile array.  T*hey  entrenched  themselves  in  the 
town  of  Oyster  Bay,  on  the  south  side,  in  a 
redoubt  or  fort  in  extent  about  fifty  by  thirty 
yards,  the  remains  of  which  are  still  visible 
and  have  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  Fort 

Neck.  Here,  without  having  made  any  ag- 
gression on  the  surrounding  country,  they 
were  attacked  by  the  English,  who,  after  slay- 
ing a  considerable  number,  completely  dis- 
persed the  residue.  [Hubbard  says  that  Un- 
derbill, "having  120  men,  killed  150  Indians  on 
Long  Island  and  300  on  the  main  land."] 
This  action,  which  constitutes  the  first  and  the 
last  battle  between  the  Long  Island  Indians 
and  the  white  settlers,  took  place  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1653,  and  under  all  the  circumstances 
of  the  case  there  is  much  reason  to  question 
whether  there  was  any  real  necessity  for  the 
chastisement  inflicted. 

From  this  time  forward  the  Long  Island 
Indians  gave  the  whites  no  cause  for  alarm ; 
and  though  in  1675  the  Governor  of  New 
York,  under  the  apprehension  that  they  might 
be  seduced  or  compelled  by  the  Narragansetts 
to  engage  with  them  in  King  Philip's  war, 
ordered  all  their  canoes  from  Hurlgate  [Hell- 
gate]  to  Montauk  to  be  seized  and  guarded, 
they  tamely  submitted  without  the  smallest  act 
of  resistance  or  aggression. 

What  has  been  written  above  is  supple- 
mented by  the  following,  written  by  Samuel 
Jones,  of  Oyster  Bay,  and  printed  in  Vol.  3  of 
the  collections  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society : 

After  the  battle  of  Fort  Neck,  the  weather 
being  very  cold  and  the  wind  northwest,  Capt. 
Underbill  and  his  men  collected  the  bodies  of 
the  Indians  and  threw  them  in  a  heap  on  the 
brow  of  the  hill,  and  then  sat  down  on  the 
leeward  side  of  the  heap  to  eat  their  break- 
fast. When  this  part  of  the  county  came  to 
be  settled  the  highway  across  the  neck  passed 
directly  over  the  spot  where,  it  was  said,  the 
heap  of  Indians  lay,  and  the  earth  in  that  spot 
was  remarkably  different  from  the  ground 
about  it,  being  str  ngly  tinged  with  a  reddish 
cast,  which  the  old  people  said  was  occasioned 
by  the  blood  of  the  Indians. 

This  appearance  formerly  was  very  con- 
spicuous. Having  heard  the  story  above  sixty 
years  ago,  that  is,  before  the  year  1752,  I  fre- 
quently viewed  and  marked  the  spot  with 
astonishment.  But  by  digging  down  the  hill 
for  repairing  the  highway,  the  appearance  is 
now  entirely  gone. 

Notwithstanding  Dr.  Prime's  pacific  de- 
scription of  the  Indians,  there  is  little  differ- 



ence  between  the  story  of  their  relations  with 
the  white  intruders  upon  Long  Island  and  the 
story  as  told  of  other  localities.  The  Dutch 
seem  to  have  regarded  them  with  contempt  as 
natural  enemies  from  the  very  first,  and  so 
brought  down  upon  themselves  their  hatred. 
The  English  met  the  Indian  question  with  more 
diplomacy.  The  story  of  their  treatment  of 
the  red  men  in  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
is  sickening,  even  revolting  in  its  details,  but 
on  the  English  settlements  on  Long  Island, 
west  of  Oyster  Bay,  they  used  more  diplomacy 
and  honesty,  probably  because  they  saw  that 
in  the  friendship  of  the  aborigines  lay  one  of 
their  best  protections  against  the  Dutch.  The 
Long  Island  Indians  took  up  arms  with  so 
many  thousands  of  their  race  against  Governor 
Kieft,  one  of  the  most  unprincipled  scoundrels 
who  ever  disgraced  a  colonial  outpost's  author- 
ity, but  they  soon  »nade  peace.  "In  1643,"  we 
read  in  Winthrop's  "History  of  New  Eng- 
land," "the  Indians  of  Long  Island  took  part 
with  their  neighbors  on  the  main,  and  as  the 
Dutch  took  away  their  corn,  so  they  took  to 
■burning  the  Dutch  houses,  but  these,  by  the 
mediation  of  Mr.  [Roger]  Williams,  were  paci- 
fied and  peace  re-established  between  them  and 
the  Dutch ;  at  length  they  came  to  an  accord 
with  the  rest  of  the  Indians.  These  Indians 
having  cleared  away  all  the  English  upon  the 
main  as  far  as  Stamford,  they  passed  on  to 
Long  Island  and  there  assaulted  the  Lady 
Moody  in  her  house  divers  times,  for  there 
were  forty  gathered  there  to  defend  it;  they 
also  set  upon  the  Dutch  with  implacable  fury 
and  killed  all  they  could  come  by;  burnt  their 
houses  and  killed  their  cattle  without  restraint, 
so  as  the  Governor  (Kieft)  and  such  as 
escaped  betook  themselves  to  their  fort  at  Man- 
hattan, and  there  lived  and  eat  up  their  cattle." 
The  Rev.  Isaac  Jogues,  the  Jesuit  mission- 
ary who  was  treacherously  murdered  by  In- 
dians at  Caughnawaga  in  1646,  has  left  an  in- 
teresting document  describing  the  new  Neth- 
erlands in  1644,  which  is  printed  in  "Docu- 
mentary History  of  New  York,"  Vol.  IV,  and 
contains  manv  interesting    data    drawn    from 

personal  observation  during  his  pilgrimage 
here.  In  the  course  of  it  he  mentions  a  cam- 
paign against  the  Indians  in  1644,  in  which  he 
says : 

Some  (Indian)  nations  near  the  sea  having 
murdered  some  Hollanders  of  the  most  distant 
settlement,  the  Hollanders  killed  150  Indians, 
men,  women  and  children ;  the  latter  having 
killed  at  divers  intervals  forty  Dutchmen, 
burnt  several  houses  and  committed  ravages 
estimated  at  the  time  I  was  there  at  200,000 
lives.  Troops  were  raised  in  New  England 
and  in  the  beginning  of  winter,  the  grass  being 
low  and  some  snow  on  the  ground,  they  pur- 
sued them  with  600,  men,  keeping  200  always 
on  the  move  and  constantly  relieving  each 
other,  so  that  the  Indians,  pent  up  in  a  large 
island  and  finding  it  impossible  to  escape  on 
account  of  the  women  and  children,  were  cut 
to  pieces  to  the  number  of  1,600,  women  and 
children  included.  This  obliged  the  rest  of 
the  Indians  to  make  peace,  which  still  con- 

Thus  it  will  be  seen,  as  has  already  been 
declared,  that  there  was  really  no  difference 
but  in  degree  in  the  relations  between  the  white 
man  and  the  red  man  on  Long  Island  and  the 
relations  which  existed  in  other  parts  of  the 
ccuntry.  At  the  east  end  of  the  island  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Gardiner  family  over  the  Mon- 
tauks  prevented  many  of  the  abuses  which  the 
English  settlers  in  New  England  perpetrated 
on  the  people  whose  lands  they  took,  and  as- 
sisted in  preserving  some  sort  of  decency  and 
order  in  the  relations  between  the  races.  In 
the  middle  and  western  sections,  however,  the 
Indian  was  regarded  as  little  better  than  a  nat- 
ural enemy  with  all  that  such  regard  implies. 

Nor  do  we  think  that  the  claim  put  forth 
by  Prime  and  others  that  the  Long  Island 
Indians  were  a  quiet  and  gentle  and  affection- 
ate people  has  been  made  good.  They  were 
in  fact  pretty  much  like  the  rest  of  their  race. 
The  Rev.  Samson  Occom,  one  of- the  earliest 
of  the  native  converts  and  preachers,  said  of 
them  (and  he  knew  them  intimately  by  long 
residence  among  them)  :  "They  believe  in  a 
plurality   of   gods   and   one   Great  and   Good 



Being  who  controls  all  the  rest.  They  like- 
wise believe  in  an  evil  spirit."  The  writer 
of  a  description  of  New  Netherland  published 
n  a  work  on  the  New  World  at  Amsterdam 
n  1671,  and  which  is  translated  and  printed 
n  "Documentary  History  of  New  York," 
Vol.  lA^,  says  on  the  same  subject: 

No  trace  of  divine  worship  can  hardly  be 
discovered  here.  Only  they  ascribe  great  in- 
fluence to  the  moon  over  the  crops.  The  sun, 
as  all-seeing,  is  taken  to  witness  as  often  as 
they  take  an  oath.  They  pay  great  revererice 
to  the  devil,  because  they  fear  great  trouble 
from  him  when  hunting  and  fishing;  where-, 
fore  the  first  fruits  of  the  chase  are  burned 
in  his  honor,  so  that  they  may  not  receive 
injury.  They  fully  acknowledge  that  a  God 
dwells  beyond  the  stars,  who,  however,  gives 
Himself  no  concern  about  the  doings  of  devils 
on  earth  because  he  is  constantly  occupied 
with  a  beautiful  goddess  whose  origin  is  un- 
known. =f=  *  *  Regarding  the  souls  of 
the  dead,  they  believe  that  those  who  have 
done  good  enjoy  every  sort  of  pleasure  in 
a  temperate  country  to  the  south,  while  the 
bad  wander  about  in  misery.  They  believe 
the  loud  wailing  which  wild  animals  make  at 
nights  to  be  the  wailings  of  the  ghosts  of 
wicked  bodies. 

From  the  same  description  we  get  several 
other  points  of  information  anent  the  Indians 
in  New  Netherland  which  may  safely  be  re- 
garded as  applying  to  those  on  Long  Island. 
As  to  the  dwellings  of  the  Indians  we  are 

Their  houses  are  for  the  most  part  built 
after  one  plan;  they  differ  only  in  the  greater 
or  smaller  length ;  the  breadth  is  invariably 
twenty  feet.  The  following  is  the  mode  of 
construction :  They  set  various  hickory  poles 
in  the  ground  according  to  the  size  of  the 
building.  The  tops  are  bent  together  above 
in  the  form  of  a  gallery,  and  throughout  the 
length  of  these  bent  poles  laths  are  fastened. 
The  walls  and  roof  are  then  covered  with  the 
bark  of  asb,  elm  and  chestnut  trees.  The 
pieces  of  bark  are  lapped  over  each  other  as 
a  protection  against  a  change  of  weather,  and 
the  smooth  side  is  turned  inward.  The  houses 
lodge  fifteen  families,  more  or  less,  according 
to  the  dimensions. 

Their  forts  stand  mostly  on  steep  moun- 
tains beside  a  stream  of  water.  The  entrance 
is  only  on  one  side.  They  are  built  in  this 
wise :  They  set  heavy  timbers  in  the  ground 
with  oak  palisades  on  both  sides  planted  cross- 
wise one  with  another.  They  join  timbers 
again  between  the  cross-trees  to  strengthen 
the  work.  Within  the  enclosure  they  common- 
ly build  twenty  or  thirty  houses,  some  of  which 
are  180  feet  long,  some  less.  All  are  crammed 
full  of  people.  In  the  summer  they  set  up 
huts  along  the  river  in  order  to  pursue  fishing. 
In  the  winter  they  remove  into  the  woods  to 
be  convenient  to  the  hunting  and  to  a  supply 
of  firewood. 

Regarding  the  character  of  the  Indian  the 
same  writer  tells  us: 

Great  faults  as  well  as  virtues  are  remarked 
in  the  inhabitants,  for,  besides  being  slovenly 
and  slothful,  they  are  also  found  to  be  thiev- 
ish, headstrong,  greedy  and  vindictive.  In 
other  respects  they  are  grave,  chary  of  speech, 
which  after  mature  consideration  is  slowly 
uttered  and  long  remembered.  The  under- 
standing being  somewhat  sharpened  by  the 
Hollanders,  they  evince  sufficient  ability  to 
distinguish  carefully  good  from  evil.  They 
will  not  suffer  any  imposition.  Nowise  dis- 
posed to  gluttony,  they  are  able  patiently  to 
endure  cold,  heat,  hunger  and  thirst. 

So  much  for  Dutch  evidence.  From  a  New 
England  source,  Hubbard's  "General  History 
of  New  England,"  we  get  the  following : 

The  Indians  on  Long  Island  were  more 
fierce  and  barbarous,  for  our  Captain  Howe, 
about  this  time,  going  with  eight  or  ten  men 
to  a  wigwam  there  to  demand  an  Indian  that 
had  killed  one  Hammond,  an  Englishman,  the 
Indian  ran  violently  out  (with  knife  in  his 
hand  wherewith  he  wounded  one  of  the  com- 
pany), thinking  to  escape  from  them;  so  they 
were  forced  to  kill  him  upon  the  place,  which 
so  discouraged  the  rest  that  they  did  not  at- 
tempt any  revenge.  If  they  had  been  always 
so  handled  they  would  not  have  dared  to  have 
rebelled  as  they  did  afterward. 

There  are  many  such  citations  as  to  the 
treachery  of  the  Long  Island  Indian  in  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop's  (1637)  Journal,  but  there  is 
hardly  need  to  produce  the  details  here.   Some 



interesting  passages  regarding  the  Indians  is 
Banker's  and  Sluyter's  "Journal  of  a  Voyage 
to  New  York,"  etc.,  which  was  translated  and 
edited  for  the  memoirs  of  the  Long  Island 
Historical  Society  by  the  late  Henry  C.  Mur- 
phy in  1867.  Under  date  of  Saturday,  Sep- 
tember 30,  1679,  the  Journal  says: 

We  went  a  part  of  the  way  through  a 
woods  and  fine,  new-made  land,  and  so  along 
the  shore  to  the  west  end  of  the  island  called 
Najack  [Fort  Hamilton,  then  probably  sur- 
rounded by  water  and  marsh].  Continuing 
onward,  we  came  to  the  plantation  of  the  Na- 
jack Indians,  which  was  planted  with  maize, 
or  Turkish  wheat.  We  soon  heard  a  noise 
of  pounding,  like  threshing,  and  went  to  the 
place  whence  it  proceeded  and  found  there  an 
old  Indian  woman  busily  employed  beating 
Turkish  beans  out  of  the  pods  by  means  of  a 
shell,  which  she  did  with  astonishing  force 
and  dextrity.  Gerrit  inquired  of  her,  in 
the  Indian  language,  which  he  spoke  perfectly 
well,  how  old  she  was,  and  she  answered  eighty 
years ;  at  which  we  were  still  more  astonished 
that  so  old  a  woman  should  still  have  so  much 
strength  and  courage  to  work  as  she  did. 

We  then  went  from  thence  to  her  habita- 
tion, where  we  found  the  whole  troop  together, 
consisting  of  seven  or  eight  families  and  twen- 
ty or  twenty-two  persons,  I  should  think.  Their 
house  was  low  and  long,  about  sixty  feet  long 
and  fourteen  or  fifteen  feet  wide.  The  bottom 
was  earth,  the  sides  and  roof  were  maide  of 
reeds  and  the  bark  of  chestnut  trees ;  the  posts 
or  columns  were  limbs  of  trees  stuck  in  the 
ground  and  all  fastened  together.  The  top, 
or  ridge,  of  the  roof  was  open  about  half  a 
foot  wide  from  one  end  to  the  other,  in  order 
to  let  the  smoke  escape  in  place  of  a  chimney. 
On  the  sides  or  walls  of  the  house  the  roof 
was  so  low  that  you  could  hardly  stand  under 
it.  The  entrances,  or  doors,  which  were  at 
both  ends,  were  so  small  and  low  that  they  had 
to  stoop  and  squeeze  themselves  to  get  tlirough 
them.  The  doors  were  made  of  reed  or  flat 
bark.  In  the  whole  building  there  was  no 
lime-stone,  iron  or  lead.  They  build  their 
fire  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  according  to 
the  number  of  families  which  live  in  it,  so 
that  from  one  end  to  the  other  each  of  them 
boils  its  own  pot.  and  eats  when  it  likes,  not 
only  the  families  by  themselves,  but  each  In- 
dian alone,  according  as  he  is  hungry,  at  all 
hours,   morning,   noon    and   night.      By   each 

fire  are  the  cooking  utensils,  consisting  of  a 
pot,  a  bowl  or  calabash,  and  a  spoon,  also 
made  of  a  calabash.  These  are  all  that  relate 
to  cooking. 

They  lie  upon  mats  with  their  feet  toward 
the  fire,  on  each  side  of  it.  They  do  not  sit 
much  upon  anything  raised  up,  but,  for  the 
most  part,  sit  on  the  ground  or  squat  upon 
their  ankles.  Their  other  household  articles 
consist  of  a  calabash  of  water  out  of  which 
they  drink,  a  small  basket  in  which  to  carry 
and  keep  their  maize  and  small  beans,  and  a 
knife.  Their  implements  are,  for  tillage  a 
small  sharp  stone  and  nothing  more ;  for  fish- 
ing, a  canoe  without  mast  or  sail  and  without 
a  nail  in  any  part  of  it,  thougli  it  is  some- 
times full  forty  feet  in  length ;  fish  hooks  and 
lines,  and  scoops  to  paddle  with  in  place  of 
oars.  I  do  not  know  whether  there  are  not 
some  others  of  a  trifling  nature. 

All  who  live  in  one  house  are  generally 
of  one  stock  or  descent,  as  father  and  mother, 
with  their  offspring.  Their  bread  is  maize, 
pounded  in  a  block  by  a  stone,  but  not  fine. 
This  is  mixed  with  water  and  made  into  a 
cake,  which  they  bake  under  the  hot  ashes. 
*  *  *  These  Indians  live  on  the  land  of 
Jacques  Cortelyou,  brother-in-law  of  Gerrit. 
He  bought  the  land  from  them  in  the  first  in- 
stance, and  then  let  them  have  a  small  corner 
for  which  they  pay  him  twenty  bushels  of 
maize  yearly,  that  is,  ten  bags.  Jacques  had 
first  bought  the  whole  of  Najack  from  these 
Indians,  who  were  the  lords  thereof,  and  lived 
upon  the  land  and  afterward  bought  it  again 
in  parcels.  He  was  unwilling  to  drive  the 
Indians  from  the  land,  and  has  therefore  left 
thom  a  corner,  keeping  the  best  of  it  himself. 
We  arrived  there  upon  this  land,  which  is  all 
good  and  yields  large  crops  of  wheat  and 
other  grain. 

In  a  note  on  this  passage  the  editor  of  the 
Long  Island  Historical  Society's  volume,  the 
late  Henry  C.  Murphy,  said : 

Jacques  Cortelyou  came  from  Utrecht  to 
this  country  in  1562  in  the  quality  of  tutor  to 
the  children  of  Cornelius  \^an  Werckhoven, 
of  that  city  (who  that  year  also  came  to 
America),  first  patentee  direct  from  the  West 
India  Company,  of  Nyack,  or  Fort  Hamilton. 
He  married  Neeltje  Van  Duyne,  and  died 
about  1693.  The  Indians  received  six  coats, 
six  kettles,  six  axes,  six  chisels,  six  small 
looking-glasses,    twelve    knives    and    twelve 


combs  from  the  West  India  Company  for  all 
the  land  extending  along  the  bay  from  Go- 
wanus  to  Coney  Island,  embracing  the  present 
town  of  New  Utrecht.  Van  Werckhoven 
went  to  Holland,  after  attempting  a  settle- 
ment at  Nyack,  but  with  the  intention  of  re- 
turning. He  died  there,  however,  in  1655, 
and  Cortelyou,  who  remained  in  possession  of 
Xyack  as  his  agent,  obtained  permission,  in 
1657,  from  the  Director  and  Council  to  lay  out 
on  the  tract  the  town  of  New  Utrecht,  so 
named  in  compliment  to  the  birthplace  of  Van 

The  journalist  mistakes  in  supposing  the 
first  purchase  of  Nyack  from  the  Indians  to 
have  been  by  Cortelyou;  but  is  probably  cor- 
rect in  stating  a  second  purchase  by  him, 
which  might  have  been  made  for  the  purpose 
of  aiding  him  with  a  title  by  possession  against 
the  heirs  of  Van  Werckhoven,  who  actually 
did  subsequently  claim  this  inheritance. 

Long  Island  seems  to  have  alTorded  the 
Indians  plenty  of  hunting,  and  its  waters 
abounded  with  fish,  so  that  the  red  man  had 
little  occasion  to  cultivate  the  soil  except  to 
scratch  its  surface  here  and  there  to  raise 
enough  grain  to  make  bread.  He  was  an  adept 
fisherman,  and  a  canoe  formed  a  striking  part 
of  his  individual  or  family  wealth. 

One  feature  of  the  resources  of  Long  Isl- 
and which,  while  it  made  it  popular  with  the 
aborigines,  invited  trouble  with  outside  tribes, 
and  caused  more  wars,  misery  and  havoc  than 
we  have  any  adequate  knowledge  of,  was  the 
abundance  of  the  shells  which  passed  current 
among  them  for  money.  To  this  subject  ref- 
erence is  made  at  length  in  another  chapter  of 
this  history. 

One  of  the  most  curious  passages  in  the 
early  European-Indian  history,  if  we  may  use 
such  an  expression  to  describe  events  which 
took  place  in  the  Indian  story  when  the  white 
men  first  began  to  make  their  homes  on  this 
side  of  the  sea,  is  the  manner  in  which  the 
land  passed  from  the  aborigines  to  the  in- 
truders. All  such  transactions  were  held  to 
be  strictly  regular,  to  have  been  carried  on  in 
accordance  with  the  exact  requirements  of 
law;  and  yet  to  us  it  seems  strange  to  read, 
as   in   the   passage   just   quoted,   of  the   Fort 

Hamilton  Indian^  dispossessing  themselves  of 
their  lands  to  Cornelius  Van  Werckhoven  for 
a  few  tools  and  trinkets,  and  then  being  glad 
as  a  matter  of  charity  to  be  permitted  to  live 
on  and  cultivate  a  few  of  the  poorest  acres; 
for  the  passage  referred  to  informs  us  that 
\'an  Werckhoven's  agent  retained  the  best  for 
himself,  and  informs  us -also  that  the  same 
agent  even  kept  the  whole  ultimately  for  his 
own  use  to  the  exclusion  of  the  heirs  of  his 
master,  the  first  European  "proprietor." 

The  keynote  of  the  common  talk  of  the 
just  and  equitable  treatment  of  the  Indians  is 
found  in  Silas  Wood's  "Sketch  of  First  Set- 
tlement of  Long  Island"    (1828): 

Both  the  English  and  Dutch  respected  the 
rights  of  the  Indians  and  no  land  was  taken 
up  by  the  several  towns,  or  by  individuals, 
until  it  had  been  fairly  purchased  of  the  chief 
of  the  tribe  who  claimed  it.  Thus  the  Dutch 
on  the  west  and  the  English  on  the  east  end 
maintained  a  constant  friendship  with  the  In- 
dian tribes  in  their  respective  neighborhood; 
and  while  they  were  friendly  with  each  other, 
the  Indians  from  one  end  of  the  island  to  the 
other  were  friendly  with  both.  It  may  have 
been  partly  in  consequence  of  the  destruction 
of  their  warriors  in  their  recent  wars  and  of 
their  military  spirit  being  broken  by  their  sub- 
mission to  successive  conquerors,  but  it  was 
principally  by  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the 
chiefs,  particularly  the  sachem  of  the  whole, 
by  uniform  justice  and  kindness,  by  preventing 
excitement  by  artificial,  means,  and  by  render- 
ing success  hopeless  by  withholding  the  means 
necessary  to  insure  it,  that  the  whites  were  ex- 
empted from  any  hostile  combination  of  the 
Long  Island  Indians.  There  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  this  exception  from  Indian  hos- 
tilities was  owing  to  a  better  disposition  or 
milder  character  of  the  natives  of  the  island. 

Commenting  sagely  on  this.  Dr.  Prime 
observed : 

If  the  rights  of  the  aborigines  in  every  part 
of  the  country  had  been  as  sacredly  respected 
and  the  same  means  had  been  used  to  secure 
and  preserve  their  friendship,  the  horrors  of 
Indian  aggressions  and  the  bloody  measures 
of  retaliation  which  disgrace  the  early  annals 
of  our  country  would  have  been  greatly  dimin- 
ished, if  not  entirely  prevented. 


With  this  Pecksnififiian  testimony  as  to  the 
treatment  of  the  Indians  in  our  minds,  we  will 
examine  a  few  instances'  of  tlie  rights  so  sa- 
credly respected,  keepmg  in  view  the  fact  that 
the  land  and  the  sea  were  the  sources  whence 
the  Indians  derived  their  sustenance,  and  ob- 
tained it  thence  directly.  All  men,  of  course, 
derive  their  sustenance  from  the  land  or  sea, 
but  the  farmer,  the  hunter  and  the  fisherman 
do  so  directly,  while  the  engineer,  the  carpen- 
ter, the  trader,  the  lawyer,  the  physician  and 
the  like  do  not. 

In  1649  what  is  now  the  town  of  East- 
hampton  was  settled  by  some  thirty  families 
from  Massachusetts,  under  the  direction,  it 
would  seem,  of  the  Connecticut  government, 
and  the  settlement  was  located  in  the  western 
part  of  what  is  now  the  township.  The  new- 
comers took  up  their  abode  and  entered  into 
possession  of  a  tract  of  30,000  acres  of  land 
as  a  result  of  a  bargain  effected  in  the  pre- 
vious year  with  the  Indian  owners.  The 
agreement  read  as  follows: 

April  the  29th,  1648.  This  present  wright- 
ing  testyfieth  an  agreement  betwixt  the  Wor- 
shipful Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.,  Governor  of 
the  Colony  of  New  Haven,  the  Worshipful 
Edward  Hopkins,  Esq.,  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony of  Connecticut,  their  associates  on  the  one 
parte;  Poygratasuck,  Sachem  of  Manhasset; 
Wyandanch,  Sachem  of  Mountacutt,  Momo- 
metou,  Sachem  of  Chorchake ;  and  Nowedo- 
nah.  Sachem  of  Shinecock,  and  their  associ- 
ates, the  other  party. 

The  said  Sachems  having  sould  into  the 
aforesaid  Th.  Eaton  and  Ed.  Hopkins,  with 
their  associates  all  the  land  lying  within  the 
bounds  of  the  inhabitants  of  Southampton 
unto  the  east  side  of  Mountacutt  high  land, 
with  the  whole  breadth  from  sea  to  sea,  not 
intrenching  upon  any  in  length  or  breadth 
which  the  inhabitants  of  Southampton  have 
and  does  possess,  as  they  by  lawful  right  shall 
make  appeare  for  a  consideration  of 

Twenty  coates, 
twenty-four  hatchets, 
twenty-four  knives, 
twenty  looking-glasses, 
one  hundred  muxes. 

already  received  by  us,  the  aforesaid  sachems 
for  ourselves  and  our  associates ;  and  in  con- 
sideration thereof  we  give  upp  unto  the  said 
purchasers  all  our  right  and  interest  in  said 
land,  to  them  and  their  heirs,  whether  our 
or  other  nation  whatsoever  that  doe  or  may 
hereafter  challenge  interest  therein.  Alsoe  we, 
the  said  Sacliems,  have  covenanted  to  have 
libertie  for  ourselves  to  fifiish  in  any  or  all  of 
the  creeks  and  ponds,  and  hunting  upp  and 
downe  in  the  woods,  without  molestation; 
they  giving  to  the  English  inhabytants  noe 
just  offence  or  injurie  to  their  goods  and  chat- 
tels. Alsoe,  they  are  to  have  the  ffynnes  and 
tayles  of  all  such  whales  as  shall  be  cast  upp, 
as  to  their  proper  right,  and  desire  they  may 
be  friendly  dealt  with  in  the  other  parte. 
Alsoe  they  reserve  libertie  to  fifish  in  conven- 
ient places  ffor  shells  to  make  wampum. 
Alsoe,  Indyans  hunting  any  deare  they  should 
chase  into  the  water,  and  the  English  should 
kill  them,  the  English  shall  have  the  body 
and  the  Sachems  the  skin.  And  in  testymony 
of  our  well  performance  hereof  we  have  set 
our  hands  the  day  and  year  above  written. 

Signed :  In  presence  of  Richard  Wood- 
hull,  Thomas  Stanton,  Robert  Bond,  and  Job 
Sayre.  Poygratasuck,  x. 

Wyandanch,  x. 

Momometou,  x. 

Nowedonah,  x. 

The  value  of  the  goods  given  the  Indians 
in  this  transaction  amounted  to  £30  4s.  8d.  It 
was  not  long  before  the  natives  were  so  har- 
assed by  the  incursions  of  the  Narragansetts 
that  they  were  obliged  to  move  from  the  lands 
they  held  east  to  Montauk  Point  and  seek  the 
aid  and  protection  of  the  English  settlers.  As 
an  acknowledgment  of  this  assistance  they 
made  over  to  their  protectors  the  remaining 
lands  of  the  Montauk  territory,  saying  in  the 
conveyances,  drawn  up,  of  course,  by  the 
beneficiaries : 

Whereas  of  late  years  there  has  been  sore 
distresses  and  calamities  befallen  us  by  reason 
of  the  cruel  opposition  and  violence  of  our 
deadly  enemy  Ninnecraft,  Sachem  of  Narra- 
gansett,  whose  cruelty  hath  proceeded  so  far 
as  to  take  away  the  lives  of  many  of  our  dear 
friends  and  relations,  so  that  we  were  forced 
to  fly  from  Montaukett  for  shelter  to  our  be- 
loved friends  and  neighbors  of  Easthampton, 



whom  we  found  to  be  friendly  in  our  dis- 
tresses, and  whom  we  must  ever  own  and  ac- 
knowledge, under  God,  for  the  preservation  of 
OUT  lives,  and  the  lives  of  our  wives  and  chil- 
dren to  this  day,  and  of  the  lands  of  Montau- 
kett  from  the  hands  of  our  enemies ;  and  since 
our  coming  among  them  the  relieving  us  in 
our  extremities  from  time  to  time. 

For  all  this  the  Indians  in  the  rest  oi  the 
document  make  over  to  the  white  men  their 
lands — their  entire  earthly  possessions  in  fact 
— reserving  only  the  right  of  using  such  por- 
tions of  the  soil  as  might  be  necessary  to  en- 
able them  to  live.  In  commenting  on  this 
transaction  Benjamin  F.  Thompson  said :  . 

In  the  preamble  to  this  conveyance,  allu- 
sion is  made  to  the  cruel  and  perfidious  mas- 
sacre of  the  Sachem  and  many  of  his  best  war- 
riors a  few  years  before  at  Block  Island,  for 
being  there  on  some  important  occasion  they 
were  surprised  in  the  night  by  a  party  of  the 
Narragansett  Indians  ;,  but  were  promised  their 
lives  should  be  spared  upon  laying  down  their 
arms,  which  they  had  no  sooner  done  than 
they  were  set  upon  and  murdered  in  a  most 
barbarous  manner,  only  one  of  the  whole  num- 
ber escaping  to  relate  the  horrid  deed.  The 
Sachem  himself  was  reserved  for  further  cru- 
elty, and  being  conveyed  to  the  Narragansett 
country  was  there  tortured  to  death  by  being 
compelled  to  walk  naked  over  flat  rocks  heated 
to  the  utmost  by  fires  built  upon  them.  Nini- 
gret,  the  chief  of  that  powerful  tribe,  had  a 
violent  hatred  of  the  JMontauks  for  not  only 
refusing  on  a  former  occasion  to  unite  with 
him  in  destroying  the  white  people,  but  for 
having  discovered  the  plot  to  the  English,  by 
which  his  design  was  frustrated  and  the  in- 
habitanti  saved  from  destruction.  The  words 
of  Captain  Gardiner  are:  "Wyandanch,  the 
Long  Island  Sachem,  told  me  that  as  all  the 
plots  of  the  Narragansetts  had  been  discov- 
ered, they  now  concluded  to  let  the  English 
alone  until  they  had  destroyed  Uncas,  the  Mo- 
hegan  chief,  and  himself;  then,  with  the  as- 
sistance of  the  Mohawks  and  Indians  beyond 
the  Dutch,  they  could  easily  destroy  us,  every 
man  and  mother's  son."  Indeed,  it  seems  sus- 
picions were  generally  entertained  that  the 
Dutch  not  only  countenanced  the  Indians  in 
their  hostility  to  the  English,  but  had  also  se- 
cretly supplied  them  with  arms.     Several  In- 

dian Sagamores  residing  near  the  Dutch  re- 
ported that  the  Dutch  Governor  had  urged 
them  to  cut  off  the  English,  and  it  was  well 
known  that  Ninigret  had  spent  the  winter  of 
1652-3  ^among  the  Dutch.  In  consequence  a 
special  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  was  con- 
vened at  Boston  in  April,  1653,  but  several  In- 
dian Sachems,  who  were  examined,  denied  any 
agreement  with  the  Dutch  to  make  war  upon 
the  English.  Ninigret  declared  that  he  went 
to  New  Amsterdam  to  be  cured  of  some  dis- 
ease by  a  French  physician;  that  he  carried 
thirty  fathoms  of  wampum,  of  which  he  gave 
the  doctor  ten  and  the  governor  fifteen,  in  ex- 
change for  which  the  Governor  gave  him  some 
coats  with  sleeves,  but  not  one  gun.  On  the 
first  day  of  August,  1660,  and  after  the  death 
of  Sachem  Wyandanch,  his  widow,  called  the 
Squa-Sachem,  and  her  son  united  in  a  deed 
of  confirmation  to  the  original  purchasers  for 
the  lands  of  Montauk  and  described  by  them 
as  extending  from  sea  to  sea  and  from  the 
easternmost  parts  thereof  to  the  bounds  of 

Finally  a  patent  confirming  those  Indian 
grants  to  the  inhabitants  was  signed  by  Gov- 
ernor Nicolls  March  13,  1666. 

To  take  another  instance,  we  extract  an 
Indian  deed  for  the  surrender  of  Barren  Island 
in  1664  from  Stiles's  "History  of  Kings 

Know  all  men,  etc.,  that  we,  Wawmatt 
Tappa  and  Kackawashke,  the  right  and  true 
proprietors  of  a  certain  island  called  by  the 
Indians  Equendito,  and  by  the  English  Broken 
Lands,  in  consideration  of  two  coats,  one  ket- 
tel,  one  gun,  one  new  trooper-coat,  ten  fath- 
oms of  wampum  prage,  three  shirts,  six  pounds 
of  powder,  six  barrs  of  lead  and  a  quantity 
of  Brandie  wine,  already  paid  unto  us  by  John 
Tilton,  sen.,  and  Samuel  Spicer,  of  Gravesend, 
L.  I.,  Do,  &c.,  sell,  &c.,  the  said  Island  called 
Equendito,  &c.,  with  all  our  right  *  =■'  * 
both  of  upland  and  marshes  any  way  belonging 
thereto,  as  the  Straun  Beach  or  Beaches,  as 
namely  that  running  out  more  westerly,  with 
the  Island  adjoining,  and  is  at  the  same  time 
by  the  ocean  sea  wholly  inclosed,  called  Hoop- 
aninak  and  Shanscomacocke  and  macutteris, 
as  also  all  the  harbors,  &c.,  to  the  said  John 
Tilton  and  Samuel  Spicer  *  *  *  except- 
ing only  to  ourselves  the  one-half  of  all  such 


whale-fish  that  shall  by  wind  and  storms  be 
cast  upon  the  said  Island.  In  witness  whereof 
we  have  set  our  hands  this  13  day  of  the  3 
month,  called  May,  Anno,  1664. 

A  much  better-known  instance,  and  one 
with  which  we  will  close  our  investigation  here 
into  this  branch  of  our  subject,  is  the  manner 
in  which  the  Gardiner  family  acquired  its  ex- 
tensive lands  on  Long  Island.  The  founder 
of  the  family  in  this  county,  Lion  Gardiner, 
was  a  native  of  England,  a  military  engineer 
by  profession.  He  crossed  the  Atlantic  in 
1635,  arriving  at  Boston  November  28  in  that 
year,  and  was  employed  by  a  land  company 
to  lay  out  a  tract  of  land  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut  River,  of  which  the  town  of  Say- 


brook,  so  named  by  him.  is  still  a  pleasant 
reminder.  He  remained  in  the  service  of  the 
company  some  four  years,  and,  it  is  said,  at 
first  intended  to  return  to  England  when  his 
employment  ended.  Still  his  family  was  with 
him,  he  saw  many  brilliant  opportunities  await- 
ing him  in  the  New  Land,  and  he  seemed  to 
possess  from  the  beginning  the  happy  art  of 
winning  and  retaining  the  good  graces  of  the 
Indians,  so  that  he  probably  changed  his 
mind  about  returning  to  the  old  land  as  soon 
as  he  saw  enough  of  the  country  to  become 
aware  of  its  possibilities. 

While  at  Saybrook  a  son  was  born  to  him, 
April  29,   1636,  the  first  white  child  born  in 

Connecticut,  and  a  daughter,  Elizabeth,  after- 
ward born  at  what  is  now  known  as  Gardi- 
ner's Island,  is  said  to  have  been  the  first 
white  child  born  in  Suffolk  county. 

In  1639  Gardiner  purchased  from  the  In- 
dians the  island  known  to  them  as  Mancho- 
nock,  or  Manchonat,  and  by  the  English  as 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  The  island  is  about  nine 
miles  long  and  a  mile  and  a  half  wide,  and 
contains  about  3,300  acres  of  land,  including 
the  beaches  and  fish-ponds.  The  soil  was  and 
is  generally  of  good  quality.  The  price  paid 
to  the  Indians  for  this  piece  of  property  was, 
we  are  told  by  tradition,  which  generally  ex- 
aggerates rather  than  underestimates,  a  large 
black  dog,  a  gun  with  some  ammunition,  a 
quantity  of  rum,  and  several  Dutch  blankets. 
To  make  his  title  more  secure  Gardiner  re- 
ceived a  conveyance  of  the  island  from  James 
Farret,  agent  for  the  Earl  of  Stirling,  in  which 
he  agreed  to  pay  a  yearly  "acknowledgment" 
of  £5  "(if  demanded)  of  lawfuU  money  of 
England  or  such  commoditys  as  shall  at  that 
time  pass  for  money  in  that  country,  the  first 
payment  to  begin  on  the  last  of  October,  1643, 
the  three  former  years  being  advanced  for  the 
use  of  said  James  Farret." 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the 
gift  of  most  of  the  land  now  comprised  in  the 
town  of  Smithtown  to  Lion  Gardiner  by  Wy- 
andanch.  Sachem  of  the  Montauks,  in  grati- 
tude for  the  former's  regaining  the  Indian 
chief's  daughter  from  captivity  among  the 
Narragansetts  in  1659.  Gardiner,  to  make  his 
gift  the  more  secure,  had  his  deed  confirmed 
or  indorsed  in  1662  by  the  Nesaquake  tribe, 
who  occupied  the  lands  in  question  and  had 
the  whole  made  thoroughly  legal  and  binding 
from  a  white  man's  point  of  view,  obtaining 
a  patent  for  the  land  from  Governor  Nicolls. 
Having  thus  perfected  his  title  in  every  possi- 
ble way,  Gardiner  in  1663  sold  the  property 
in  question  to  Richard  Smith,  the  common  an- 
cestor of  the  Suffolk  county  Smiths,  who  at 
once  added  to  it  by  a  further  purchase  of 
Indian  lands  and  the  procurance  of  a  fresh  pat- 
ent from  Governor  Nicolls  in  1663.    A  vague- 



ness  in  the  wording  of  this  patent  led  to  a 
legal  controversy  with  the  town  of  Hunting- 
ton, the  knotty  points  in- which  were  won  by 
Smith,  and  in  1675  his  ownership  was  con- 
firmed in  a  new  patent,  issued  by  Governor 
Andros,  the  "acknowledgment  or  quit  rent" 
being  "one  good  fatt  lamb  unto  such  office  or 
officers  as  shall  be  empowered  to  receive  the 

These  instances  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
Indians  parted  with  their  lands  must  suffice 
for  this  place.  Several  others  will  come  before 
us  in  recording  the  story  of  the  townships. 
The  transferences  we  have  recorded  were  all, 
in  the  eyes  of  writers  like  Prime  and  Thomp- 
son, honest,  generous  and  just,  yet  they  were, 
each  of  them,  simply  a  modern  version  of  the 
Biblical  story  of  Esau  and  the  mess  of  pottage. 
Of  course  in  all  these  cases  something  was 
paid,  or  given  in  exchange,  enough  appar- 
ently to  satisfy  the  rebukes  of  conscience. 
But,  judging  them  by  what  took  place  else- 
where, it  is  to  be  admitted  that  the  early  Long 
Island  settlers  deserve  credit  for  even  observ- 
ing to  the  extent  they  did  the  proprieties  of 
civilized  life  in  these  land-grabbing  transac- 
tions, for  most  of  such  transfers  from  the 
aborigines  were  made  in  keeping  with 

"The  good  old  rule, — the  simple  plan 
That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power. 
And  they  should  keep  who  can." 

The  most  objectionable  feature  to  readers 
nowadays  is  the  sanctimonious  manner  in 
which  the  transactions  were  sweetly  glossed 
over  by  the  historians  of  the  island  and  held 
up  for  our  admiration.  The  natives,  as  it 
were,  received  sugar-coated  pills,  and  we  are 
asked  to  consider  the  sugar  and  forget  the 
gall  and  wormwood,  the  acritude,  the  bitter- 
ness, of  the  stuff  within.  The  Indians,  being 
a  weaker  race,  had  to  go  when  the  white  man 
determined  to  settle  on  his  lands.  The  transi- 
tion, as  has  been  said,  was  in  accordance  with 
the  inexorable  doctrine  of  the  survival  of  the 
fittest,  and  in  fulfillment  of  its  cruel  but  nec- 
essary requirements  the  aborigine  had  to  be 
crushed;  but  why,  in  this  twentieth  century, 
continue  to  treat  the  matter  hypocritically, 
shed  crocodile  tears  over  the  various  incidents 
of  the  change,  and  assert  that  a  few  beads,  a 
gun  or  two,  some  cheap,  often  cast-off,  cloth- 
ing and  tools — to  say  nothing  of,  now  and 
then,  a  modicum  of  rum — sanctified  the  pro- 
ceedings attendant  upon  the  despoliation  of 
the  Indian? 




aF  THE  government,  m;mners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Long-  Island  Indians  we 
know  little  that  is  authentic,  although 
urmises  and  su])]30sitions  have  been 
plentiful,  and  these  surmises  and  suppositions 
have  often  been  made  to  appear  as  veritable 
history.  Within  recent  years,  however,  the 
patient  industry  and  thoughtful  and  intelligent 
investigation  of  Dr.  W.  Wallace  Tooker,  of 
Sag  Harbor,  has  added  greatly  to  our  knowl- 
edge of  the  Long  Island  Indians  and  brought 
to  light  many  details  which  enable  us  to  gain 
some  knowledge  of  their  importance,  their 
ideas,  their  language  and  their  habits. 

The  Montauk  Indians  seem  to  have  been 
by  far  the  most  numerous,  and  next  to  them 
in  point  of  members  the  Shinnecocks  have 
been  placed.  But  the  strength  of  the  Mon- 
tauks  was  such  that  their  Sachem  was  gen- 
erally if  not  always  acknowledged  as  the 
Grand  Sachem  of  Paumanacke  (Long  Island). 
Prime  says  that  the  tribes  "under  their  re- 
spective Sagamores  or  chiefs,  as  if  an  em- 
blem of  the  future  government  of  the  whole 
coimtry,  were  once  united  in  a  grand  con- 
federacy under  one  great  and  powerful  chief ;" 
but  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  learn  there 
is  no  exact  authority  for  this  statement.  Dr. 
Prime  also  tells  us : 

The  Manhasset  and  the  Montauk  tribes, 
though  occupying  the  smallest  and  most  re- 
mote territorial  limits,  were  the  depositories 
of  supreme  power.  Montauk  was,  in  fact,  the 
royal  tribe,  and  Wyandanch,  its  powerful 
■chief,  was  the  Grand  Sachem  of  whom  the 

whites  purchased  their  lands  throughout  near- 
ly the  whole  extent  of  the  island.  While  his 
elder  brother,  Poggatacut,  the  Sachem  of 
Manhasset,  lived,  he  was  indeed  regarded  as 
the  supreme  chief,  but  probably  from  his  age 
and  not  from  any  superior  claim  of  the  tribe 
over  which  he  presided.  When  he  paid  the 
debt  of  nature  Wyandanch  was  regarded  as 
the  Grand  Sachem,  without  a  rival,  Nowe- 
dinah,  the  chief  of  the  Shinnecock  tribe,  was 
also  a  brother  of  Wyandanch. 

Besides,  Montauk  bore  evident  marks, 
many  of  which  are  not  yet  obliterated,  of  being 
the  seat  of  royal  authority  and  the  citadel  of 
power.  Here  were  the  largest  and  best  forti- 
fications, of  purely  Indian  construction,  that 
can  be  found  in  any  part  of  our  extended 
country.  The  fort  in  the  north  side  of  Fort 
Pond,  erected  on  what  is  now  called  Fort 
Hill,  was  about  one  hundred  feet  square,  and 
its  remains  are  still  visible. 

The  rampart  and  parapet  (say  the  "Chron- 
icles of  Easthampton")  were  of  earth  with  a 
ditch  at  the  foot  of  the  glacis  and  probably 
palisadoed  with  the  trunks  of  fallen  trees. 
At  each  angle  there  was  apparently  a  round 
tower  of  earth  and  stone,  and  the  whole 
would  probably  have  held  from  three  hundred 
to  five  hundred  men.  The  pond  on  the  south 
afforded  a  safe  and  convenient  harbor  for 
canoes,  under  the  immediate  protection  of  the 
fort.  Its  contiguity  to  the  pond  yielded  also 
an  abundant  supply  of  fresh  water,  on  a  side 
where  communication  was  easily  kept  up  by 
the  facility  of  protection.  The  location  was 
one  of  decided  advantage  for  protection  and 
defense,  and  must  have  been  sufficient  against 
any  attack  which  Indian  tactics  could  have 
brought  to  bear  upon  it. 

This  territory  [to  quote  again  from  Prime] 
was  also  remarkable  as  the  depository  of  the 
dead.     Here  are  several  of  the  largest  bury- 



ing  places  known  on  the  island,  where  hun- 
dreds and  perhaps  thousands  of  these  poor  be- 
nighted pagans  were  committed  to  their 
mother  earth,  amid  the  lamentations  and  howl- 
ings  of  their  surviving  friends.  The  remains 
of  Poggatacut  were  brought  (1651)  from 
Shelter  Island,  the  great  part  of  the  way  on 
men's  shoulders,  to  be  deposited  with  the  royal 
family  at  the  citadel  of  the  empire. 

In  speaking  of  the  removal  of  the  body  of 
Poggatacut  the  "Chronicles  of  Easthampton" 
relates  a  curious  bit  of  information : 

In  removing  the  body  the  bearers  rested 
their  bier  by  the  side  of  the  road  leading  from 
Sag  Harbor  to  Easthampton  near  the  third 
(fourth)  milestone,  where  a  small  excavation 
was  made  to  designate  the  spot.  From  that 
lime  to  the  present,  more  than  one  hundred 
and  ninety  years,  this  memorial  has  remained, 
as  fresh,  seemingly,  as  if  but  lately  made. 
Neither  leaf  nor  any  other  thing  has  been  suf- 
fered to  remain  in  it.  The  Montaukett  tribe, 
although  reduced  to  a  beggarly  number  of 
some  ten  or  fifteen  drunken  and  degraded 
beings,  have  retained  to  this  day  the  memory 
of  the  events,  and  no  one  individual  of  them 
now  passes  the  spot  in  his  wanderings  without 
removing  whatever  may  have  fallen  into  it. 
The  place  is  to  them  holy  ground,  and  the 
exhibition  of  this  pious  act  does  honor  to  the 
finest  feelings  of  the  human  heart.  The  ex- 
cavation is  about  twelve  inches  in  depth  and 
eighteen  inches  in  diameter,  in  the  form  of  a 

To  this  Prime  adds  his  testimony,  saying: 

The  reader  may  be  assured  this  is  no 
humbug.  The  writer  has  been  acquainted 
with  the  fact  for  nearly  forty  years,  and  he 
has  examined  the  hole  within  the  present  year 
[1845]  and  found  it  in  its  original  form  and 
freshness,  as  above  described. 

Gabriel  Furman  tells  us  of  another  chief 
of  the   Montauks : 

Canoe  Place  (Shinnecock  Bay)  on  the 
south  side  of  Long  Island  derives  its  name 
from  the  fact  that  more  than  two  centuries 
ago  a  canal  was  made  there  by  the  Indians 
for  the  purpose  of  passing  their  canoes  from 
one  bay  to  the  other,  that  is,  across  the  island 
from  Mecox  Bay  to  Peconic  Bay.     Although 

the  trench  has  been  in  a  great  measure  filled 
up,  yet  its  remains  are  still  visible  and  partly 
overflowed  at  high  water.  It  was  constructed 
by  ]\Iongotucksee  (or  Long  Knife),  who  then 
reigned  over  the  nation  of  Montauk.  Al- 
though that  nation  has  now  (1827)  dwindled 
to  a  few  miserable  remnants  of  a  powerful 
race,  who  still  linger  on  the  lands  which  were 
once  the  seat  of  their  proud  dominion,  yet 
their  traditional  history  is  replete  with  all 
those  tragical  incidents  which  usually  accom- 
pany the  fall  of  power.  It  informs  us  that 
their  chief  was  of  gigantic  form,  proud  and 
despotic  in  peace,  and  terrible  in  war.  But 
though  a  tyrant  of  his  people,  yet  he  pro- 
tected them  from  their  enemies  and  com- 
manded their  respect  for  his  savage  virtues. 
The  praises  of  IMongotucksee  are  still  chanted 
in  aboriginal  verse  to  the  winds  that  howl 
around  the  eastern  extremity  of  this  island. 
The  Narragansetts  and  the  Mohawks  yielded 
to  his  prowess  and  the  ancestors  of  the  last 
of  the  Mohicans  trembled  at  the  expression 
of  his  anger.  He  sustained  his  power  not 
less  by  the  resources  of  his  mind  than  by  the 
vigor  of  his  arm.  An  ever  watchful  policy 
guided  his  counsels.  Prepared  for  every  ex- 
igency, not  even  aboriginal  sagacity  could  sur- 
prise his  caution.  To  facilitate  communication 
around  the  seat  of  his  dominion  for  the  pur- 
pose not  only  of  defense  but  of  annoyance,  he 
constructed  this  canal,  which  remains  a  monu- 
ment of  his  genius,  while  other  traces  of  his 
skill  and  prowess  are  lost  in  oblivion,  and 
even  the  nation  whose  valor  he  led  may  soon 
furnish  for  our  country  a  topic  in  contemplat- 
ing the  fallen  greatness  of  the  last  of  the 
Montauks.  After  his  death  the  Montauks 
were  subjugated  by  the  Iroquois  or  Five  Na- 
tions and  became  their  tributaries,  as  did  all 
the  tribes  on  the  island. 

The  passages  quoted  relating  to  this  hero 
and  to  Wyandanch  may  give  us  an  idea  of  the 
importance  of  the  Montauk  tribe  in  pre- 
European  times,  and  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the 
truth  of  the  legend  that  their  Sachem  was, 
at  intervals  at  least,  when  a  worthy  and  war- 
like chief  appeared,  recognized  as  the  leader 
of  all  the  tribes  on  the  island,  and  that  the 
house  of  jNIontauk  was  indeed  in  a  sense  en- 
titled to  the  appellation  of  "royal,"  which  so 
many  writers  have  bestowed  upon  it.  What 
has  been  held  as  legal  confirmatory  evidence 


of  this  claim  to  supremacy  is  found  in  the 
fact  that  on  July  4,  1647,  when  a  deed  con- 
firming a  title  to  land  at  Hempstead  was  given 
by  the  Indians  to  the  white  settlers,  it  was 
mentioned  that  the  Montauk  Sachem  was  pres- 
ent. In  1658  another  Hempstead  deed,  after 
the  signature  of  the  local  chiefs,  was  also  sub- 
scribed by  Wacombound,  the  (1660)  Montaulc 

It  would  be  frivolous  and  unnecessary  to 
gather  up  in  this  place  all  the  legends  which 
have  come  down  to  us  concerning  Indian  his- 
tory prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  white  man  on 
Long  Island.  Enough  has  been  presented  to 
show  that  they  were,  as  Indian  economy  went, 
well  governed,  happy,  prosperous  and  numer- 
ous ;  that  they  were  of  a  higher  degree  of  in- 
telligence than  many  of  those  on  the  main 
land;  that  they  were  brave  and  warlike  and 
accepted  victory  or  defeat  with  the  sublime 
stoicism  of  their  race ;  and  one  is  even  in- 
clined to  believe  they  would  have  lived  on 
amicable  terms  with  the  white  man  had  that 
been  possible.  Probably  this  desire  the  white 
pioneer  to  a  certain  extent  reciprocated,  al- 
though it  never  entered  his  brain  to  treat  the 
redskin  as  a  man  and  brother.  But  no  matter 
how  well  intentioned  both  races  were,  there 
could  be  no  deep  or  lasting  love  between 
them,  for  the  possession  of  the  land  was  the 
real,  the  ever  present  issue  between  them.  The 
white  man  wanted  the  land,  the  Indian  needed 
the  land,  and  in  the  struggle  for  possession 
one  or  the  other  had  to  be  crushed. 

From  the  very  beginning  almost  of  the 
white  man's  settlement,  then,  the  Indian  race 
began  to  fade  away.  The  following  passage, 
which  I  quote  from  Gabriel  Furman's  "An- 
tiquities," shows  that  the  In.dians  themselves 
were  thoroughly  aware  of  this : 

The  Long  Island  Indians  possessed  all  that 
peculiar  eloquence  which  has  so  long  dis- 
tinguished the  aborigines  of  the  west;  and  it 
was  mainly  from  them  that  the  Europeans  first 
obtained  their  ideas  of  Indian  oratory  and  of 
the  story  and  bold  imagery  which  characterize 
the  Indian  speeches.     The  aborigines  of  this 

island  have  all  that  singular  tact  which  still 
marks  the  Indian  of  discovering  at  once,  in 
their  intercourse  with  white  men,  who  are 
really  the  men  of  power  and  who  are  not; 
and  to  the  former  they  pay  their  respects, 
taking  no  notice  of  the  others.  The  follow- 
ing official  report  of  an  interview  which  took 
place  at  Flatlands,  between  Governor  Slough- 
ter  and  a  Long  Island  Indian  Sachem  and  his 
sons,  will  afford  an  instance  of  their  eloquence 
and  their  sagacity.  They  saw  that  Leisler, 
however  powerful  he  might  have  been  a  few 
weeks  previous,  was  then  a  fallen  man,  with- 
out power  and  at  the  mercy  of  his  inveterate 
enemies.  This  extraordinary  interview  took 
place  on  the  2d  of  April,  1691,  between  the 
Governor  of  New  York  and  a  Sachem  of  Long 
Island,  attended  by  two  of  his  sons  and  twenty 
other  Indians. 

The  Sachem,  on  being  introduced,  con- 
gratulated Governor  Sloughter  in  an  eloquent 
manner  on  his  arrival,  and  solicited  his 
friendship  and  protection  for  himself  and  his 
people,  observing  that  he  had  in  his  own  mind 
fancied  his  Excellency  was  a  mighty  tall  tree, 
with  wide-spreading  branches,  and  therefore 
he  prayed  leave  to  stoop  under  the  shadow 
thereof.  Of  old,  said  he,  the  Indians  were 
a  great  and  mighty  people,  but  now  they  were 
reduced  to  a  mere  handful.  He  concluded  his 
visit  by  presenting  the  Governor  with  thirty 
fathoms  of  wampum,  which  he  graciously  ac- 
cepted, and  desired  the  Sachem  to  visit  him 
again  in  the  afternoon.  On  taking  their  leave 
the  youngest  son  of  the  Sachem  handed  a 
bundle  of  brooms  to  the  officer  in  attendance, 
saying  at  the  same  time  that  "as  Leisler  and 
his  party  had  left  the  house  very  foul,  he 
brought  the  brooms  with  him  for  the  purpose 
of  making  it  clean  again."  In  the  afternoon 
the  Sachem  and  his  party  again  visited  the 
Governor,  who  made  a  speech  to  them,  and  on 
receiving   a    few    presents    they    departed. 

The  main  weapon  which  led  to  the  de- 
struction of  the  aborigines,  more  deadly,  more 
certain,  more  widespread  than  the  ruin  caused 
by  musket,  by  disease  or  by  persecution,  was 
rum.  In  1788,  long  after  the  power  of  the 
white  man  was  established,  an  Indian  chief 
at  Fort  Stanwix  put  the  whole  matter  in  a 
most  comprehensive  yet  succinct  form  when 
he  said:  "The  avidity  of  the  white  people 
for   land   and   the   thirst   of   the   Indians    for 


spirituous  liquors  were  equally  insatiable ;  the 
white  men  had  seen  and  fixed  their  eyes  upon 
the  Indian's  good  land,  and  the  Indians  had 
seen  and  fixed  their  eyes  upon  the  white  men's 
keg  of  rum;  and  nothing  could  divert  either 
of  them  from  their  desired  object,  and  there- 
fore there  was  no  remedy ;  but  the  white  man 
must  have  the  land  and  the  Indians  the  keg  of 

So  far  as  can  be  learned  the  Dutch  au- 
thorities did  nothing  to  curtail  the  appetite 
for  rum  or  to  inculcate  any  notion  of  tem- 
perance among  the  Indians.  The  very  op- 
posite seems  to  have  been  the  case,  for  the 
sturdy  Hollander  found  a  measure  of  rum 
one  of  the  most  convenient  and  most  promptly 
prized  objects  with  which  he  could  trade  with 
the  Indian  for  land  or  pelt.  Knowing  nothing 
of  the  havoc  of  drunkenness  himself,  he  had 
no  conception  of  visiting  any  wrong  upon  the 
red  men  by  placing  it  before  him.  He  only 
saw  a  means  to  an  end — the  means  and  the 
end  so  graphically  sketched  by  the  Fort  Stan- 
wix  Indian — and  he  made  full  use  of  it.  The 
English,  however,  even  in  that  early  day  were 
fully  aware,  by  their  own  natural  experience, 
of  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  attempted 
to  prevent  its  spread.  They  rightly  traced 
the  source  of  many  of  the  Indian  cruelties  and 
uprisings  and  treacheries  to  the  use  of  "fire- 
water," and  took  the  best  means  they  could, 
if  not  to  stop  its  traffic,  to  minimize  its  extent 
and  render  it  less  of  a  disturbing  factor.  In 
1656  the  inhabitants  of  Gravesend  passed  a 
law  dealing  with  this  matter,  as  follows: 

"Att  an  assemblie  of  ye  Inhabitants  uppon 
a  lawful  warning  being  given,  it  is  inacted,  or- 
dered and  agreed  that  hee,  she,  or  they  what- 
soever that  should  tapp,  draw  out,  sell  or  lett 
any  Indian  or  Indians  in  this  corporation  have 
any  brandie,  wine,  strong  liquor  or  strong 
drink  should,  if  so  detected,  pay  the  sum  of 
fifty  gilders,  and  for  the  next  default  the  sum 
of  one  hundred  gilders  according  to  the  law 
of  the  country." 

In  "The  Duke's  Laws"  (1665)  selling 
liquor  to  Indians  was  expressly  forbidden  un- 

der a  penalty  of  "forty  shillings  for  one  pint 
and  in  proportion  for  any  greater  or  lesser 
.  quality."  In  cases  of  "sudden  extremity," 
however,  it  was  declared  permissible  to  pre- 
scribe liquor,  but  even  in  the  worst  of  cases 
this  remedy  was  not  to  exceed  two  drams." 

Such  laws  against  selling  liquor  to  these 
hapless  tribes  were  adopted  directly  or  in- 
directly by  almost  every  community  and  ef- 
fort apparently  was  made  to  honestly  enforce 
them.  But  the  craze  for  rum  was  strong,  and 
as  the  white  population  increased  it  became 
easy  for  the  laws  to  be  successfully  evaded, 
especially  in  Kings  and  Queens  counties, 
where  the  settlements  were  closest  and  where 
the  population,  in  Kings  especially,  was  of  a- 
more  mixed  character  than  in  the  eastern,  or 
Suffolk,  end  of  the  island;  and  there  seems 
little  doubt  that  the  Indian  who  wanted  fire- 
water was  able  to  supply  his  want  so  long  as 
he  had  something — land,  pelts,  movable  prop- 
erty or  service — to  give  in  exchange. 

The  passing  of  the  Indian  was  rapid,  espe- 
cially after  he  gave  up  his  primeval  occupa- 
tion of  a  hunter  and  tried  to  settle  down  as  a 
trader  or  to  follow  one  of  the  simple  trades  he 
learned  from  the  white  man.  In  1761  there 
were  left  only  one  hundred  and  ninety-two 
souls  belonging  to  the  Montauks ;  in  1827  they 
had  dwindled  down  to  five  families,  possibly 
twenty  persons,  and  in  1843  the  number  was 
reduced  to  three  families,  about  ten  individ- 
uals, and  even  these  it  was  asserted  were  not 
of  pure  Montauk  blood.  Now  all  are  gone 
and  the  royal  race  of  Wyandanch  is  but  a 
memory.  The  Indian  population  of  the  island 
at  the  present  day  is  estimated  at  something 
like  two  hundred,  and  of  even  these  few,  if 
anv,  are  of  pure  blood.  They  are  at  best  but 
a  melancholy  survival,  although  they  have 
forsaken  nearly  the  whole  of  their  ancestral 
ways,  adopted  the  white  man's  religion,  and 
most  of  his  manners  and  customs.  The  tim.e 
is  not  far  distant  when  the  race  will  have  en- 
tirely disappeared. 

Some  writers  see  in  this  a  certain  historic 
fitness  and  completeness  inasmuch  as  the  In- 



dians  themselves  are  said  to  have  wiped  out 
a  still  earlier  race  who  owned  the  soil.  In  1879 
a  remarkable  arch?eological  discovery  was 
made  at  Aquebogue.  Many  graves  were 
found  some  three  feet  below  the  soil,  and  in  a 
position,  judging  from  the  geological  changes, 
which  showed  that  the  bodies,  or  remains, 
there  resting,  had  been  deposited  thousands  of 
years  before.  The  remains  indicated  a  more 
powerful  race  than  the  Indians.  The  frag- 
ments of  a  temple — or  large  structure  of  some 
kind — were  also  discovered  near  the  bodies, 
and  proved  to  be  utterly  unlike  any  specimens 
of  Indian  construction  of  which  we  know. 
The  walls  were  of  clay  and  it  measured  about 
ten  feet  in  length,  with  a  dividing  wall  in  the 
centre,  making  two  narrow  chambers,  each 
about  four  and  one-half  feet. 

In  the  face  of  this  discovery  surmises  and 
fancy  must  halt.  Is  this  a  trace  of  another 
race,  or  of  a  lost  civilization?  The  evidence 
certainly  points  in  that  direction.  But  one 
thing  is  certain :  the  Indians  must  have  been 
in  possession  for  almost  countless  ages,  and 
who  can  now  tell  what  evolution  took  place 
during  that  time  in  the  mind  and  brain  and 
product  and  civilization  of  that  wonderful 
people — wonderful  even  in  their  decay. 

But  important  a  factor  as  rum  was  in  the 
later  history  of  the  Indian  race  on  Long  Island 
as  elsewheie,  we  must  not  forget  that  outside 
of  it  the  most  notable  feature  of  their  story 
was  the  religious  element  which  controlled  it. 
The  Indian,  so  far  as  we  can  trace  his  mental 
development,  has  always  been  a  devout  man, 
believing  in  a  Supreme  Being,  a  Creator  of 
the  World,  a  Great  Spirit,  and  also  in  a  future 
life.  Whatever  he  worshipped,  he  worshipped 
with  all  his  heart.  Sometimes,  in  reading  the 
stories  of  his  domestic  life,  his  wars,  his 
cruelties  and  his  superstitions,  we  are  apt  to 
think  that  his  idea  of  theological  relationship 
was  like  that  of  the  old  darkey  who  said,  "I 
have  been  wallowing  in  sin,  I  have  broken  all 
the  commandments;  but,  thank  God,  I  have 
not  lost  my  religion !" 

Between  the  years  1653  and  1658  the  Soci- 

ety for  Propagating  the  Gospel  in  New  Eng- 
land voted  small  sums  of  money  to  the  Rev. 
William  Leverich  for  his  service  among  the  In- 
dians, and  he  was  specially  desired  to  devote 
as  much  attention  as  possible  to  the  Montauks 
and  the  Corchaugs.  Of  the  nature  of  what  he 
accomplished  nothing  is  known  to  us;  but  as 
he  seems  to  have  been  a  zealous  minister  of 
the  Gospel  it  is  but  fair  to  assume  that  he  did 
his  full  duty  according  to  his  opportunities. 
He  was  a  native  of  England  and  settled  at 
Salem  in  1633,  and  for  many  years  was  en- 
gaged in  missionary  work  throughout  Massa- 
chusetts with  quite  a  recogiiized  measure  of 
success.  In  1653  he  purchased  some  land  at 
Oyster  Bay  and  there  a  year  or  two  later,  pos- 
sibly in  1656  or  1657,  he  erected  his  home. 
In  1658  he  was  installed  minister  of  Hunting- 
ton and  so  continued  until  1670,  when  he  re- 
moved to  Newtown,  of  which  he  was  the  first 
minister,  and  there  he  remained  until  his  death, 
in  or  about  1694.  From  1741  until  1752 
Azariah  Horton  was  employed  by  the  Pres- 
byterians of  New  York  as  a  missionary  among 
the  Long  Island  Indians.  He  was  a  native  of 
Southold  and  a  zealous  worker  for  the  min- 
istry. His  journals  show  how  incessantly  he 
labored  from  Montauk  to  Rockaway,  in  the 
fields,  in  the  huts,  and  by  the  wayside,  among 
the  four  hundred  souls  which  were  then  com- 
puted to  be  that  remained  of  the  once  owners 
of  the  soil.  In  1752  he  settled  down  as  pastor 
of  a  church  at  South  Hanover,  New  Jersey, 
in  a  settlement  formed  mainly  by  Long  Island 
people,  and  there  labored  until  his  death, 
March  27,  1777. 

One  of  the  earliest  and  most  influential  of 
the  real  friends  of  the  Indian  in  New  York 
was  Sir  William  Johnston,  who  in  1738  set- 
tled on  a  tract  of  land  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Mohawk  River.  He  won  the  confidence  of 
the  Indians  around  him  to  a  greater  extent, 
possibly,  than  any  man  of  his  day,  studied 
their  manners,  customs,  rites  and  beliefs,  be- 
came an  expert  in  their  language;  wore,  at 
times,  their  dress ;  was  chosen  a  Sachem  of  the 
Mohawks,   and   given   the   chief-like    title   of 

THE    DECADENCE    OF  THE    ABORIGINES.j[254j^>3Q    35 

"'Wariaghejaghe," — one  who  is  in  charge.  He 
look  a  deep  interest  in  the  educational  and 
intellectual  advancement  of  the  aborigines,  and 
perhaps  was  able  to  exert  a  greater  influence 
over  them  in  these  directions  because  he  was 
not  too  straight-laced  in  his  own  personal 
morals  or  made  any  pretentions  to  having 
deep  religious  convictions,  or  close  denomina- 
tional affiliations,  although  he  was  not  insensi- 
ble to  the  value  of  religious  influence  in  mak- 
ing the  Indians  amenable  to  law  and  order. 

Sir  William  took  a  warm  and  direct  in- 
terest in  the  life-long  labors,  on  behalf  of  the 
Indian,  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Wheelock,  one  of 
the  most  noteworthy  of  the  early  Protestant 
missionaries  who  engaged  in  such  work;  and 
the  correspondence  between  them  proves  how 
heartily  and  zealously  Sir  William  entered 
into  all  the  missionary's  plans  and  hopes. 
Eleazar  Wheelock  does  not  seem  to  have  ever 
visited  Long  Island,  yet  there  is  no  doubt  that 
he  exerted  a  great  influence  for  good  over 
its  latter  Indian  history,  and  his  self-denying 
labors  ought  to  keep  his  memory  green  among 
those  of  the  real  benefactors  of  the  old  king- 
dom of  the  Montauks.  He  was  born  at  Wind- 
ham, Connecticut,  April  22,  171 1,  the  grand- 
son of  a  nonconformist  minister  who  left  Eng- 
land in  1637  and  founded  a  church  in  Ded- 
ham,  Massachusetts.  Eleazar  studied  for  the 
ministry,  was  ordained  in  1735  as  pastor  of  a 
church  at  New  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  and 
there  remained  some  thirty-five  years.  His 
salary  being  insufficient  for  his  support,  he 
augmented  it  by  receiving  pupils  in  his  house, 
and  this  gradually  developed  in  his  mind  the 
project  of  establishing  an  Indian  missionary 
school.  This  was  duly  founded,  under  the 
designation  of  Moor's  Indian  Charity  School, 
a  farmer  named  Joshua  Moor  having  given  to 
it,  in  1754,  a  house  and  two  acres  of  land  in 
New  Lebanon.  In  1766  some  10,000  pounds 
was  obtained  in  Great  Britain  on  behalf  of  the 
school,  the  money  being  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  board  of  trustees,  of  which  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth  was  president.  Soon  after  it  was 
<letermined  to  remove  the  institution  to  a  new 

location,  and  in  1770  Wheelock  secured  land 
at  what  is  now  Hanover,  New  Hampshire,  re- 
moved there,  and  established  the  institution 
which  has  since  become  famous  under  its  title 
of  Dartmouth  College,  of  which  institution  he 
was  the  first  president.  He  died  at  Hanover, 
April  24,  1779. 

In  one  way  or  another  we  learn  a  good  deal 
about  Wheelock's  pupils.  David  Fowler,  a 
Montauk  Indian  youth,  entered  the  school  at 
Lebanon  about  1759,  and  early  showed  an 
aptitude  for  agricultural  pursuits.  He  com- 
pleted his  studies  in  a  most  satisfactory  man- 
ner, and  in  JNlarch,  1765,  he  was  licensed  as 
an  Indian  teacher  and  was  assigned  to  the 
Oneida  Nation,  for  whose  territory  he  at  once 
set  out.  Early  in  June  of  the  same  year  he 
opened  a  school  and  on  the  15th  of  that  month 
he  wrote  his  old  teacher  from  Canajoharie  as 
follows : 

This  is  the  twelfth  day  since  I  begun  my 
school,  and  eight  of  my  scholars  are  now  in 
the  third  page  of  their  spelling  book.  I  never 
saw  children  exceed  these  in  learning.  The 
number  of  my  scholars  is  twenty-six,  but  it 
is  difficult  to  keep  them  together;  they  are 
often  roving  from  place  to  place  to  get  some- 
thing to  live  upon.  I  am  well  contented  to 
live  here  so  long  as  I  am  in  such  great  busi- 
ness. I  believe  I  shall  persuade  the  men  in 
this  castle,  at  least  the  most  of  them,  to  labour 
next  year.  They  begin  now  to  see  that  they 
could  live  better  if  they  cultivated  their  lands 
than  they  do  now  by  hunting  and  fishing. 

I  print  this  letter  because  it  gives  the  key 
to  the  principle  underlying  Wheelock's  method 
— that  of  civilizing  the  Indians  by  religion  and 
work.  Fowler's  school  was  broken  up  in  about 
a  year  by  a  famine  in  western  New  York, 
which  drove  the  Indians  for  a  time  out  of  that 
quarter,  and  then  the  desolation  and  excite- 
ment of  war  probably  stopped  for  several 
years  any  further  effort.  Of  that,  however, 
nothing  is  known ;  but  Fowler  himself  proved 
a  living  example  of  the  benefit  of  education 
among  the  Indians;  and  in  1811,  when  he  dis- 
appears from  our  view,  he  was  an  industrious 


and  prosperous  farmer  at  Oneida,  and  held  in 
esteem  as  a  useful  member  of  the  community. 

The  most  famous,  however,  of  all  Whee- 
lock's  Indian  pupils  was  the  first  he  received, 
■ — Samson  Occom.  He  was  born  at  Mohegan, 
Norwich,  Connecticut,  in  1723,  and  when  nine- 
teen years  of  age  was  received  under  Whee- 
lock's  tuition.  In  the  capacity  of  a  pupil  he 
remained  in  Wheelock's  house  for  four  years. 
In  1748  he  became  a  teacher  in  New  London. 
In  1755  he  went  to  Montauk,  where  he  opened 
a  school  among  the  Indians,  and  on  August 
29,  1759,  he  was  ordained  by  the  Suffolk 
Presbytery.  For  ten  years  he  continued  to 
teach  and  preach  among  the  Mohawks  and 
Shinnecocks,  and  then  he  went  on  a  mission 
to  the  Oneidas.  We  next  find  him  in  Great 
Britain,  engaged  in  raising  the  fund  which 
led  to  the  establishment  of  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege, and  he  is  .'-.aid  to  have  been  the  first  In- 
dian preacher  who  ever  visited  England.  His 
services  there  were  invariably  crowded,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  he  was  the  most  important 
factor  in  bringing  about  the  ultimate  success 
of  the  mission.  On  his  return  he  remained  at 
his  native  place  in  Connecticut  for  a  time,  but 
in  17S6  he  went  to  Brotherton,  Oneida 
county,  where  he  died,  in  1792. 

Brotherton,  located  in  what  is  now  Mar- 
shall and  Kirkland  townships,  Oneida  coun- 
ty, was  a  purely  Indian  community,  formed 
before  the  Revolution;  Ljt  after  it  was  over 
many  returned  and  in  1783,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Occom,  founded  a  new  commonwealth. 
They  included  many  Montauks,  Pequots,  Nar- 
ragansetts  and  other  Indians,  numbering  in 
all  at  one  time,  it  is  said,  four  hundred  souls. 
,  Coming  from  many  different  tribes,  they  were 
compelled  to  learn  English  as  a  common  lan- 
guage, and  tried  to  adapt  themselves  to  a 
settled  mode  of  living.  For  a  time  they  re- 
ceived aid  from  the  state,  but  their  numbers 
steadily  decreased,  many  having  adopted  all 
the  vices  of  the  white  man  with  his  tongue. 
Not  a  few  developed  into  thrifty  fanners,  but 
it  would  seem  succeeded  only  for  a  time.  Bit 
by   bit   they    sold   their   Brotherton    lands   to 

white  settlers,  and  in  1850  the  last  of  them 
migrated  to  the  west  It  is  sad  to  think  that 
even  Occom  once  fell  a  victim,  for  a  time,  to 
the  Indian  passion  for  rum.  On  June  9,  1764, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Presbytery,  he  confessed  "to 
have  been  shamefully  overtaken  by  strong 
drink,  by  which  I  have  greatly  wounded  the 
cause  of  God,  blemished  the  pure  religion  of 
Jesus  Christ,  blackened  my  own  character  and 
hurt  my  own  soul."  Over  this  weakness  he 
finally  completely  triumphed,  and  was  prob- 
ably a  better  man  through  having  passed 
through  that  slough  of  despond. 

As  a  preacher  he  seemed  to  possess  many 
splendid  qualifications,  although  possibly  his 
eloquence  was  more  of  the  sort  to  enthuse  the 
Indian  heart  than  to  arouse  the  attention  of 
his  white  brother.  Dr.  Samuel  Buell  said  of 
him :  "As  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel  he  seems 
always  to  have  in  view  the  end  of  the  min- 
istry, the  glory  of  God  and  the  salvation  of 
men.  His  manner  of  expression  when  he 
preaches  to  the  Indians  is  vastly  more  natural, 
free,  clear  and  eloquent,  quick  and  powerful, 
than  when  he  preaches  to  others.  He  is  the 
glory  of  the  Indian  nation." 

Occom  wrote  considerable  verse,  some  of 
it  rather  crude  and  unpolished,  but  full  of 
graceful  fancies  and  quaint  conceits.  It  is 
mostly  of  a  religious  description  and  breathes 
throughout  a  simple,  earnest  piety,  a  profound 
belief  in  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  God, 
but  at  the  same  time  a  keen  realization  of  the 
awful  punishment  prepared  for  those  who 
wander  from  His  footstool  or  who  refuse  to 
hearken  to  His  voice.  The  following  hymn, 
which  is  still  printed  in  some  of  the  church 
collections,  will  give  an  idea  not  alone  of  Oc- 
com's  ability  as  a  weaver  of  verse,  but  of  his 
entire  system  of  theology: 

Awaked  by  Sinai's  awful  sound, 
My  soul  in  bonds  of  guilt  I  found, 

And  knew  not  where  to  go  ; 
One  solemn  truth  increased  my  pain,- 
"The  sinner  must  be  born  again" 

Or  sink  to  endless  woe. 


I  heard  the  law  its  thunders  roll, 
While  guilt  lay  heavy  on  my  soul — 

A  vast  oppressive  load ; 
All  creature's  aid  I  saw  was  vain : 
"The  sinner  must  be  born  again" 

Or  drink  the  wrath  of  God. 

But  while  I  thus  in  anguish  lay 

The  bleeding  Saviour  passed  that  way, 

My  bondage  to  remove; 
The  sinner  once  by  Justice  slain, 
Now  by  his  grace  is  born  again. 

And  sings  redeeming  love. 

The  next  Indian  preacher  who  exerted 
much  influence  over  his  race  was  a  member  of 
the  Shinnecock  tribe,  whose  English  cogno- 
men was  Peter  John.  Prime  says  regarding 
him : 

He  was  born  at  the  Hay  Ground,  in  the 
Parish  of  Bridgehampton,  somewhere  about 
the  years  1712-15.  He  was  hopefully  con- 
verted in  the  great  awakening  of  1741-4  un- 
der the  preaching  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Davenport.* 
By  what  ecclesiastical  authority  he  was  com- 
missioned is  not  known,  though  it  is  sup- 
posed he  was  ordained  by  the  Separatists  of 
Connecticut.  He  afterward  took  up  his  resi- 
dence at  St.  George's  Manor,  where  he  owned 
property,  on  which  one  of  his  descendants 
still  lives.  Though  not  learned  and  eloquent, 
yet  by  his  zeal,  piety  and  perseverance  he 
gathered  small  churches  at  Wading  River, 
Poosepatuck  and  Islip,  to  which,  with  that  of 
Canoe  Place,  he  ministered  until  after  his 
grandson  and  successor  was  brought  into  the 
ministry.  He  lived  to  the  advanced  age  of 
eighty-eight,  and  died  near  the  commence- 
ment of  the  present  century,  though  the  pre- 
cise date  has  not  been  ascertained.  His  re- 
mains lie  buried  at   Poosepatuck. 

The  grandson  referred  to  above,  Paul  Cuf- 
fee,  was  the  last,  and  in  many  respects  the 
greatest,   of   the   native   preachers.      He    was 

*The  Rev.  James  Davenport,  minister  of  Southold, 
■whom  Whitefield  described  as  "a  sweet,  pious  soul." 
Soon  after  his  installation  at  Southold  the  great  awaken- 
ing occured  which  is  memorable  in  the  religious  annals 
of  New  England.  His  zeal  for  religion  seems  to  have 
unbalanced  his  mind  and  in  1742  his  pastoral  relations 
with  Southold  were  severed  by  the  Presbytery.  He  con- 
tinued active  in  the  ministry,  however,  until  his  death, 
at  Hopewell,  N.  ].,  in  17.57.  In  17.54  he  was  moderator 
of  the  Synod  of  New  York. 

born  in  Brookhaven  township,  March  4,  1747. 
His  mother,  a  daughter  of  Peter  John,  was  a 
woman  of  eminent  piety,  and  for  many  years 
was  one  of  the  most  active  workers  in  the 
little  church  at  Wading  River.  Her  son,  Paul, 
started  in  life  as  a  servant  on  the  farm  at 
Wading  River  belonging  to  Major  Fred.  Hud- 
son, where  he  continued  until  he  was  twenty- 
one  years  of  age.  He  was  a  wild,  thoughtless 
youth,  fond  of  pleasure  and  revelry,  but  about 
the  time  he  attained  his  twenty-first  year  he 
became  converted  at  one  of  the  "seasons  of 
refreshing"  so  influential  and  frequent  in  the 
religious  story  of  Long  Island,  and  the  result 
was  that  after  a  time  of  wrestling  with  the 
Evil  One  to  throw  off  the  burden  of  his  own 
sins,  he  consecrated  his  own  life  to  showing 
those  of  his  own  race  the  way  of  salvation  and 
the  lightening  of  the  load.  After  a  brief 
period  of  preparation  he  seems  to  have  been 
licensed  as  a  preacher,  by  what  authority  has 
never  been  discovered:  possibly  he  was  just 
sent  out  with  the  good  wishes  and  approba- 
tion of  the  people  at  Wading  River.  He  then 
went  to  Moriches,  where  he  labored  among 
his  own  race  for  two  vears,  and  thence  to 
Poosepatuck,  where  he  was  formally  ordained 
by  a  delegation  of  ministers  from  the  Con- 
necticut Convention.  Two  years  later  he  be- 
came a  member  of  the  "Strict  Congregational 
Convention  on  Long  Island,"  a  development 
of  the  body  of  the  same  name  as  renowned  in 
Connecticut  religious  story.  In  1798  he  was 
employed  by  the  New  York  Missionary  So- 
ciety to  work  among  the  Indians,  and  in  th.-it 
employment  he  faithfully  and  patiently  and 
fruitfully  continued  until  his  death,  March  7, 
1 812.  He  worked  mainly  at  Montauk  and 
Canoe  Place,  but  visited  at  intervals  Poose- 
patuck, Islip  and  other  spots,  where  the  rem- 
nants of  his  people  still  lingered.  The  Rev. 
Dr.  Prime,  who  knew  him,  speaks  of  him  in 
the  following  kindly  manner  in  his  "History 
of  Long  Island:" 

Having  enjoyed   a   personal   acquaintance 
with  Paul  for  a  few  years,  and  had  the  priv- 


ilege,  in  two  or  three  instances,  of  hearing 
his  pubhc  performances,  he  (Prime)  can  bear 
Afitness  that  he  was  an  interesting  and  affec- 
tionate preacher.  Though  lie  aimed  at  no 
elegance  of  diction  and  frequently  committed 
grammatical  inaccuracies,  these  were  soon  lost 
sight  of  in  the  ardor  of  his  piety  and  the 
pathos  of  his  appeals.  But  the  most  amiable 
and  distinguishing  trait  of  Paul's  character 
both  in  the  pulpit  and  out  of  it  was  the  un- 
afifected  humility  of  his  heart.  Not  only  was 
his  spirit  imbued  with  it  but  he  appeared  at 
all  times  clothed  therewith,  as  with  a  gar- 
ment. Naturally  modest  and  graciously  lowly 
in  heart,  he  never  aspired  to  high  things,  but 
always  condescended  to  men  of  low  estate, 
contented,  nay  gratified,  to  be  the  humble  in- 
strument of  promoting  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  salvation  of  his  fellow  men.  He  died,  as 
he  lived,  under  the  smiles  of  his  Saviour. 
Gradually,  though  rapidly,  wasted  away  bv 
consumption,  he  enjoyed  his  reason  and  the 
light  of  God's  countenance  to  the  end.  Hav- 
ing given  direction  about  the  manner  and  place 
of  his  interment,  he  selected  a  text  (II  Tim- 
othy, IV,  7,  8)  for  his  funeral  discourse,  and 
having  taken  a  fond  adieu  of  his  family  and 
friends,  exhorting  them  all  to  "make  Christ 
their  friend,"  he  calmly  fell  asleep. 

Cuffee  was  buried  in  a  little  God's-acre 
near  Canoe  Place,  where  an  Indian  church  still 
stands,  in  which  he  once  preached.  His  grave 
is  still  pointed  out  and  is  distinguished  by  a 
plain  stone  erected  by  the  society  whose  agent 
he  was  during  the  last  thirteen  years  of  his 
useful  life. 

When  Cufi'ee  passed  away  the  religious  re- 
generation of  the  Indians  seems  to  have  been 
left  to  the  local  preachers  of  Long  Island,  and 
doubtless  they  all  did  their  duty.  But  the  In- 
dian gradually  "weded"  away,  as  we  have  al- 
ready pointed  out.  Possibly  to-day  there  is 
not  a  full-blooded  Indian  to  be  found  on  Long 
Island,  even  those  who  pass  for  such  at  Shin- 
necock  having,  like  Paul  Cufifee  himself,  a 
dash  of  African  blood  in  their  veins.  Still, 
some  of  the  old  customs  are  kept  up  and  many 
of  the  people  display  on  occasion  the  inherent 
fervor  of  the  Indian  and  African  for  matters 
of  religion.  In  the  New  York  World  of  Mon- 
day, June    II,    1900,   appeared   the    following 

account  of  a  celebration  at  the  old  church  at 
Poosepatuck,  so  often  referred  to : 

The  annual  June  meeting  on  the  Poose- 
patuck Indian  Reservation  was  held  yesterday 
in  the  little  church  on  the  hill  overlooking 
Ford's  River,  two  miles  from  Mastic,  Long 
Island.  It  was  in  commemoration  of  the  two 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  deed  by  Colonel 
William  Tangier  Smith,  a  British  subject,  of 
the  reservation  to  the  survivors  of  Sachem 
Tobaguss,  of  the  Uncachogue  tribe.  This 
deed  was  given  on  July  2,  1700.  and  ever 
since  then  the  Indians  have  lived  on  the  land. 

.  For  many  years  the  June  meeting  has  been 
the  greatest  event  of  the  year  with  the  In- 
dians of  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island.  The 
celebration  to-day  was  not  without  its  pathos, 
for  the  statement  was  made  that  during  the 
last  year  three  leaders  of  the  little  band  had 
crossed  over  to  the  "happy  hunting  grounds," 
leaving  but  one  full-blooded  Indian  in  the 

June  Meeting  Day,  like  the  annual  hunt- 
ers' and  trappers'  spring  garden  fetes,  is  pe- 
culiar to  the  east  end  of  Long  Island.  Nom- 
inally it  is  a  religious  gathering,  but  many  per- 
sons go  out  of  curiosity.  Services  lasting  all 
dav  are  held  in  the  little  church,  which  seats 



only  sixty  persons.  Sixty  more  can  stand  in 
the  narrow  aisles,  and  the  rest  of  the  crowd 
sit  in  wagons  and  buggies  near  the  doors  and 
windows,  where  they  can  hear  the  preaching 
and  join  in  the  singing  of  hymns  and  the  pe- 
culiar songs  or  worship  handed  down  through 
generations  from  the  Indians. 

Usually  some  neighboring  white  minister 
presides  over  the  June  meeting,  and  yester- 
day the  Rev.  W.  H.  Stewart,  of  Middle  Island, 
was  in  attendance.  The  other  preachers  were 
the  Rev.  "Deacon"  Carl,  of  the  reservation  ; 
the  Rev.  W.  H.  Parker,  of  Centre  Moriches, 
and  Richard  Ward,  chief  of  the  Poosepatuck 

The  morning  was  devoted  to  a  praise  serv- 
ice. This  consisted  of  prayers,  songs  and  the 
telling  of  religious  "experiences."  Occasion- 
ally some  of  the  half-breeds  became  so  en- 
thusiastic that  they  would  "shout"  like  old- 
time  Southern  darkies.  In  the  old  days  many 
Indian  families  became  linked  by  marriage 
with  negro  families  brought  over  from  Africa. 

The  "shouting"  which  remotely  suggested 
the  camp  dances  of  the  original  Indians,  was 
first  occasioned  by  the  singing  of  a  song,  part 
of  which  ran: 

Ole  Satan  went  down  to  the  bottom  of  the  well. 

(Don't  you  grieve  after  me  when  I'm  gone.) 
He  missed  his  mark  and  slipped  down  to  hell. 

(Don't  you  grieve  after  me  when  I'm  gone.) 

This  song  was  rendered  with  plenty  of 
foot  patting,  and  rocking  from  side  to  side. 

Mace  Bradley,  the  only  surviving  full- 
blooded  Poosepatuck  Indian  on  Long  Island, 
said  he  felt  that  the  days  of  the  Indians  on  the 
reservation  were  numbered.  The  old  Indian's 
frame  shook  with  emotion  as  he  went  on  to 
exhort  his  fellows  to  lead  pure  lives  and  "look 
upward."  Not  infrequently  the  women 
moaned  aloud,  and  the  men  shouted  "Amen !" 

Richard  Ward,  the  chief  of  the  reservation, 
led  in   singing: 

I've  got  my  breast-kit,  sword  and  shield : 

No  man  a-work-a  like  Him. 
I'm  marchin'  boldly  through  the  field — 

No  man  a-work-a  like  Him. 

Then  in  a  thundering  chorus  all  joined  in 
the  refrain,  those  sitting  in  vehicles  outside 
taking  up  the  air : 

He's  King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords, — 
Jesus  Christ,  the  first  and  last: 
No  man  a-work-a  like  Him. 

Suddenly  a  woman  half-breed,  shaking 
from  head  to  foot  with  fervor,  pointed  toward 
the  roof  and  sang: 

Jes  look  over  yonder  what  I  see: 

No  man  a-work-a  like  Him. 
See  two  angels  callin'  at  me : 

No  man  a-work-a  like   Him. 

Verse  after  verse  of  this  hymn  was  sung 
by  volunteers. 

The  afternoon  and  night  services  were 
much  like  those  of  the  forenoon 

The  Indians  referred  to  in  this  article  are 
remnants  of  the  old  Patchogue  or  Setanket 

In  the  old  lands  of  Europe  it  is  common  to 
trace  departed  tribes  and  nations  by  the  names 
of  places,  which  names  have  proved  more  en- 
during monuments,  more  popularly  under- 
stood monuments,  than  could  any  structure 
in  stone  or  "enduring  brass."  Thus  in  Scot- 
land the  language,  manners  and  customs  of 
the  ancient  Picts  have  vanished  into  the  un- 
known; but  the  evidences  of  their  existence, 
of  their  might  and  of  their  territorial  greatness 
is  retained  in  the  names  of  places  which  are 
still  in  popular  use.  Similar  examples  could 
be  culled  from  the  history  of  Germany,  of 
Italy  and  other  countries.  So,  too,  in  Long 
Island.  It  may  be  said  that  the  red, man  has 
forever  disappeared  from  the  places  which 
were  once  his  own,  but  all  over  its  extent  he 
has  left  behind  him  memorials  of  his  language 
and  his  occupancy  in  the  names  he  gave  to 
many  localities  and  which  still  cling  to  them. 

Gemeco,  or  Jameco,  is  still  remembered  by 
the  old  town  of  Jamaica,  although  William 
W.  Tooker,  the  greatest  of  all  authorities  on 
Long  Island  Indian  lore,  seems  to  think  it  de- 
rived from  Tamaqua,  the  beaver.  Arshamom- 
aque,  or  Hashamomuk,  near  Southold,  still  re- 
tains its  old  Indian  name,  meaning  "where 
wild  flax  grows:"  and  Quogue  (Ouaquanan- 
tuck),  Setauket,  Sagg,  Peconic,  Potunk. 
Syosset,  Aquebogue,  Quantuck,  Tuckahoe, 
Nissaquag,  Watchogue,  Ponquogue,  Speonk, 
Seapoose,  Manhasset,  Rockaway,  Noj-ack,  Ne- 



guntapoque,  Montauk,  Commac  and  a  hundred 
other  places  still  represent  the  red  man's  as- 
cendancy and  story  throughout  the  island. 
Even  in  Brooklyn,  built  over  and  over  again 
and  changed  and  transformed  as  it  has  been 
since  the  red  man  had  his  village  of  Merech- 
kawikingh  (near  Red  Hook)  in  what  is  now 
the  twelfth  ward,  Indian  names  confront  us. 
Merechkawikingh,  it  is  true,  has  passed  away 
and  been  generally  forgotten  except  by  the 
Antiquaries,  but  we  sometimes  think  of  Black- 
well's  Island  by  its  Indian  name  of  Minna- 
hannock,  Gowanus  is  still  the  name  of  a  lo- 
cality, and  Ipetonga  survives  in  the  name  of 
a  fashionable  club. 

The  Navy  Yard,  writes.  Dr.  Tooker, 
where  the  Marine  Hospital  stands  and  there- 
about was  known  at  a  very  early  period  as 
Rinnegackonck.  According  to  traditions  it 
is  supposed  to  have  been  the  locality  where 
began  the  first  settlement  of  Long  Island; 
but  in  the  light  of  recent  investigation  it  must 
yield  that  honor  to  Flatlands.  The  Indian 
deed  is  dated  July  i6,  1637,  when  "Kakapot- 
eyno*  and  Pewichaast  as  owners  of  this  dis- 
trict by  special  order  of  the  rulers  and  with 
consent  of  the  community  *  *  *  con- 
veyed to  George  Rapalje  a  certain  piece  of 
land  called  Rinnegackonck,  situated  upon 
Long  Island,  south  of  the  island  of  Mana- 
hatas4.  =^  =^  *■  reachinsi  from  a  kill  to  the 
woods,  south  and  east  to  a  certain  copse  where 
the  water  runs  over  the  stones,  etc"  The  rec- 
ords give  us :  "The  plantation  of  George 
Rapalje  (called  Rinnegackonck).  i638;Rinne- 
gaconck,  1640;  Renegakonc,  Rinneakonc  and 
Rinnegconck,  1641 ;  Runnegackonck,  1647. 
Have  rented  a  certain  bowery  (farm)  *  .  *  *  ■ 
called  in  Indian  Rinnegackonck,"  1651.  Stiles' 
History  of  Kings  county  gives  it  as  Renne- 
gackonck,  v»'ith  the  statement  that  it  was  some- 
times spelt  with  an  i  or  u  in  the  first  syllable. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  name  belonged  en- 
tirely to  the  plantation  of  George  Rapalje, 

*The  crow:   this  name  is  onomatopoetic. 

tPenawitz  ^  "  the  stranger,"  Sachem  of  Massa- 

jManahan-otan :=" Island  town,"  or  "town  on  the 
Island;"  any  other  interpretation  for  this  name  is  inad- 

and  not  to  a  creek  as  supposed  by  some.  It 
was  probably  bestowed  upon  that  fertile  and 
well  watered  farm  by  the  Indians  after  Rapalje 
had  entered  upon  the  land  and  improved  it, 
for  the  Indian  titles  were  almost  invariably 
obtained  after  the  land  had  been  taken  posses- 
sion of  by  the  settlers. 

The  name  gives  us  an  instance  occasionally 
occurring  where  the  r  is  used  in  place  of  w 
as  it  should  be,  according  to  the  English  nota- 
tion. Although  the  Dutch  w  has  not  the  same 
primary  sound  or  derivation  as  the  English, 
Heckewelder  wrote :  "There  are  in  the  Dela- 
ware language  no  such  consonants  as  the  Ger- 
man w  or  the  English  v,  f,  r.  Where  the  w 
in  this  language  is  placed  before  a  vowel  it 
sounds  as  in  English ;  before  a  consonant  it 
represents  a  whistled  sound."  Eliot  found 
the  same  difficulty  in  the  Natick  dialect,  for 
he  says  in  his  grammar,  we  call  w  wee,  be- 
cause our  name  giveth  no  power  of  its  sound. 
Many  Indian  names  in  the  townships  west  of 
Southampton,  Long  Island,  show  how  diffi- 
cult it  was  for  our  early  pioneers  to  catch  the 
true  sound  of  the  Indian  names  of  persons  and 
places ;  as  Heckewelder  has  said,  they  had  not 
acquired  an  Indian  ear.  For  instance,  we  find 
Rioncom  for  Weoncombone,  Ratiocan  or 
Raseokan  for  Ashawoken,  Ra  or  Ronkon- 
kumake  for  Wonkonkooamang,  and  many 
others.  Besides  we  find  some  of  the  familiar 
Indian  names  of  the  eastern  townships  so  ef- 
fectually disguised  under  the  softening  influ- 
ence of  the  Dutch  language  as  to  render  it  dif- 
ficult to  believe  they  are  the  same.  But  in 
giving  them  the  Dutch  values  in  pronunciation 
we  discover  their  identity.  Again  in  the  short 
vocabulary  taken  down  by  Thomas  Jefferson 
in  1794  from  the  lips  of  an  old  squaw  at 
Pusspa'tok,  in  the  town  of  Brookhaven,  we 
find  the  r  appearing  in  many  words,  showing 
by  comparison  that  she  or  her  kindred,  by  mar- 
riage or  otherwise,  were  originally  from  the 
tribes  of  western  Connecticut.  All  of  which 
open  up  very  interesting  historical  questions 
regarding  Indian  migrations  that  we  at  pres- 
ent cannot  dwell  upon. 

But  the  study  of  Indian  names  belongs 
more  to  the  field  of  the  local  antiquary  than 
to  that  of  the  general  historian,  and  with  this 
reference  the  subject  must  here  rest.  But 
those  who  wish  to  pursue  the  study — and  a 
delightful  study  it  is — will  find  in  the  writings 
of  Dr.   Tooker,  now  collected  in  a  series  of 



volumes,  an  able  introduction  and  a  most  sat- 
isfying and  thoroughgoing  guide.  He  has  de- 
voted his  life  to  the  subject  and  his  patient  and 
intelligent  labor  has  been  fruitful  of  endur- 
ing results. 

While  writing  the  closing  paragraphs  of 
this  chapter  a  curious  meeting  has  been  held 
in  New  York,  which  shows  that  the  few  sur- 
vivors of  the  old  Montauks,  Shinnecocks  and 
other  tribes  are  not  without  some  hope  of 
wresting  from  the  white  squatters  the  land 
owned  by  their  forefathers.  The  meeting  was 
held  by  members  of  the  United  States  Senate's 
■committee  on  Indian  affairs,  and  its  purpose 
was  to  listen  to  appeals  by  the  representatives 
of  the  old  tribes  for  legislation  which  would 
-enable  them  to  institute  court  proceedings  for 
the  recovery  of  their  lands.  At  the  meeting, 
which  was  held  on  September  22,  1900,  ten  In- 
•dians  represented  the  once  mighty  race.  They 
were  the  Rev.  E.  A.  Johnson,  Dr.  W.  H.  John- 
son, Nathan  J.  Cuffee  and  James  Cuffee,  of 
the  Montauk  Council,  John  Noka,  Joshua 
Noka  and  Donald  Seeter,  of  the  Narragansett 
Council,  David  Kellis,  of  the  Shinnecock 
'Council,  and  Lemuel  Fielding,  of  the  Mohegan 
Council.  From  a  newspaper  report  of  the 
proceedings  the  following  is  culled  as  being 
of  a  degree  of  interest  well  worthy  of  being 
preserved  as  a  part  of  the  Indian  story : 

The  Montauks  and  Shinnecocks  have  a 
joint  claim  to  it,ooo  acres  of  land  at  Mon- 
tauk Point.  The  Narragansetts  demand  a 
tract  of  land  eight  miles  square  half  a 
mile  back  from  Narragansett  Bay,  and  the 
Mohegans  claim  the  reservation  four  miles 
from  Montville,  near  Norwich,  Connecticut, 
and  including  about  sixteen  acres  in  Norwich. 

The  Montauk  Indians  many  years  ago  oc- 
•cupied  Montauk  Point.  About  twenty-five 
years  ago,  as  the  story  of  the  members  of  the 
tribe  ran,  the  Montauks  found  they  could  no 
longer  make  a  living  off  their  reservation.  So 
they  decided  to  rent  it  out  to  be  used  for  pas- 
turage by  a  syndicate  known  as  the  Proprie- 
tors' Company.  The  members  of  the  company 
all  took  grazing  allotments,  and  paid  the  tribe 
an  annuity.  About  twenty  years  ago  the  mem- 
bers of  the  company  disagreed,  some  wanting 

a  land  reapportionment,  and  litigation  fol- 
lowed. The  court,  it  is  asserted,  completely 
ignored  the  rights  of  the  Indians  and  ordered 
property  sold  at  public  auction,  and  the  pro- 
ceeds divided  equally  among  the  white  occu- 
pants of  the  land,  who,  the  Indians  claim,  were 
merely  lessees.  The  property  was  sold  to 
Arthur  W.  Benson,  of  Brooklyn,  who  bought 
in  the  11,000  acres  for  $151,000.  The  Indians 
did  not  receive  a  cent  of  this.  It  was  testified 
to  that  Mr.  Benson  afterward  sold  5,000  acres 
of  the  reservation  to  the  Long  Island  Railroad 
Company  for  $600,000. 

Some  of  the  Indians  were  still  on  the  reser- 
vation. Mr.  Benson  hired  Nathaniel  Dominey, 
of  Easthampton,  to  negotiate  for  their  re- 
moval to  Easthampton.  Mr.  Dominey  made 
a  good  bargain  for  Mr.  Benson.  The  old 
man — he  is  now  nearly  eighty — was  at  the 
hearing  as  the  chosen  friend  of  the  Indians, 
and  he  gave  the  details  of  the  arrangements  he 
made  for  the  removal  of  the  remaining  mem- 
bers of  the  tribe  from  the  lands  of  their  fore- 

"How  many  members  of  the  tribe  were  on 
the  reservation  when  you  opened  negotiations 
with  them  for  their  removal?"  asked  one  of 
the  senators. 

"There  were  eight,  sir.  There  were  the 
Queen,  her  son,  Wyandank  Pharaoh,  who  is 
now  the  rightful  King  of  the  tribe ;  the  Queen's 
two  brothers  and  four  others." 

"What  arrangements  did  you  make  with 
them  ?" 

"I  agreed  with  the  Queen  that  she  should 
be  paid  $100  semi-annually,  and  that  she 
should  have  two  houses  to  live  in^  which  at 
her  death  were  to  revert  to  Mr.  Benson.  I 
agreed  to  give  her  brothers  $80  each." 

"And  how  about  Wyandank  Pharaoh,  who 
you  say  is  now  the  rightful  King;  what  ar- 
rangements did  you  make  with  him  to  forfeit 
his  rights?" 

"He  signed  them  away  for  $10." 

Among  the  Montauk  Indians  present  were 
the  Rev.  Eugene  A.  Johnson,  a  Presbyterian 
minister,  who  has  a  church  in  Harrisburg, 
Pennsylvania,  and  his  brother.  Dr.  William 
H.  Johnson,  of  103  West  Twenty-ninth  street, 
who  is  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania. It  was  the  former  who  started  the 
movement  to  restore  their  rights  to  the  Mon- 

"There  are  about  three  hundred  members 
of  the  Montauk  tribe  living,"  said  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Johnson.     "They  are  scattered  through- 



out  the  United  States,  but  still  keep  up  their 
tribal  relations.  We  have  a  tribal  council,  of 
which  Nathan  J.  Cuffee  is  president,  and  we 
meet  annually.  We  have  tried  to  obtain  our 
rights  in  the  state  courts  and  before  the  state 
legislature,  but  have  been  denied  a  hearing  on 
the  strange  ground  that  we  are  not  'persons.' 
We  occupy  a  unique  position,  being  wards 
both  of  the  state  of  New  York  and  of  the 
United  States.  Being  wards,  we  could  not 
rightfully  dispose  of  our  property  without  the 
consent  of  the  state  and  the  General  Govern- 
ment. That  consent  was  never  secured.  On 
the  contrary,  our  property  was  taken  from  us 
by  shameful  bribery  and  fraud.  The  property 
we  now  claim  is  valued  at  about  $3,000,000." 
David  Kellis  told  the  committee  of  the 
claims  of  the  Shinnecocks.  The  town  of 
Southampton  is  situated  on  the  Shinnecock 
Hills.  The  trustees  for  the  Indians  went  be- 
fore the  legislature  in  1859  for  authority  to 
acquire  the  property.    The  petition  which  they 

presented  to  the  legislature,  he  said,  was  fraud- 
ulent, many  of  the  names  having  been  forged. 
Nevertheless  the  authority  was  granted,  and 
the  land  obtained  for  a  small  portion  of  what 
It  was  worth. 

James  Lewis  Cuffee,  who  is  a  representa- 
tive of  the  family  of  Paul  Cuffee,  the  Indian 
missionary,  gave  the  committee  a  history  of  the 
reservation  since  the  reign  of  Punkamchise, 
King  of  the  Shinnecocks,  in  1703.  He  told 
of  the  gradual  shoving  back  and  disposses- 
sion of  the  Indians  until  there  was  nothing 
left  to  them. 

One  who  watched  the  proceedings  closely 
said  that  the  committee  seemed  satisfied  that 
the  Indians  had  made  out  a  good  prima-facie 
case,  and  there  was  every  possibility  that  the 
subject  would  be  permitted  to  reach  the  courts. 
Such  at  least  would  simply  be  a  measure  of 





N  1497  England  sent  out  an  expedition 
under  the  direction  of  the  Cabots  to  try 
and  discover  a  northwest  passage  to  the 
West  Indies.  As  we  all  know,  the  quest 
proved  a  failure;  but  the  expedition  sailed  along 
the  coast  of  the  North  American  continent  from 
Newfoundland  to  Florida.  Did  it  stay  for  a 
while  in  New  York  harbor?  That  is  a  ques- 
tion which  we  fear  can  never  be  answered. 
All  we  know  of  that  voyage  seems  to  indicate 
that  the  adventurers  simply  sailed  as  close  to 
the  coast  line  as  possible  and  seldom  sent 
landing  parties  on  shore.  The  meagre  details 
we  have  simply  represent  the  discovery  of  a 
coast  line,  although  that  was  enough,  it  would 
seem,  when  the  time  came,  to  give  England  a 
foundation  for  a  claim  to  the  whole  of  the 
continent  by  right  of  discovery!  Almost  as 
shadowy  is  the  story  of  John  Verazzano,  who 
in  1524  sailed  along  the  American  coast  on  a 
voyage  of  discovery.  It  seems  more  than 
likely  that  he  spent  some  time  in  New  York 
harbor  and  landed  on  some  of  its  shores.  His 
description  is  well  worth  remembering,  for  it 
is  the  first  glimpse  we  get  of  a  scene  which 
was  soon  to  undergo  remarkable  changes. 

"After  proceeding  one  hundred  leagues  we 
found  a  very  pleasant  situation  among  some 
steep  hills,  through  which  a  large  river,  deep 
at  the  mouth,  forced  its  way  into  the  sea. 
From  the  sea  to  the  estuary  of  the  river  any 
ship  heavily  laden  might  pass  with  the  help 
of  the  tide,  which  rises  eight  feet.    But  as  we 

were  riding  at  anchor  in  a  good  berth  we 
would  not  venture  up  in  our  vessel  without 
a  knowledge  of  the  mouth.  Therefore  we  took 
the  boat  and  entering  the  river  we  found  the 
country  on  the  banks  well  peopled,  the  inhab- 
itants not  differing  much  from  the  others,  be- 
ing dressed  out  with  the  feathers  of  birds  of 
various  colors.  They  came  towards  us  with 
evident  delight,  raising  loud  shouts  of  admira- 
tion and  showing  us  where  we  could  most 
securely  land  our  boat.  We  passed  up  this 
river  about  half  a  league,  where  we  found 
it  formed  a  most  beautiful  lake,  upon  which 
they  were  rowing  thirty  or  more  of  their  small 
boats  filled  with  multitudes  who  came  to  see 
us."  He  did  not  stay  long  in  this  beautiful 
scene,  but  passed  northward.  He  saw  natives 
gathering  wampum  on  what  is  now  Rockaway 
Beach  as  he  passed  out,  and  on  his  way  to 
Nantucket  discovered  Block  Island,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Louise,  the  mother  of 
King  Francis  of  France. 

We  have  vague  and  shadowy  records  of 
other  voyageurs  who  looked  in  more  or  less 
through  the  Narrows  from  the  Lower  Bay, 
but  what  has  reached  us  about  their  move- 
ments and  their  discoveries  is  so  vague  and  un- 
satisfactory that  the  details  belong  rather  to 
the  antiquary  than  to  the  historian.  Estevan 
Gomez,  a  Spanish  adventurer,  began  a  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic  in  1525  and  looked  in  at 
the  Hudson,  so  it  is  claimed;  but  if  he  did 
that  much  he  did  no  more.     About  1540  we- 


read  of  French  skippers  ascending  the  "River 
■of  the  Steep  Hills"  as  far  as  what  is  now  Al- 
bany in  search  of  furs,  and  there  is  some  evi- 
dence of  their  having  there  built  a  fort  to  pro- 
tect themselves  and  their  possessions.  In  1542 
Jean  Allefonsce,  of  Saintonge,  passed  through 
Long  Island  Sound  and  so  reached  New  York 
harbor,  being  the  first  it  is  supposed  to  have 
managed  that  bit  of  seamanship.  Up  to  that 
time  little  was  known  of  the  Hudson,  although 
if  we  agree  with  Mr.  A.  J.  Weise  ("The  Dis- 
coveries of  America")  that  it  is  the  Norambega 
River  laid  down  upon  some  early  maps,  it  was 
the  subject  of  much  conjecture  and  even  geo- 
graphical romance.  The  knowledge  of  Long 
Island  Sound  was  even  less  scanty, — and  too 
scanty,  in  fact,  even  for  romance  to  weave 
around  it  a  story;  and  some  seventy  years 
were  to  elapse  before  much  more  was  to  be 

It  was  early  in  September,  1609,  that  the 
"Half  Moon" — sixty  tons'  burden — under  com- 
mand of  Hendrick,  or  rather  Henry,  Hudson, 
dropped  anchor  in  the  Lower  Bay,  somewhere 
between  Sandy  Hook  and  Coney  Island,  rest- 
ing there,  as  it  were,  in  the  course  of  a  voy- 
age of  discovery  up  the  coast  from  Chesapeake 
Bay.  He  was  sent  here  by  the  East  India 
Company  of  Amsterdam,  and  hoped,  with  the 
experience  gained  in  two  previous  voyages,  to 
discover  that  ignis  fatuus  of  seamanship  even 
tj  a  recent  day — a  northwest  passage  to  India. 
When  he  entered  the  river  which  now  bears  his 
name  he  fondly  imagined  that  he  had  at  last 
solved  the  great  problem.  He  spent  a  few 
days  exploring  the  shores  of  the  bay  and  ques- 
tioning the  natives  as  to  the  water  which  led 
inland..  Sad  to  say,  he  also  had  trouble  with 
these  seemingly  inoffensive  people,  and  they 
killed  one  of  his  men  ;  but  whether  that  tragedy 
was  enacted  on  Coney  Island  or  on  Sandy 
Hook  is  a  point  on  which  the  antiquaries  have 
not  yet  made  up  their  minds.  They  all  agree, 
however,  that  the  man — John  Colman-^was 
killed,  and  we  call  it  a  tragedy  because  it  was 
the  beginning  of  a  warfare  which,  whether 
•carried  on  by  firearms,  steel,  rum  or  the  dis- 

eases of  civilization,  exterminated  in  time  the 
native  population  whose  gentle,  inoffensive 
qualities  Verazzano  so  clearly  describes.  Hav- 
ing learned  all  he  could,  he  passed  up  the  river 
almost  to  Albany,  and  then,  having  seen 
enough  to  show  him  that  he  had  not  yet  dis- 
covered the  long-sought  passage,  he  made  his 
way  back  to  the  open  sea. 

In  one  respect  the  story  of  his  journey 
along  the  river  which  has  preserved  his  name 
and  is  his  most  enduring  memorial  is  not 
pleasant  reading.  His  treatment  of  the  na- 
tives was  the  reverse  of  kindly,  and  it  has  been 
computed  that  two  hundred  were  killed  by 
Hudson  and  his  crew  during  the  trip  up  and 
down  the  river.  They  seem  to  have  been  gen- 
erally friendly  and  inoffensive,  over-curious  in 
many  respects,  and  off  Stony  Point  one  was 
caught,  so  it  is  said,  in  the  act  of  stealing  from 
the  ship.  To  this  malefactor  was  at  once  ap- 
plied the  law  of  the  white  man,  and  he  was  shot 
while  trying  to  escape  with  his  plunder.  This 
led  to  a  rupture  of  friendly  relations  in  that 
neighborhood,  and  when  the  upper  end  of 
Manhattan  Island  was  reached  there  was  a 
sort  of  naval  battle,  Indians,  canoes  and  arrows 
on  the  one  side  and  the  "Half  Moon  and  fire- 
arms on  the  other,  and  the  "Half  Moon"  won. 
We  read  of  another  naval  battle  a  little  way, 
further  down,  but  with  the  same  result:  The 
natives  could  not  withstand  gunpowder.  So 
Hudson  reached  the  open  sea  in  safety,  but  left 
behind  him  memories  which  in  after  years 
were  to  help,  with  later  stories  of  cruelty  and 
wrong,  to  make  the  red  man,  as  occasion  of- 
fered and  as  long  as  opportunities  remained, 
wreak  a  terrible  vengeance.  But  Hudson  did 
even  more  than  this;  wherever  he  landed 
and  the  Indians  proved  friendly,  or  whenever 
a  party  of  them  on  kindly  service  bent  visited 
the  "Half  Moon,"  the  fire-water  was  produced 
to  bring  about  a  revel,  and  of  the  orgies  and 
excesses  which  followed  each  production  of 
that  agent  of  civilization  the  Indian  tradi- 
tions told  in  graphic  vividness  for  many  a 

His  report  to  his  employers  in  Amsterdam 



was  in  one  sense  a  disappointment.  It  did 
not  unveil  the  desired  nortliwest  passage,  and 
so  was  a  failure;  but  its  account  of  the  re- 
sources of  the  country  he  had  seen  and  its 
opportunities  for  trade  were  not  lost  in  a  com- 
munity whose  merchants  were  then  the  most 
far-reaching  and  enterprising  in  the  world.  He 
told  of  the  rich  trade  in  peltries  that  awaited 
a  gatherer,  and  it  was  not  long  before  some 
enterprising  merchants  chartered  a  ship  to 
cross  the  ocean  and  bring  back  a  load  of  furs. 
That  venture  proved  a  signal  success,  and  the 
trade  of  the  old  Netherlands  with  the  New 
Netherland  may  thus  be  said  to  have  com- 
menced. In  1612  Holland  merchants  syndi- 
cated and  sent  out  the  Fortune,  under  com- 
mand of  Hendrick  Christiaensen,  and  the 
Tiger,  under  command  of  Adriaen  Block,  and 
in  the  following  year  three  more  vessels  were 
despatched  to  the  Mauritius  River,  as  for  a 
time  the  Hudson  was  called. 

Of  these  expeditions  our  interest  here  cen- 
ters mainly  in  that  of  Block.  His  ship  per- 
formed her  mission  successfully  and  was  load- 
ed ready  for  the  return  journey  when  she  was 
destroyed  by  fire.  He  and  his  crew  at  once 
got  sufficient  timber  to  build  another  ship; 
but  as  it  was  too  small  to  attempt  to  cross  the 
ocean.  Block  determined  to  spend  the  time  until 
a  fresh  ship  could  come  from  Holland  in  ex- 
ploration. In  his  new  boat — the  Restless — he 
explored  the  waters  of  Long  Island,  both  on 
the  sound  and  the  ocean  front,  discovered  it 
to  be  an  island,  and  then  passing  along  the 
mainland  he  explored  the  Connecticut  River, 
the  Narragansett,  rounded  Cape  Cod  and  en- 
tered Massachusetts  Bay.  Every  day  seemed 
to  bring  a  new  discovery,  and  his  imagination 
was  kept  on  the  stretch  inventing  names  for 
the  rivers,  points,  islands  and  bays  which  he 
passed.  His  own  name  survives  to  us  in  Block 
Island,  and  to  him  also  is  due  the  name  of 
Hellegat — now  Hellgate — simply  after  a 
branch  of  the  Scheld  in  his  native  land,  al- 
though the  name  has  long  been  a  theme  for 
wrangling  among  the  etymologists.  While  still 
exploring  he   met   in   with   his    old    cruising 

ship,  the  Fortune,  returning  with  a  second 
cargo  to  Holland,  and,  leaving  the  Restless  in 
charge  of  Cornelius  Hendricksen,  he  boarded 
the  Fortune  and  returned  to  Holland.  America 
saw  him  no  more,  and  he  passed  seemingly 
into  the  shadows,  for  nothing  appears  to  be 
known  of  his  after  life.  He  was  certainly  a 
faithful,  as  he  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  ser- 
vants of  the  East  India  Company  (which  was 
chartered  in  1614,  the  charter  of  the  West 
India  Company  dating  from  1621),  and  he  is 
also  entitled  to  remembrance  as  having  been 
the  first  ship-builder  in  America,  for  we  take 
it  that  the  watergoing  craft  of  the  Indians 
never  got  beyond  the  canoe  stage. 

Hendrick  Christiaensen,  who  in  1612  was 
sent  out  in  command  of  the  Fortune,  the  con- 
sort of  Block's  ill-fated  Tiger,  was  appointed 
agent  of  the  home  authorities  with  instruc- 
tions to  open  a  trading  station  on  Manhattan 
Island.  This  he  did  in  1661,  when  he  con- 
structed a  little  fort  and  four  log  houses  on 
the  site  now  occupied  by  39  Broadway.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  New  York — or  rather, 
to  put  it  more  correctly,  of  the  present  part 
of  New  York  known  as  the  Borough  of  Man- 
hattan. No  doubt  his  agents  soon  crossed  the 
East  River  and  established  business  relations 
with  the  Indians  there.  The  first  white  set- 
tlement on  Long  Island,  however,  was  not 
made  until  1636,  so  far  as  has  been  determined, 
and  that  story  is  told  in  another  chapter.  The 
credit  of  the  early  discovery  of  Long  Island 
must  be  given  to  Adriaen  Block,  for  although 
Verazzano  and  Hudson  both  saw  it  before  him 
and  John  Colman  very  possibly  yielded  up  his 
life  there  rather  unwillingly,  there  seems  no 
doubt  that  Block  first  determined  its  true  char- 
acter as  an  island  by  his  own  explorations, 
aided  by  those  of  Cornelissen  Mey,  another 
doughty  Dutch  sailor. 

The  Dutch  certainly  had  a  high  apprecia- 
tion of  the  value  of  Long  Island,  or  at  least 
of  the  little  portion  of  it  of  which  they  had 
practical  knowledge — for  even  in  the  most 
powerful  of  their  days  the  agents  of  the  West 
India  Trading  Company  never  exercised  any 



real  or  lasting  authority  over  any  part  east  of 
an  imaginary  straight  line  drawn  from  Oyster 
Bay  to  the  south  shore.  In  1640  a  Dutch  trav- 
eler spoke  of  Long  Island  as  "the  crown  of  the 
Netherlands,"  and  to  the  Dutch  must  be 
awarded  the  palm  of  premier  settlement.  In 
June,  1636,  one  of  Governor  Van  Twiller's  sub- 
ordinates, Jacob  Van  Corlaer,  bought  from  the 
Indians  a  piece  of  land  called  Castuteauw  on 
Seawan-hackey,  or  Long  Island,  between  the 
bay  of  the  North  River  and  the  East  River. 
He  was  an  enterprising  man,  held  the  office 
of  commissary  of  cargoes  and  taught  school; 
but  he  probably  bought  this  premier  piece  of 
property  as  a  speculation.  He  obtained  after- 
ward patents  for  other  '.'parcels"  and  became 
magistrate  in  New  Utrecht,  but,  like  most 
speculators,  he  seems  to  have  over-reached 
himself,  for  in  1672  he  became  a  bankrupt. 
In  1636,  too,  several  other  purchases  of  Long 
Island  lands  were  made ;  and  although  it  was 
not  long  after  that  much  of  the  land  was  made 
ready  for  agricultural  purposes,  yet  we  must 
confess  that  all  our  inquiries  lead  to  the  belief 
that  the  first  actual  settler  to  make  his  home 
on  Long  Island  was  Joris  Jansen  Rapalje,  who 
on  June  16,  1637,  obtained  a  grant  of  land  at 
Wallabout.  On  this  subject  reference  is  made 
at  greater  length  in  a  subsequent  chapter  of 
this  history. 

Lying  as  it  did  between  the  Dutch  settle- 
ment of  New  Amsterdam  and  the  English 
colony  in  Connecticut,  both  made  up  of  in- 
trepid pioneers  eagerly  engaged  in  the  war  of 
wealth  and  hungry  for  jurisdiction  over  fresh 
soil  with  all  its  advantages,  the  facilities  of 
the  times  made  most  of  the  northern  shore  and 
all  of  the  eastern  end  of  Long.  Island  much 
nearer  Connecticut  than  New  Amsterdam,  and 
a. struggle  for  possession  and  rule  became  im- 
minent soon  after  1639,  when  Lion  Gardiner 
acquired  the  island  which  now  bears  his  name. 
Not  many  months  afterward  Southold  and 
Southampton  were  settled  by  English  colo- 
nists. The  enterprise  of  these  men  carried 
them  as  near  to  New  Amsterdam  as  Hemp- 
stead, but  that  was  too  much  for  the  Dutch, 

and  they  drove  the  unauthorized  intruders 
l)ack  to  the  eastern  end.  Still  the  Dutch  were 
not  afraid  to  welcome  settlers  who  placed 
themselves  under  their  rule  and  protection  in 
orderly  fashion,  for  even  in  1640  they  per- 
mitted Gravesend  to  be  founded  by  Lady 
Moody  and  her  associates,  and  in  1643  they 
allowed  a  settlement  of  English  people  from 
New  England  to  be  founded  at  Hempstead. 
But  such  settlements  obtained  patents  from  the 
Dutch  Governors  and  were  amenable  to  the 
laws  imposed  by  "their  High  Mightinesses." 
In  the  eastern  end  the  communities  would  have 
none  of  this  and  looked  to  New  England  for 
protection  and  law.  New  England,  too,  claimed 
jurisdiction  over  the  entire  island  by  virtue  of 
the  terms  of  the  charter  of  1620  given  to  the 
Plymouth  Colony,  and  the  Earl  of  Stirling 
claimed  possession  by  virtue  of  the  grant  given 
to  him  in  1635.  We  will  have  more  to  say  of 
this  nobleman  and  his  claims  in  another  chap- 
ter, and  it  must  suffice  here  to  state  that  the 
rights  of  himself  and  his  heirs  were  fully  ac- 
knowledged in  the  earlier  land  transactions  in 
the  eastern  end  of  the  island  by  the  English 
settlers.  The  eastern  towns  each  formed  an  in- 
dependent community  in  itself  arid  all  seem  to 
have  made  treaties  on  their  own  account  with 
the  authorities  at  New  Haven  or  of  Connecti- 
cut, before  and  after  September  15,  1650, 
when  the  dividing  line  between  the  Dutch  and 
English  sphere  of  influence  was  fixed  at  Oyster 
Bay  between  the  high  contracting  parties.  The 
English  system  was  illustrated  even  in  this 
little  transaction,  for  there  was  some  doubt 
as  to  whether  Oyster  Bay  itself  was  in  the 
Dutch  or  English  "sphere."  But  the  English 
claimed  it  and  the  result  of  a  long  and  windy 
exchange  of  missives  was  that  they  retained  it. 
In  Professor  Alexander  Johnston's  inter- 
esting monograph  on  the  History  of  Connecti- 
cut (in  "American  Commonwealths"  series) 
we  read  (page  138)  : 

Long  Island  had  never  been  more  than 
nominally  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Dutch. 
They  had  planted  a  few  farms  at  its  western 
end,  but  the  rest  was  a  wilderness.     Among 



the  multitude  of  conflicting  and  unintelligible 
grants  made  by  the  Council  of  Plymouth  was 
one  to  the  Earl  of  Stirling,  covering  Long 
Island.  The  grantee  seems  to  have  claimed 
ownership  only,  not  jurisdiction.  Practically, 
therefore,  when  his  agent  sold  a  piece  of  ter- 
ritory, the  new  owners  became  an  independent 
political  community,  with  some  claims  against 
them,  but  no  direct  control.  The  island  was 
thus  in  much  the  same  position  as  the  Con- 
necticut territory  before  the  first  irruption  of 
settlers,  and  offered  much  the  same  attractions 
as  a  place  of  refuge  for  persons  or  communi- 
ties who  had  found  the  connection  between 
church  and  state  grievous.  A  company  from 
Lynn,  Massachusetts,  bought  the  township  of 
Southampton  from  Stirling's  agent,  April  17, 
1640.  There  were  at  first  but  sixteen  persons 
in  the  company,  Abraham  Pierson  being  their 
minister.  This  was  the  church  which,  first  re- 
moving to  Branford  in  1644,  when  Southamp- 
ton became  a  Connecticut  town,  finally  settled 
at  Newark,  New  Jersey.  Easthampton  was 
settled  about  1648  by  another  Lynn  party,  and 
was  received  as  a  Connecticut  town  November 
7,  1649.  The  town  of  Huntington,  though  part 
of  it  was  bought  from  the  Indians  by  Governor 
Eaton,  of  New  Haven,  in  1646,  really  dates 
from  about  1653.  May  17,  1660,  it  was  re- 
ceived as  a  Connecticut  town.  There  were 
thus  three  Connecticut  towns  on  Long  Island, 
in  addition  to  Southold,  the  New  Haven  town- 
ship. Between  these  and  the  really  Dutch  set- 
tlements at  the  western  end  of  the  island  there 
were  English  settlements  at  Hempstead :  but 
those  acknowledged  a  much  closer  dependence 
on  the  Dutch  authorities. 

To  all  these  claims  the  Dutch  were  fully 
cognizant.  In  a  "Description  of  New  Nether- 
land,"  written  in  1649,  ^nd  which  was  trans- 
lated and  printed  by  the  New  York  Histori- 
cal Society  in  1849,  we  read: 

Long  Island,  which  by  its  fine  situation, 
noble  bays  and  havens,  as  well  as  by  its  fine 
lands,  may  be  called  the  crown  of  the  prov- 
ince, is  also  entirely  invaded  by  them  [New 
England  settlers]  except  at  the  western  ex- 
tremity, where  are  two  Dutch  villages,  Breuk- 
elin  and  Amersfoort,  which  are  not  of  much 
consequence,  and  a  few  English  villages,  as 
Gravesant,  Greenwyck,  Mespat — where  dur- 
ing the  war  the  inhabitants  were  expelled  and 
since  confiscated  by  Director  Kieft.  But  the 
owners  having  appealed,  it  is  yet  in  statu  quo. 

There  are  not  many  inhabitants  now.  Also 
Vlissingen,  a  fine  village,  well  stocked  with  cat- 
tle; and  fourthly  and  last,  Heemsted,  better 
than  the  others  and  very  rich  in  cattle. 

But  as  we  are  now  on  Long  Island  we  will 
(as  it  seems  the  British  are  craving  this  in 
particular)  say  a  little  more  about  it.  From 
the  beginning  of  our  settling  here,  this  island 
has  been  inhabited  by  the  Dutch.  In  1640 
a  Scotchman  came  to  Director  Kieft,  having  an 
English  commission,  and  claimed  the  island, 
but  his  pretence  was  not  much  regarded  and 
he  departed  again  without  effecting  anything 
except  to  rouse  a  little  of  the  mob.  Afterward 
the  Director  Kieft  subdued  and  destroyed  the 
British  who  wished  to  trade  in  Oyster  Bay ; 
and  thus  it  remained  for  some  time.  Another 
Scotchman  came  in  1647,  named  Captain  For- 
ester, and  claimed  this  island  in  the  name  of 
the  dowager  Van  Sterling,  whose  Governor 
he  pretended  to  be.  He  had  a  commission 
dated  the  18th  year  of  King  James'  reign;  but 
it  was  not  signed  by  the  King  nor  by  any- 
body else.  His  commission  covered  the  whole 
of  Long  Island,  with  five  surrounding  islands, 
as  well  as  the  main  land.  He  also  had  a  power 
of  attorney  from  Maria,  dowager  Van  Ster- 
ling. Nevertheless  the  man  valued  these  pa- 
pers much,  and  said  on  his  arrival  he  would 
examine  the  commission  of  Governor  Stuyve- 
sant.  If  it  was  better  than  his,  he  would  give 
it  up;  if  not,  Stuyvesant  must.  In  short,  the 
Director  took  copies  of  these  papers  and  sent 
the  man  over  in  the  Valkemer;  but  the  vessel 
touching  in  England  he  did  not  arrive  in  Hol- 

Under  the  terms  of  its  charter  Connecticut 
claimed  Long  Island  as  an  integral  part  of  its 
territory  and  was  exercising  full  territorial 
rights  over  it  when,  in  1664,  the  Dutch  colony 
suddenly  passed  under  English  rule.  Then 
Connecticut  fondly  imagined  it  had  come  into 
its  own,  but  the  influence  of  Manhattan  Island 
proved  too  strong,  and  although  the  negotia- 
tions on  the  point  were  long  drawn  out  and 
keenly  contested,  it  was  finally  determined  that 
the  whole  of  the  island  was  to  be  a  part  of  the 
New  York  colony,  while  Connecticut  had  its 
jurisdiction  extended  along  the  opposite  shore 
of  the  sound.  Probably  it  was  the  best  arrange- 
ment which  could  have  been  made  for  Con- 
necticut, but  it  was  hardly  agreeable  to  the 




"English"  towns  on  the  island.  When  the 
Dutch  regained  possession  of  New  Amsterdam 
all  the  towns  on  Long  Island,  except  South- 
old,  Southampton  and  Easthampton,  submitted 
to  the  representatives  of  the  States  General. 
But  these  three  held  out,  asked  for  aid  from 
Connecticut,  and  a  war  between  that  colony 
and  New  York  was  imminent  when  the  news 
came  that  the  Dutch  regime  had  again  passed 
and  England  was  once  more  in  possession. 
Even  then  an  effort  was  made  to  have  the 
eastern  end  of  the  island  declared  under  the 
rule  of  Connecticut,  but  this  request  was  em- 
phatically denied  and  the  idea  was  abandoned. 
But  even  to  this  day  the  people  in  the  eastern 
part  of  Long  Island  look  upon  Connecticut 
folk  as  their  neighbors  rather  than  those  who 
dwell  west  of  the  old  historic  dividing  line. 
While  the  possession  of  the  land  for  specu- 
lative, agricultural  or  hunting  purposes  made 
Long  Island  seem  a  jewel  to  the  Dutch  and 
the  English,  settlers  gladly  availed  themselves 
of  it  as  an  extended  place  of  refuge  for  politi- 
cal and  religious  freedom.  There  is  no  doubt 
from  the  references,  sometimes  half  implied 
and  sometimes  openly  expressed  in  the  earlier 
documents  on  which  we  base  our  histories, 
that  Its  possession  was  desired  for  another 
cause.  It  was  in  wampum  that  the  red  man 
transacted  most  of  his  dealings  and  measured 
values,  and  wampum  was  the  real  treasure  of 
Long  Island,  as  gold  was  the  treasure  of  Cali- 
fornia in  the  eyes  of  the  'forty-niners.  Cor- 
nelius Van  Tienhoven,  Secretary  of  the  New 
Netherland,  wrote  on  this  point  very  clearly 
in  a  tractate  written  in  1650  and  containing 
"Information  relative  to  taking  up  land,"  in- 
tended for  the  guidance  of  intending  immi- 
grants from  the  Netherlands :  "I  begin  then," 
he  said,  "at  the  most  easterly  corner  of  Long 
Island,  being  a  point  situate  on  the  main  ocean, 
inclosing  within,  westward,  a  large  inland  sea 
(Gardiner's  Bay)  adorned  with  divers  fair  ha- 
vens and  bays  fit  for  all  sorts  of  craft ;  this 
point  is  entirely  covered  with  trees  without 
any  flatts,  and  is  somewhat  hilly  and  stoney; 
very  convenient  for  cod-fishing,  which  is  most 

successfully  followed  by  the  natives  during  the 
season.  This  point  is  also  well  adapted  to  se- 
cure the  trade  of  the  natives  in  wampum  (the 
mine  of  New  Netherland),  since  in  and  about 
the  above  mentioned  sea  and  the  islands  therein 
situate  lie  the  cockles  whereof  wampum  is 
made,  from  which  great  profit  could  be  real- 
ized by  those  who  would  plant  a  colonie  or 
hamlet  on  the  aforesaid  hook  for  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  land,  for  raising  all  sorts  of  cattle,, 
for  fishing  and  the  wampum  trade."  A  docu- 
ment like  this  is  evidence  that  the  Dutch  au- 
thorities were  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
entire  resources  of  Long  Island ;  that  they  were 
anxious  to  invite  settlers  even  to  its  most  in- 
accessible parts  (from  New  Amsterdam),  and 
that  they  knew  and  appreciated  most  thorough- 
ly the  site  of  the  most  valuable  deposits  of 
the  most  popular  medium  of  exchange.  It 
shows  also  that  they  entirely  ignored  the  set- 
tlements from  New  England  and  any  claim 
which  Connecticut  or  New  Haven  might  make 
to  the  island,  and  prompts  us  to  think  that 
Lion  Gardiner  had  other  purposes  in  view  than 
merely  agricultural  when  he  obtained  by  pur- 
chase from  the  Indians  and  by  grant  from  the 
heirs  of  Lord  Stirling  the  island  which  has 
perpetuated  his  name  and  which  continues  to 
be  the  home  of  his  descendants. 

On  the  value  of  their  wampum  trade  of 
Long  Island  a  modern  writer  (John  Fiske  in 
his  "Quaker  and  Dutch  Colonies,"  Vol.  I,  page 
174)  graphically  summarized  the  subject  as 
follows : 

Those  shores  were  a  kind  of  primitive 
American  mint.  For  ages  untold  the  currency 
of  the  red  men  had  been  wampum  or  strings 
of  beads  made  from  sea-shells.  There  were 
two  sorts,  the  white  beads  made  from  a  kind 
of  periwinkle  and  the  black  beads  made  from 
the  clam.  It  had  some  of  the  features  of  a 
aouble  standard,  inasmuch  as  the  black  wam- 
pum was  worth  about  twice  as  much  as  the 
white;  but  as  no  legal-tender  act  obliged  any- 
body to  take  the  poorer  coin  for  more  than  its 
intrinsic  value,  no  confusion  resulted.  It  was 
good  currency,  for  it  had  an  intrinsic  value 
that    was   well    understood    and    remarkably 



steady  as  long  as  Indians  continued  to  form 
an  important  portion  of  the  trading  world.  For 
any  material  to  be  fit  to  serve  as  a  currency 
three  conditions  are  indispensable:  i.  It  must 
be  an  object  of  desire  for  its  own  sake  apart 
from  its  use  as  currency.  2.  It  must  be  diffi- 
cult to  obtain.  3.  Its  value  must  not  be  sub- 
ject to  fluctuations.  Wampum  satisfied  these 
conditions.  It  was  used  for  a  number  of  pur- 
poses, and  in  particular  was  highly  prized  for 
personal  adornment.  In  order  to  find  it  one 
must  go  to  its  native  coasts  and  gather  the 
shells  and  prepare  them,  and  the  areas  in  which 
these  shells  occurred  were  limited.  Since  wam- 
pum thus  cost  labor,  it  could  easily  serve  as  a 
measure  of  other  labor.  The  amount  of  labor 
involved  in  getting  a  beaver  skin  could  read- 
ily be  estimated  in  terms  of  the  eflfort  involved 
in  getting  a  fathom  of  beads.  *  *  *  It  has 
been  well  said.  "Wampum  was  the  magnet 
that  drew  the  beaver  out  of  interior  forests," 
or  in  other  words,  it  was  for  thj  white  men 
a  currency  redeemable  in  those  peltries  which 
were  wanted  throughout  the  civilized  world. 
Now  the  shores  of  Long  Island  abounded 
in  the  shells  of  which  wampum  is  made,  and 
the  Indians  upon  those  shores  were  the  chief 
manufacturers  of  wampum  on  the  whole  At- 
lantic coast. 

Wampum  seems  to  have  been  found  all 
along  the  coasts  of  Long  Island,  and  that  fact 
gave  to  the  place  one  of  its  earliest  European 
names,  Seawanhacky,  or  "Island  of  Seawan," 
seawan  being  the  Indian  name  for  the  money. 
Wampum,  or  white  money,  was  made  of  the 
stock  of  the  periwinkle,  suckauhock,  or  black 
money,  from  the  purple  inside  of  the  shell  of 
the  quahaug  or  clam,  a  shellfish  that  buried 
itself  in  the  sand  and  was  generally  found  in 
deep  water.  The  black  money  was  equal  in 
value  to  twice  that  of  the  wampum  or  white 
money.  The  crude  material  was  transformed 
into  cvlinders,  highly  polished,  about  an  eighth 
of  an  inch  in  diameter  and  a  quarter  of  an 
inch  long  and  strung  upon  hempen  or  skin 
cords.  The  unit  of  value  was  a  "fathom," 
a  string  measuring  from  the  end  of  the  little 
finger  to  the  elbow  and  equivalent  to  five  shill- 
ings in  English  colonial  money  and  four  guil- 

ders in  Dutch.  It  used  to  be  averred  among 
the  Dutch  colonists  that  the  Indians  always 
sent  an  agent  with  a  very  long  forearm  or  a 
very  short  forearm  according  to  the  circum- 
stances in  which  the  measuring  was  to  be  done  ! 

It  is  curious  that  as  even  as  early  as  1641 
there  was  talk  of  depreciated  currency  in  wam- 
pum transactions.  The  Indians  presented  oys- 
ter shells  which  had  no  intrinsic  value  among 
themselves,  but  were  accepted  implicitly  by 
the  unsophisticated  white  colonists  ;  but  a  later 
generation  of  the  latter  got  even  with  the  red 
man  by  handing  him  wampum  made  in  French 
factories.  While  the  shells  which  produced  the 
white  and  black  currency  were  found  all  along 
the  coast  line  the  richest  deposits  were  those 
of  Gardiner's  Bay,  and  there  the  Montauks 
and  Manhassets  had  established  a  sort  of  prim- 
itive mint,  which  they  zealously  guarded  from 
outside  interference.  It  is  said  that  the  posses- 
sions of  this  wealth  made  the  Long  Island  In- 
dians more  amenable  to  the  influence  of  civili- 
zation than  their  brethren  inland,  which  means 
that,  having  the  wherewithal,  they  more  read- 
ily secured  the  white  man's  guns  and  rum. 
Certainly  they  offered,  on  the  whole,  a  less 
ferocious  opposition  to  the  white  settlers  than 
did  the  aborigines  in  New  England  and  north- 
ern and  western  New  York. 

But  the  possession  of  this  wealth  brought 
its  cares  and  anxieties  and  its  dangers.  A 
recent  writer,  summarizing  the  information 
presented  by  Weeden,  the  historian  of  wam- 
pum, says : 

Dutch  settlers  early  recognized  the  value  of 
a  monopoly  in  handling  this  wampum ;  hence 
their  persistent  opposition  to  immigration  and 
the  settlement  of  Lord  Stirling's  colonists, — 
a  persistency  practiced  by  the  Indians  in  turn, 
when  Montauk's  Sachem  repelled  incursions 
upon  the  minting  ground  made  by  interior 
tribes  to  secure  both  wampum  and  shells  in 
primitive  form.  But  the  demand  for  wampum 
so  increased  that  more  powerful  tribes,  headed 
by  Narragansetts,  Pequots  and  Mohawks, 
united  to  compel  annual  payment  from  the 



Great  South  and  Shinnecock  Bay  clans  of 
tribute  money,  expressed  in  wampum  for  a 
protection  and  service  never  rendered.  The 
demands  were  complied  with,  however,  from 
sheer  inability  to  resist,  and  so  constant  fear 
kept  the  clans  toiling  to  manufacture  and  pay 
tribute,  their  mint  thus  becoming  a  source  of 
untold  misery.  Governor  Kieft,  from  New 
York,  tried  a  similar  experiment,  but  met  with 
utter  failure.  He  levied  a  tax,  payable  in 
wampum,  for  the  rebuilding  of  Fort  Amster- 
dam. But  the  wily  red  man  sent  back  his  col- 
lector with  a  message  that  they  did  not  want 
the  fort.  It  was  no  protection  to  them,  ninety 
miles  away,  and  they  failed  to  see  any  reason 
for  giving  up  valuables  at  the  Governor's  re- 
quest when  they  were  to  receive  from  him 
nothing  in  return.  Stuyvesant,too,"the  valiant, 
weatherbeaten,  mettlesome,  obstinate,  leathern- 
sided,  lion-hearted,  generous-spirited  old  Gov- 
ernor," as  he  is  called  by  Father  Knicker- 
bocker, had  his  eyes  turned  toward  the  Long- 
Island  minting  grounds,  but  never  seems  to 
have  realized  anything  therefrom. 

In  1628  the  Bradford  papers  record  "no 
inconsiderate  profit  in  the  trade  with  wampum 
peake,"  and  from  the  same  source  comes  this 
statement:  "The  Kennebec  colony  bought 
fifty  pounds  of  it.  At  first  it  stuck,  and  it  was 
two  years  before  they  could  put  of  this  small 
quantity,  till  ye  inland  people  knew  of  it,  and 
afterward  they  could  scarce  ever  gett  enough 
for  them,  for  many  years  together."  In  1629 
wampum  is  referred  to  as  being  in  a  manner 
the  currency  of  the  country.  In  1642  good 
wampum  passed  at  four  and  loose  beads  at 
six  for  a  stiver.  It  is  also  reported  that  same 
year  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  as  being  the  cur- 
rency used  in  the  United  Netherlands — eight 
white  and  four  black  beads  passing  for  a 

Wampum  was  received  in  payment  of 
taxes,  judgments  and  all  court  fees,  and,  as 
Weeden  says,  was  the  magnet  which  drew 
beaver  out  of  interior  forests.  It  passed  cur- 
rent in  contribution  boxes  on  Sunday  and 
served  all  purposes  for  which  tobacco  was  legal 
tender  in  Virginia.  In  1683  the  Flatbush 
schoolmaster  received  his  salary  in  wheat  at 
wampum  value,  and  in  1693  the  ferriage  of 
each  passenger  between  New  York  and  Brook- 
lyn was  eight  stivers  of  wampum.  Kieft,  after 
a  quarrel  with  the  Raritans,  offered  a  bounty 
of  ten  fathoms  of  wampum  to  every  one  who 
was  sixty  pence. 

For  purposes  of  personal  adornment  wam- 
pum seems  to  have  remained  an  object  of  value 
among  the  Long  Island  Indians  until  they  had 
fallen  so  low  that  all  ideas  of  personal  adorn- 
ment were  abandoned.  Belts  of  wampum, 
necklaces  of  wampum  and  ornaments  of  all 
sorts  were  the  most  undisputable  evidences  of 
personal  wealth.  A  wampum  belt  was  among 
the  chiefs  an  emblem.  "A  belt,"  says  Thomp- 
son, "was  sent  with  all  public  messages  and 
preserved  as  a  record  between  nations.  If  a 
message  was  sent  without  the  belt  it  was  con- 
sidered an  empty  word  unworthy  of  remem- 
brance. If  the  belt  was  returned,  it  was  a  re- 
jection of  the  ofifer  or  proffer  accompanying  it. 
If  accepted  it  was  a  confirmation  and  strength- 
ened friendships  or  effaced  injuries.  The  belt 
with  appropriate  emblems  worked  in  it  was 
also  the  record  of  domestic  transactions.  The 
confederation  of  the  Five  Nations  was  thus 
recorded.  The  cockle-shells  had  indeed  more 
virtue  among  Indians  than  pearls,  gold  and 
silver  had  among  Europeans.  Seawan  was  the 
seal  of  a  contract — the  oath  of  fidelity.  It 
satisfied  murders  and  all  other  injuries,  pur- 
chased peace  and  entered  into  the  religious  as 
well  as  civil  ceremonies  of  the  natives.  A 
string  of  seawan  was  delivered  by  the  orator 
in  public  council  at  the  close  of  every  distinct 
proposition  to  others  as  a  ratification  of  the 
truth  and  sincerity  of  what  he  said ;  and  the 
white  and  black  strings  of  seawan  were  tied 
by  the  pagan  priest  around  the  neck  of  the 
white  dog,  suspended  to  a  pole  and  offered  as  a 
sacrifice  to  T'halonghyawaagon,  the  LIpholder 
of  the  Skies,  the  God  of  the  Five  Nations." 

In  all  the  great  seals  of  the  province  of 
New  York  from  1691  to  the  Revolution  a  roll 
of  wampum  is  held  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the 
two  Indians  represented  as  offering  tribute  to 
the  British  sovereigns.  As  many  as  ten  thou- 
sand shells  were  often  woven  into  a  single  belt 
four  inches  wide.  Wampum  continued  to  be 
gathered  on  Long  Island  until  the  nineteenth 
century  was  pretty  well  advanced,  for  Gabriel 
Furman   in   his   notes   on   "Long   Island  An- 



tiquities,"  written  about  1834,  records  that 
even  then  "wampum  is  manufactured  on  this 
island  to  be  sent  to  the  Indians  in  the  Western 
States  and  Territories  for  the  purpose  both  of 
a  circulating  medium  and  of  conventions  and 
treaties.      In     the    summer    of    183 1    several 

bushels  of  wampum  were  brought  from  Baby- 
lon, on  this  island,  and  the  person  who  had 
them  stated  that  he  had  procured  them  for 
an  Indian  trader,  and  that  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  supplying  them.  This  wampum  was  bored, 
but  not  strung." 



K«B  T  is  questionable  if  Adraien  Joris,  or 
ra  a  Cornelius  Jacobzen  Mey  or  (May), 
M^      or    William    Ver    Hulst,    who    were 

'     the      authorized      directors     of     the, 

New  Netherland  colony  between  1623  and 
1626,  ever  saw  anything  of  Long  Island 
except  perhaps  the  stretch  of  sand  which  faced 
the  ocean  and  which  is  now  given  over  to 
pleasure  resorts,  or  the  smoke  from  the  wig- 
wams of  Merechkawikingh.  Peter  Minuit, 
who  took  the  reins  of  government  May  4,  1626, 
as  Director  General  of  New  Netherland  and 
found  in  his  dominion  a  population  of  two 
hundred  souls,  exclusive,  of  course,  of  the 
aborigines,  possibly  had  just  as  little  personal 
acquaintance  with  the  island,  although  he 
doubtless  often  looked  at  its  coast  line  as  he 
journeyed  around  his  citadel  in  the  fort  at  the 
Battery.  He  was  an  honest  man,  bought 
Manhattan  Island  from  the  Indians  for  some- 
thing like  $25  and  probably  would  have  given 
half  as  much  for  Long  Island  had  he  felt  he 
wanted   it,   and    could    he   have   managed   to 

find  a  Sachem  who  was  powerful  enough 
to  give  him  a  clear  title.  But  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  cast  longing  eyes  in  that  direc- 
tion. His  thoughts  and  hopes  were  more 
concentrated  on  the  rich  finds  in  pelts  which 
were  sent  to  him  from  Fort  Orange :  and  then, 
too,  he)  had  enough  territory  on  hand  to 
defend,  for  the  English  Plymouth  settlers  were 
always  encroaching  on  his  territory  on  the 
"Conighticate"  River  and  the  Pequod  In- 
dians worried  him  a  good  deal. 

Nor  is  there  existing  any  evidence  of  the 
presence  of  Governor  Wouter  Van  Twiller 
on  the  island  during  his  eventful  tenure  of  the 
office  from  April,  1633,  until  March,  1638; 
but  in  his  time  the  existence  of  Long  Island 
began  to  assert  itself.  Van  Twiller  seems  to 
have  been  an  able  man,  and  like  many  a  mod- 
ern statesman  zealously  attempted  to  build 
up  his  own  fortunes  and  those  of  the  state 
at  the  same  time.  He  bought  for  his  own 
profit  large  tracts  of  land,  including  what  we 
now  call  Blackwell's  and  Governor's  Islands, 



until  he  became  one  of  the  richest  land  owners 
in  the  colony.  Under  him  the  colony  pros- 
pered, although  the  English  to  the  east  con- 
tinued troublesome,  and  the  fur  trade  reached 
greater  proportions  than  ever  before.  But 
envious  people  regarded  his  growing  personal 
wealth  with  jealousy  and  he  was  relieved  of 
his  power  by  their  "High  Mightinesses"  in 
Holland  who  sent  William  Kieft  to  rule  in  his 
stead.  In  estimating  the  value  of  Van  Twill- 
er's  character  and  work  in  New  Netherland, 
modern  historians  invariably  color  their  views, 
sometimes  unconsciously,  from  the  pages  of 
Washington  Irving's  "Knickerbocker,"  where 
the  doughty  Governor  is  handed  down  to  pos- 
terity in  a  full-length  picture,  as  it  were,  as 
"Walter  the  Doubter."  But  while  the  genius 
of  Irving  has  thus,  as  it  were,  forced  his  view 
of  Van  Twiller,  intended  only  as  a  caricature, 
into  the  pages  of  history,  it  should  not  be  ac- 
cepted above  its  historic  worth,  the  worth  of 
any  piece  of  caricature — written  or  pictorial. 
There  seems  no  doubt  that  Van  Twiller  was 
an  able  administrator,  a  man  of  considerable 
energy  and  firmness  and  that  his  administra- 
tion greatly  added  to  the  extent  and  value  of 
the  West  Indian  Company's  property  in  New 
Netherland,  while  his  own  investments,  how- 
ever brought  about,  showed  that  he  fully  be- 
lieved in  its  continued  prosperity.  It  was 
during  his  reign  that  Long  Island  may  be 
said  to  have  been  opened  up  for  settlement; 
and,  indeed,  after  his  own  authority  had 
passed,  he  appears  to  have  had  supreme  faith 
in  Long  Island,  for  Tennis  G.  Bergen  ("Early 
Settlers  of  Kings  County,"  page  363)  tells 
us  that  in  1643  he  obtained  a  patent  for  lands 
at  Red  Hook  and  a  patent  July  16,  1638,  for 
one  of  the  fiats  (prairies)  in  Flatlands  known 
as  Kaskutensuhane.  In  June,  1636,  Jacob 
Van  Corlaer  purchased  from  the  Indians  a 
plat  of  ground  to  which  was  given  the  name 
"Castateauw,"  "between  the  bay  of  the  North 
River  and  the  East  River."  Some  lands  lying 
to  the  west  of  Corlaer's  purchase  were  brought 
the  same  day  by  Andries  Hudde  and  Wolfert 
Gerritsen  \"an  Couwenhoven,  and  a  tract  to  the 

east  was  bought  by  Van  Twiller.  In  all, 
some  15,000  acres  were  thus  bought  and  at 
once  lirought  into  cultivation  or  adapted  for 
stockraising;  and  on  this  property  afterward 
rose  the  village  of  New  Amersfort,  or,  as  it 
was  later  called,  Flatlands,  which  was  possibly 
the  first  part  of  Long  Island  to  be  settled 
by  white  men.  In  the  course  of  the  same 
year  Jacques  Bentyn  and  William  Adriaense 
Bennet  bought  from  the  Indians,  or  from 
their  Sachem,  a  piece  of  ground  of 
about  930  acres,  extending  from  near  the 
present  Twenty-eighth  street,  along  Gowanus 
Cove  and  the  bay,  to  the  old  New  Utrecht 
line  and  including  what  is  known  as  Ocean 
Hill  in  Greenwood  Cemetery.  Bennet  was  an 
Englishman  and  a  cooper  by  trade.  Bentyn 
was  also  an  Englishman,  and  when  he  bought 
the  land  with  Bennet  he  was  Schout  Fiscal 
of  New  Amsterdam,  the  leading  municipal 
legal  adviser  of  the  place — sheriil  and  cor- 
poration counsel  in  one.  He  soon  tired  of 
his  Long  Island  property,  for  in  1639  he  sold 
his  interest  in  it  to  Bennet  for  350  guilders. 
He  continued  to  be  an  influential  member 
of  the  New  Amsterdam  community  for  many 
years,  was  one  of  the  twelve  Representatives 
in  1641  and  a  member  of  the  Council.  In 
1648  he  left  the  country  and  went  to  Europe, 
probably  having  acquired  a  moderate  com- 
petence and  disappears  from  our  view.  Ben- 
net remained  on  the  land,  and  built  a  dwelling 
upon  it,  the  first  house  so  far  as  we  know 
ever  erected  in  Brooklyn.  He  had  married 
a  widow  just  prior  to  acquiring  the  Gowanus 
property  and  .very  probably  it  was  she  who 
induced  him  to  build  a  house.  He  died  early 
in  the  year  1644  cr  at  the  close  of  1643,  leaving 
her  with  four  children,  Adriaen,  William,  Sara 
and  Christian,  while  another,  Mary  or  Maria, 
was  born  in  Alay,  1644,  after  her  father's 

The  widow  lost  no  time  in  securing  a  new 
helpmeet,  and  on  Oct.  9,  of  the  same  year 
(1644),  married  Paulus  Vanderbeek,  and  by 
him  had  two  sons  and  three  daughters.  With 
her  third  husband  she  resided  in   New  Am- 



sterdam,  but  afterward  returned  to  Long  Isl- 
and, of  which,  in  1661,  Vanderbeek  became 
farmer  of  the  excise,  and  in  1662  he  was 
ferry-master.  He  bought  a  plantation  in 
Gravesend  in  1673  and  figures  in  several 
other  real-estate  deals.  He  stands  out  in  local 
history  as  the  founder  of  the  Vanderbeek 
family,  his  wife  presenting  him  with  four 
sons  and  two  daughters.  Many  of  his  de- 
scendants are  now  to  be  found  in  New  Jer- 
sey. All  of  Bennet's  family  were  successful 
in  life.  His  eldest  son  engaged  in  farming 
and  had  a  property  of  150  acres  at  Bay 
Ridge,  which  in  1681  he  sold  to  the  ancestor 
of  the  Denyse  family.  Later  he  bought  from 
his  mother  a  farm  at  Gowanus,  paying  her 
12,000  guilders  for  it  in  produce,  and  was 
regarded  as  a  man  of  means.  He  died  at 
Gowanus  about  1700.  His  brother  William 
also  owned  a  farm  at  Gowanus,  and  like  all 
others  in  the  family  was  a  stanch  member 
of  the  Dutch  Church.  In  fact  the  family 
was  more  Dutch  than  English  and  the  found- 
er seems  to  have  accepted  the  situation  with 
phlegmatic  equanimity. 

It  was  under  Van  Twiller's  administration, 
too,  that  what  we  now  call  the  Wallabout  was 
settled.  On  June  16,  1637,  George  Rapalie 
(Joris  Jansen)  obtained  a  patent  for  some  325 
acres  which  he  had  purchased  of  the  Indians, 
now  occupied,  in  part,  by  the  L^nited  States 
Marine  Hospital.  The  property,  as  we  have 
seen  in  the  chapter  devoted  to  the  Indians,  was 
called  Rinnegackonck,  and  it  was  afterward 
described  as  "lying  on  Long  Island  in  the  bend 
of  Marechkawieck,  as  the  Indians  once  called 
the  Wallabout.  It  does  not  seem,  however, 
that  Rapalie  took  up  his  residence  on  this  prop- 
erty until  1654,  when  he  set  up  his  house  there. 
From  1655  to  1660  he  was  one  of .  the  Magis- 
trates of  Breuckelen  and  he  was  the  founder 
of  a  family  which  from  that  time  to  the  pres- 
ent day  has  been  prominent  in  the  City  of 
Churches  and  which  will  often  be  referred  to 
in  these  pages. 

L'nder  \'an  Twiller's  successor,  William 
Kieft,  who  held  the  reins  of  government  from 

March  28,  1638,  until  May  11,  1647,  the  set- 
tlement of  the  western  section  of  Long  Island 
went  en  with  what  would  in  our  days  be  termed 
a  "rush."  Kieft  seems  to  have  been  an  irasci- 
ble, domineering  individual,  with  a  limited 
amount  of  brains  and  an  unlimited  allowance 
of  self-assurance  —  a  sort  of  pepper-box 
dressed  up  in  the  clothes  of  authority.  It  is, 
of  course,  possible  that  our  notions  of  his  per- 
sonality have  been  twisted  by  Washington 
Irving's  caricature ;  but  a  study  of  Kieft's 
official  acts  prompts  the  belief  that  Irving  did 
not  depart  very  far  from  historic  truth  when 
he  wrote  in  his  veracious  history  the  following 
lines  regarding  this  product  of  the  Dutch 
Colonial  Service — "William  the  Testy:" 

He  was  a  brisk,  waspish,  little  old  gentle- 
man, who  had  dried  and  withered  away,  partly 
through  the  natural  process  of  years  and  partly 
from  being  parched  and  burnt  up  by  his  fiery 
soul,  which  blazed  like  a  vehement  rushlight 
in  his  bosom,  constantly  inciting  him  to  most 
valorous  broils,  altercations  and  misadventures. 
*  *  *  His  visage  was  broad  and  his  features 
sharp,  his  nose  turned  up  with  the  most  petu- 
lant curl ;  his  cheeks  were  scorched  into  a 
dusky  red — doubtless  in  consequence  of  the 
neighborhood  of  two  fierce  little  gray  eyes, 
through  which  his  torrid  soul  beamed  with 
tropical  fervor.  The  corners  of  his  mouth 
were  curiously  modeled  into  a  kind  of  fret- 
work, not  a  little  resembling  the  wrinkled  pro- 
boscis of  an  irritable  pug  dog;  in  a  word,  he 
was  one  of  the  most  positive,  restless,  ugly 
little  men  that  ever  put  himself  in  a  passion 
about  nothing. 

Such,  rightly  or  wrongly,  is  the  ideal 
of  William.  Kieft,  which  we  are  forced  by 
the  genius  of  Diedrich  Knickerbocker,  backed 
up  by  all  the  veritable  history  and  evidence 
which  have  come  down  to  us,  to  accept 
as  a  true  presentment  of  the  successor  of 
"Walter  the  Doubter."  At  best,  what  we  do 
know  of  veritable  history  brings  before 
use  as  a  sort  of  opera-bouffe  hero  with 
a  touch  of  villainy  running  through  all  his 
actions.  Before  coming  to  America  his  career 
was   clouded  bv  scoundrelism, — so    much    so 



that  he  was  hanged  in  effigy  in  his  native  Hol- 
land. His  ill-fame  had  preceded  him  to  the 
New  Netherland,  and  when  he  landed  at  New 
Amsterdam  on  March  28,  1638,  after  his  voy- 
age across  the  Atlantic  on  board  "The  Her- 
ring," he  was  received  with  marked  coldness. 
Possibly  that  did  not  worry  him  very  much. 
His  purpose  was  to  make  a  fortune  rather  than 
to  make  friends.  He  was  a  believer  in  gov- 
ernment by  proclamation,  and  soon  after  his 
arrival  had  the  trees  and  fences  in  and  around 
New  Amsterdam  covered  with  proclamation 
placards  ordaining  all  sorts  of  regulations,  even 
regulating  the  hour  when  people  should  go  to 
bed  and  when  they  should  arise  to  pursue  their 
usual  vocations.  However,  he  turned  his  au- 
thority to  some  use,  for  he  built  a  stone  church 
inside  the  fort,  laid  out  Pearl  street  for  sub- 
urban residences  of  a  high  class,  interested 
himself  in  the  cultivation  of  orchards  and  gar- 
dens, instituted  two  grand  county  fairs  and  by 
the  liberal  land  policy — not  only  offering  free 
passage  from  Holland  but  giving  an  emigrant 
practically  free  of  cost  a  patent  for  as  much 
land  as  he  and  his  family  could  cultivate,  and 
requiring  only  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  States 
General  to  enable  foreigners  to  hold  l^nd  and 
acquire  the  status  of  citizenship — he  rapidly 
promoted  new  settlements,  singly  or  in  groups, 
in  his  domains.  Still,  his  first  thought  was  to 
make  money  for  himself.  He  established  a 
distillery  or  brewery  on  Staten  Island ;  owned 
and  conducted,  by  deputy,  a  stone  tavern  on 
the  shore  of  the  East  River  at  the  corner  of 
Pearl  street  and  Coenties  Slip,  and  lost  no 
opportunity  of  adding  to  his  private  fortune. 
He  was  quite  a  fussy  tyrant,  too,  and  inter- 
fered in  all  sorts  of  ways  with  the  private 
affairs  and  arrangements  of  his  subjects.  His 
conduct  more  than  once  called  down  the  de- 
nunciation of  Dominie  Bogardus  in  the  pulpit, 
and  he  retaliated  by  causing  his  soldiers  to 
beat  their  drums  and  play  all  sorts  of  noisy 
pranks  outside  the  church,  so  that  the  good 
clergyman  had  to  confine  himself  to  moderate 
language  for  the  sake  of  being  permitted  to 
preach  in  peace.     In  fact,  for  a  long  time  there 

was  open  warfare  between  the  Dominie  and 
the  Governor.  When  Kieft,  as  a  result  of  a 
petition  from  the  colonists  denouncing  his 
venality,  his  arrogance,  his  tyranny  and  his 
needless  Indian  wars,  was  summoned  to  re- 
turn to  Holland,  he  carried  with  him  on  the 
ship,  among  his  personal  property,  something 
like  $100,000,  the  practical  results  of  his  states- 
manship. The  vessel,  "The  Princess,"  was 
hailed  with  ironical  salutes  as  she  weighed 
anchor  and  started  on  her  voyage  with  this 
precious  personage  on  board,  and  the  people 
did  not  even  try  to  conceal  their  joy  over  his 
departure.  The  ship  was  wrecked  on  the 
English  coast,  however,  and  Kieft  and  his 
money  went  to  the  bottom !  Dominie  Bo- 
gardus, who  was  on  the  same  vessel,  was  also 
among  the  eighty  persons  who  perished  in  the 

While  there  is  no  clear  evidence  on  the 
point,  it  seems  likely  that  Kieft  visited  Long 
Island  several  times  and  had  something  of  a 
clear  idea  of  its  advantages  as  a  place  for  colo- 
nization. So  far  as  we  can  learn  he  never  per- 
sonally owned  any  of  its  acres:  probably  he 
believed  Staten  Island  a  more  eligible  field  for 
his  operations,  being  nearer  the  direct  way  by 
which  shipping  passed  in  and  more  in  line  with 
the  commerce  of  the  Hudson.  But  for  pur- 
poses of  settlement  he  bought  from  the  Indians, 
in  1639,  practically  all  the  land  comprised  in 
the  old  county  of  Queens,  and  in  the  following 
year,  by  purchase  from  Penhawitz,  the  chief  of 
the  Canarsies,  he  added  to  the  territory  at  the 
disposal  of  the  West  India  Company  all  the 
land  it  had  not  up  to  that  time  acquired  in 
what  afterward  became  the  county  of  Kings, 
with  the  exception  of  a  tract  between  Coney 
Island  and  Gowanus  (New  Utrecht),  which 
was  added  in  1645.  By  a  charter  promul- 
gated .in  1640,  trade  and  commerce  restrictions 
were  removed  so  that  any  reputable  person 
could  so  engage.  What  is  equally  important 
in  Long  Island  history  was  that  liberal  pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  founding  of  towns  and 
villages,  and  the  magistrates  of  such  com- 
munities were  to  be  named  by  the  people,  sub- 


ject,  of  course,  to  the  approval  of  the  Gover- 
nor and  his  Council.  The  Governor  was  the 
court  of  last  resort  in  all  disputes,  even  the 
most  trifling;  religion  was  restricted  to  that 
of  the  Reformed  Church,  and  while  the  com- 
pany bound  itself  to  maintain  preachers,  teach- 
ers and  spiritual  visitors,  as  well  as  to  protect 
the  secular  interest  of  the  colonists,  it  expected 
that  the  necessary  means  would  be  furnished 
out  of  the  revenues  of  the  Colony.  The  taxes 
were  exorbitant,  the  customs  tariff  was  onerous 
and  outside  trade  was  restricted  to  the  mother 
country  in  the  first  place — that  is,  all  goods 
exported  had  to  be  sent  first  to  Holland.  But 
the  latter  restriction  did  not  cause  much 
trouble,  and  in  spite  of  the  imposts  people  man- 
aged to  thrive. 

So  newcomers  poured  in  in  a  steady  stream, 
and  as  much  as  possible  Kieft  and  his  Council 
directed  their  attention  to  the  beautiful  shore 
lying  across  the  arm  of  the  sea  which  flowed 

to  the  east  of  New  Amsterdam.  In  August, 
1639,  Anthony  Jansen,  from  Salee,  secured  a 
patent  for  100  morgens  (200  acres)  of  land 
lying  within  the  territory  afterward  occupied 
by  the  towns  of  Gravesend  and  New  Utrecht, 
of  which  territory  he  was  the  pioneer.  He 
was  a  citizen  of  rather  dubious  character, 
seems  to  have  been  locally  known  as  "the 
Turk,"  and  very  probably  Kieft  awarded  him 
that  out-of-the-wav  piece  of  property  to  satisfy 
any  claim  he  might  have  for  service  'rendered, 
and,  in  short,  to  get  rid  of  him.  Anthony  re- 
sided in  New  Amsterdam  for  six  or  seven 
years  prior  to  1639,  and  there  owned  a  bouw- 
ery.  His  wife,  Grietje  Reiniers,  rejoiced  in 
a  character  and  temperament  and  reputation 
pretty  much  in  keeping  with  his  own,  and  in 
April,  1639,  both  were  ordered  banished  from 
New  Amsterdam  for  being  slanderous  and 
troublesome  persons.  They  at  once  moved  to 
their  Long  Island  possessions  and  there  "the 



Turk"  built  himself  a  home  and  settled  down 
to  farming.  Of  this  house  the  remains  were 
long  afterward  found,  as  told  by  Teunis  G. 
Bergen  in  his  "Early  Settlers  of  Kings 
County"  (page  155) : 

In  1879,  in  leveling  the  sand  dunes  on  the 
upland  on  the  edge  of  the  (Gravesend)  Bay 
a  little  southeast  of  the  buildings  of  Mr.  Gun- 
ther  at  Locust  Grove,  which  dunes  had  been 
blown  up  by  the  beach  and  which  had  been 
gradually  extending  back  with  the  abrasion  of 
the  shore  or  coast,  the  remains  of  two  separate 
pieces  of  stone  wall,  about  two  feet  high  and 
one  foot  wide,  made  mainly  of  unbroken  field 
stones  laid  in  clay  mortar,  with  a  clear  floor 
between  them,  were  exhumed.  These  remains 
were  covered  with  from  four  to  ten  feet  of 
sand,  and  are  probably  those  of  the  barn  or 
other  farm  buildings  of  Anthony  Jansen,  it 
being  customary  in  the  early  settlement  of  this 
country  to  construct  their  threshing  floors  of 
clay,  of  which  specimens  existed  and  were  in 
use  in  the  younger  days  of  the  author,  their 
roofs  being  made  of  thatched  straw  instead  of 
sihingles,  as  at  present. 

In  1660  Anthony  sold  his  patent  to  Nich- 
olas Stillwell,  the  English  ancestor  of  the  noted 
Brooklyn  family,  and  in  1669,  on  the  death  of 
his  wife,  he  disposed  of  his  plantation  lot  in 
Gravesend  to  his  son-in-law,  Fernandus  Van 
Sickelen,  and  returned  to  New  Amsterdam. 
In  1670  he  married  again,  and  died  some  six 
years  later. 

On  November  8,  1639,  Thomas  Bescher,  or 
Beets,  an  Englishman,  received  a  patent  for 
land  at  Gowanus,  on  which  he  intended  tcrhave 
a  tobacco  plantation  ;  but  he  did  not  succeed  in 
following  out  his  intentions,  apparently,  and 
he  seems  to  have  sold  his  patent  without  de- 
lay to  Cornelius  Lambe-tson  (Cool),  who  set- 
tled on  the  land,  removing  there  from  New 

Frederick  Lubbertsen  on  INIay  23,  1640,  ob- 
tained a  patent  for  a  large  tract  covering  most 
of  South  Brooklyn,  and  in  1645  added  to  the 
extent  of  his  lands'  by  another  patent  also 
within  the  limits  of  modern  Brooklyn.  Cor- 
nelius Dirckson  Hoogland,  who  in   1642  kept 

an  inn  at  Peck  Slip,  eked  out  its  earnings  by 
running  a  boat  between  that  place  and  a  point 
on  the  Long  Island  shore  just  a  little  to  the 
south  of  the  present  Fulton  Ferry  house,  of 
which  this  service  was  the  beginning.  He  was 
not  appointed  ferry-master  until  1652.  His 
son  Dirck,  who  seemed  to  aid  him  in  his  ardu- 
ous lalx)rs,  secured  a  patent  Dec.  22,  1645,  for 
twelve  morgens  of  land  in  Brooklyn,  and  on 
June  24,  1647,  he  received  another  patent  con- 
veying to  him  additional  seventeen  morgens, 
besides  the  ferry.  These  two  were  the  first 
ferry-masters,  and  appeared  to  have  a  tavern 
at  each  terminus  of  the  then  perilous  journey 
across  the  East  River.  Andries  Hudden,  in 
1636,  when  a  member  of  \'an  Twiller's  Coun- 
cil, bought  considerable  property  in  what  after- 
ward formed  parts  of  P^latbush  and  Flatlands, 
and  on  Sept.  12,  1645,  received  a  patent  for 
thirty-seven  morgens  next  to  the  property  of 
Lubbertsen.  In  quick  succession  land  patents 
were  granted  to  Claes  Cornelisse  (Mentelaer) 
\*an  Schlouw,  Henry  Bresser,  Jacob  Wolpher- 
sen  (Van  Couwenhoven),  Edward  Fiskock, 
William  Cornelisen,  Peter  and  Jan  Montfort, 
Hans  Hansen  Bergen  (Hans  the  Boore),  Jan 
Evertsen  Bout,  Huyck  Aertsen  Van  Rossem, 
Joris  Jansen  Rapelie,  and  to  Caesar  Alberti 
(ancestor  of  the  Albertus  family),  until,  stand- 
ing on  the  east  shore  of  New  Amsterdam  and 
looking  across  the  river,  the  coast  of  Long 
Island  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see  was  dotted 
with  farms  when  Kieft's  administration  came 
to  a  close.  These  settlers  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  cut  oflf  from  the  New  Amsterdam  com- 
munity :  they  were  rather  regarded  as  part  of 
it  and  deemed  not  the  least  influential  of  its 
component  parts.  At  least,  so  we  judge  from 
the  fact  that  when,  in  answer  to  a  popular 
demand,  "twelve  select  men"  were  chosen  tO' 
advise  with  Kieft  upon  his  foolish  Indian 
policy,  three  of  them  were  more  or  less  identi- 
fied with  Long  Island — Jacques  Benton,  Fred- 
erick Lubbertsen  and  Joris  Jansen  Rapelie. 

One  of  the  last  of  Governor  Kieft's  official 
acts  of  any  importance  was  the  formal  organi- 
zation of  the  town  of  Breuckelen.     The  tract 



of  territory  called  by  the  Indians  Merech- 
kawikingh,  extending,  roughly,  from  the 
Wallabout  to  Gowanus,  contained  some  of  the 
most  fertile  lands  on  the  western  end  of  the 
island.  On  this  tract,  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  the  ferry,  just  about  what  is  now  the 
junction  of  Smith  and  Hoyt  streets  and  a  little 
southeast  from  where  the  City  Hall  and  Court 
House  now  stand,  and  on  either  side  of  the 
road  leading  to  the  ferry.  Bout  Van  Rossem 
and  other  patentees  had  built  their  dwellings 
so  as  to  be  close  together  for  mutual  protec- 
tion. They  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
afforded  by  the  charter  of  1640  and  asked  per- 
mission "to  found  a  town  at  their  own  ex- 
pense." Kieft  graciously  responded  and  is- 
sued a  formal  recognition  of  the  new  town,  to 
which  the  name  of  Breuckelen  (after  the  town 
in  Holland)  was  given,  in  June,  1646.  The 
people  had  elected,  on  May  21  that  year,  Jan 
Eversen  Bout  and  Huyck  Aertsen  Von  Ros- 
sem as  Schepens,  and  Kieft  confirmed  the  elec- 
tion. A  few  months  later  the  Governor  ap- 
pointed Jan  Teunissen  as  Schout,  or  constable, 
and  so  before  the  close  of  1646  the  municipal 
organization  of  the  young  town  was  complete. 

Teunissen  appears  to  have  been  a  carpen- 
ter as  well  as  a  constable,  for  in  1646  he  con- 
tracted "to  build  a  house  at  the  ferry.  In  1647 
he  was  sued  for  debt,  so  that  his  varied  em- 
ployments did  not  turn  out  very  remunerative. 

During  Kieft's  term  there  were  other  towns 
besides  Breuckelen  established  on  Long  Island. 
Gravesend  was  the  subject  of  a  patent  issued 
Dec.  19,  1645.  Southold  and  Southampton 
were  also  founded  while  Kieft  held  office,  but 
they  never  acknowledged  his  authority,  and 
looked  for  protection  to  New  England.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  claim  which  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts  made  over  Long  Island  the 
Dutch  Governors  never  fully  acknowledged, 
nor  did  they  regard  Lord  Stirling's  claim  as 
worthy  of  a  moment's  consideration. 

On  May  11,  1647,  Peter  (Petrus)  Stuy- 
vesant  landed  in  New  Amsterdam  and  assumed 
the  reins  of  Government  vice  Kieft,  then 
crossing  the  high  sea  with  his  boodle  and  dis- 

grace. Like  that  of  his  predecessor,  we  find 
it  difficult  to  estimate  this  man's  character  cor- 
rectly, for  at  the  very  mention  of  his  name 
there  arises  before  us  Irving's  masterpiece  of 
caricature— Peter  the  Headstrong.  Stuyve- 
sant's  notions  as  to  the  Divine  authority  of 
rulers,  his  contempt  for  the  people  generally, 
his  arrogance,  his  irascibility,  his  tyrannical 
spirit,  his  interfering,  contentious  disposition, 
his  narrow-mindedness  and  his  cocksuredness 
soon  made  him  as  unpopular  as  ever  Kieft  had 
been ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  had  quar- 
rels of  all  sorts  on  his  hands,  both  with  the 
church  and  the  State,  Vv^ith  the  patroons  as  well 
as  with  the  citizens  who  dwelt  within  the  shad- 
ow of  the  Stadt  Huys.  He  was  even  sum- 
moned to  Holland  to  give  an  account  of  his 
policy,  but  he  declined  to  go.  In  1653  New 
Amsterdam  got  a  new  charter,  giving  it  a 
large  measure  of  self-government,  but  Stuy- 
vesant  would  have  none  of  it;  and  although  it 
became  the  law,  it  remained  practically  in  abey- 
ance for  many  years.  By  and  by,  when  the 
people  began  to  understand  his  character 
rightly,  to  appreciate  his  honesty,  his  courage, 
his  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  popula- 
tion, his  profound  respect  for  authority,  his 
clear  judgment  and  simplicity  of  heart,  they 
got  along  better  with  him,  and  fought  his 
peculiarities  without  in  the  least  forgetting  the 
respect  due  to  an  honest  gentleman  of  mediae- 
val notions,  who  meant  well  toward  them  all 
in  his  heart  of  hearts,  and  who,  in  spite  of  his 
notions  as  to  the  source  of  government,  was  in 
many  ways  a  stanch  supporter  of  liberty  and 
progress.  Under  him  New  Netherland  pros- 
pered exceedingly,  and  if  in  his  dealings  with 
the  English  he  threw  in  a  principality  in  a 
boundary  dispute,  he  fairly  preserved  peace, 
cultivated  as  carefully  as  he  could  and  as  cir- 
cumstances permitted  the  good  graces  of  the 
aborigines  and  the  British,  and  proved  a  strong 
and  fairly  progressive  executive. 

Long  Island  fully  shared  in  that  prosperity 
which  is  the  most  marked  feature  of  Stuyve- 
sant's  long  tenure  of  the  Governorship.  He 
was  much  better  acquainted  with  the   island 


than  any  of  his  predecessors,  and  in  fact 
owned  a  bouwery  at  Flatlands,,  which  he 
leased  to  a  countryman,  Jacobus  Van  Dalem. 
He  was,  one  would  think  from  his  grants 
of  land,  deeply  interested  in  its  progress ; 
but  he  had  no  patience  with  the  attempt  of 
the  people  there  to  underrate  his  authority. 
It  was  during  his  administration  that  the 
town  system  of  Kings  and  Queens  may  be 
said  to  have  developed,  and  Flatbush,  Flat- 
lands,  Newtown,  Flushing,  and  Hempstead 
arose  under  his  signature,  but  he  would  not 
permit  them  to  exercise  self-government  or 
permit  their  Schepens  to  be  more  than  figure- 
heads. In  short,  while  the  law  permitted 
these  municipalities  to  be  formed,  he  made 
it  his  business  to  see  to  it  that  his  wishes 
and  views  were  paramount  to  those  of  Schep- 
ens or  people.  This  the  Long  Island  com- 
munities fought  against,  and  on  December 
II,  1653,  delegates  from  each  of  the  towns 
met  and  drew  up  a  protest  against  Stuyve- 
sant's  methods  which  they  addressed  to  the 
Governor  and  Council  and  "to  the  Council 
of  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  the  States 
General  of  the  United  Provinces."  In  the 
course  of  it  they  said : 

We  acknowledge  a  paternal  government 
which  God  and  nature  has  established  in  the 
world  for  the  maintenance  and  preservation 
of  peace  and  the  welfare  of  men,  not  only 
principally  in  conformity  to  the  laws  of  na- 
ture, but  according  to  the  law  and  precepts 
of  God,  to  which  we  consider  ourselves  ob- 
liged by  word  and  therefore  submit  to  it. 
The  Lord  our  God  having  invested  their 
High  Mightinesses  the  States  General,  as  his 
ministers,  with  the  power  to  promote  the  wel- 
fare of  their  subjects,  as  well  of  those  re- 
siding within  the  United  Provinces  as  those 
on  this  side  of  the  sea,  which  we  gratefully 
acknowledge ;  and  having  commissioned  in  the 
same  view  some  subaltern  magistrates  and 
clothed  them  with  authority  to  promote  the 
same  end,  as  are  the  Lords  Directors  of  the 
privileged  West  India  Company,  whom  we 
acknowledged  as  Lords  and  patroons  of  this 
place,  next  to  your  Lordships,  as  being  their 

After  further  homage  of  this  sort  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  village  or  towns  then  set 
forth  their  complaints.  They  refer  to  the 
arbitrary  government  set  up  by  Stuyvesant, 
to  the  appointment  of  local  officers  without 
an  expression  of  the  will  of  the  people,  to  the 
putting  in  force  as  occasion  arose  obsolete 
laws,  so  that  good  citizens  hardly  knew  when 
they  were  not  violating  some  ordinance  or 
proclamation,  to  the  length  of  time  in  which 
honest  applications  for  land  patents  were  kept 
pending,  and  to  the  prompt  and  easy  manner 
in  which  large  tracts  of  valuable  land  were 
awarded  to  those  favored  individuals  who  had 
some  sort  of  a  "pull,"  as  modern  politicians 
would  call  it,  with  the  authorities.  Therefore, 
trusting  to  their  High  Mightinesses  to  "heal 
our  sickness  and  pain,"  the  delegates  signed 
the  document  as  follows : 

New  York:  Arent  Van  Hatten,  Martin 
Creiger,  P.  L.  Vander  Girst. 

Brooklyn:  Frederick  Lubberson,  Paulus 
Vander  Beek,  William  Beekman. 

Flushing:     John  Hicks,  Tobias  Peeks. 

Newtown :     Robert  Coe,  Thomas  Hazzard. 

Hempstead:  William  Washburn,  John 

Flatlands :  Peter  Wolverton,  Jan.  Stryck- 
er,  Thomas  Penewit. 

Flatbush:  Elbert  Elbertson,  Thomas 

Gravesend :  George  Baxter,  James  Hub- 

Peter  the  Headstrong  had  no  toleration  with 
such  documents,  would  hardly  manage  to  be 
civil  to  the  Deputies  who  presented  the  paper, 
and  denied  that  Brooklyn,  Flatbush  and  Flat- 
lands,  at  any  rate,  had  any  right  to  elect 
delegates  to  such  meetings.  He  believed  it 
was  an  evidence  of  incipient  rebellion  and 
treason,  and  blamed  the  English  residents 
as  the  cause  of  the  whole  trouble,  playing 
thus  the  last  card — race  jealousy — of  the  petty 

Another  meeting  was  held  which  threaten- 
ed a  fresh  appeal  to  Holland,  and  this  resulted 



in  Stuyvesant  ordering  the  delegates  to  dis- 
perse and  "not  to  assemble  again  on  such  a 
business."  Peter  put  his  foot  down  emphat- 
ically and  the  citizens  meekly  obeyed.  He 
went  so  far  in  the  following  year  as  to  refuse 
to  confirm  the  election  of  the  Gravesend  dele- 
gates, Baxter  and  Hubbard,  as  magistrates  of 
that  town,  and  went  there  in  person  to  allay 
the  excitement  which  that  arbitrary  proceeding 
occasioned.  In  this  stand,  however,  he  would 
have  been  unsuccessful  but  for  the  influence 
of  Lady  Moody. 

Stuyvesant's  greatest  trouble  in  his  later 
years  was  with  the  English,  who  were  then 
pressing  closely  and  incessantly  upon  the 
Dutch  preserve  of  New  Netherland.  Long 
Island,  as  has  been  shown,  was  one  of  the 
disputed  sections  and  it  was  generally  held 
that  his  agreement  at  Hartford  in  1650  to 
divide  the  jurisdiction  of  the  island  by  the 
imaginary  line  at  Oyster  Bay  was  the  weak- 
est point  in  his  career  as  an  international 
statesman.  I't  was  thought,  and  rightly 
thought,  that  the  English  had  got  the  best 
of  that  arrangement.  But  could  Stuyvesant, 
in  view  of  all  the  circumstances,  have  done 
better?     That  can  hardly  be  conceded. 

So  half  of  Long  Island  passed  from  the 
control  of  the  States  General,  much  to  the 
disgust  of  the  enemies  of  Peter  the  Head- 
strong, and  they  were  very  numerous  about 
that  time;  but  for  the  people  on  the  island 
it  was  a  most  satisfactory  arrangement,  for 
from  then  on  until  1663  peace  was  the  rule 
on  Long  Island  so  far  as  the  Dutch  and 
English  were  concerned.  But  in  that  year 
Connecticut,  having  obtained  a  new  charter 
in  1662,  was  reaching  out  to  consolidate  her 
territory  and  much  to  Stuyvesant's  amaze- 
ment and  chagrin  claimed  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole  of  Long  Island  and  actually  sent 
commissioners  there  to  arrange  and  collect 
rates,  customs  and  taxes.  Commissioners 
were  appointed  March  10,  1863,  "to  go  to 
Long  Island  and  set'tle  the  government  on 
the  west  end,"  and  in  November  of  that  year 
we  find   that   the   people   of  Jamaica   held   a 

public  meeting  (to  protest  against  Stuyve- 
sant's misgovernment  and  oppression.  In 
Long  Island  the  people  as  a  whole  would 
have  welcomed  any  relief  at  that  time  from 
the  Governor  and  his  Council;  and  although 
Peter  foamed  and  waxed  indignant,  sent  re- 
monstrances and  appeals  to  Holland,  and 
threatened  to  build  a  fort  at  Oyster  Bay  to 
overcome  the  English,  he  did  nothing  very 
effective.  In  fact  to  his  sorrow  he  found 
he  was  receiving  no  adequate  support  from 
the  United  Provinces  or  even  much  in  the 
way  of  practical  aid  from  his  subjects  in 
New  Netherland.  Long  Island  had  virtually 
passed  from  his  grasp  and  into  that  of  Con- 
necticut, when  by  a  charter  on  March  12, 
1663,  King  Charles  II  conveyed  to  his  brother, 
the  Duke  of  York,  all  of  New  Netherland, 
and  the  question  of  the  possession  of  Long 
Island  assumed  a  new  phase.  The  charter 
gave  to  the  Duke  or  his  appointees  all  legis- 
lative and  judicial  power  over  the  vast  terri- 
tory, subject  only  to  appeal  to  the  crown. 
When  the  grant  was  made  it  looked  on  the 
face  of  it  like  a  worthless  compliment;  but 
the  Duke  and  his  advisers  and  associates 
seemed  fully  to  understand  the  current  train 
of  events  and  to  appreciate  the  importance  of 
the  gift,  and  they  at  once  set  to  work  to  realize 
on  it  as  a  valuable  asset.  In  January,  1664, 
Captain  John  Scott  of  Gravesend,  who  had 
formerly  been  an  officer  under  Charles  I  but 
had  left  England  in  the  Cromwellian  time 
(banished,  some  said,  for  cutting  the  girths 
of  several  of  the  Protector's  horses),  and 
who  probably  inspired  the  grant  by  speaking 
of  its  probabilities,  returned  to  Long  Island 
from  a  visit  to  England.  He  had  evidently 
been  intrusted  with  very  high  powers  by  the 
Duke  of  York  and  his  advisers,  but,  desiring 
to  fortify  himself  in  all  possible  ways  before 
proceeding  to  put  his  mission  into  effect,  he 
managed  somehow  to  secure  his  appointment  as 
a  Magistrate  over  Long  Island  from  Governor 
Winthrop  of  Connecticut.  Armed  with  this 
document,  Scott  crossed  the  Sound  to  Long 
Island    and    with    150    followers   boldly    pro- 



claimed  Charles  II  as  King.  He  raised  the 
English  flag  in  Breuckelen,  and  thrashed  a 
toy  for  refusing  to  doff  his  hat  to  the  em- 
blem. That  was  on  Jan.  ii.  Then  he  passed 
in  quick  succession  through  Midwout  and 
Amersfort  and  New  Utrecht. 

By  that  time  Stuyvesant  had  recovered  from 
his  astonishment  at  the  doings  in  Brooklyn 
and  sent  a  commission  to  interview  Scott 
and  learn  what  the  trouble  was.  On  Jan.  14 
they  met  at  Jamaica  and  Scott  plainly  told 
them  that  Stuyvesant  had  no  standing  in 
the  case ;  that  the  entire  New  Netherland 
territory  belonged  to  the  Duke  of  York,  and 
he  meant  to  hold  it.  A  truce  was,  however, 
patched  up  and  on  March  3  Stuyvesant  unbent 
in  the  stress  of  circumstances  so  much  that 
he  proceeded  in  solemn  state  to  Jamaica  and 
there  in  a  personal  interview  discussed  the 
whole  matter  with  the  wild  and  victorious 
Scott.  It  was  arranged  that  the  English 
towns  were  to  remain  under  the  flag  unfolded 
by  Scott  without  any  interference  for  twelve 
months  until  the  respective  home  Govern- 
ments had  time  to  settle  the  destiny  of  the 
provinces.  Stuyvesant  could  really  force  no 
better  terms.  His  treasury  was  empty,  the 
Government  from  which  he  got  his  warrant 
paid  a  deaf  ear  to  his  remonstrances  and 
appeals  for  aid,  the  people  were  restless  and 
discontented,  and  even  the  Dutch  seemed  ready 
to  revolt,  while  the  English  settlers  openly 
defied  him,  and  defied  with  impunity.  In  his 
despair  Stuyvesant,  as  many  a  greater  tyrant 
before  and  since  has  done,  bethought  of  ask- 
ing the  advice  and  counsel  of  the  people, 
a  proceeding  he  would  never  have  tolerated 
for  a  moment  earlier  in  his  career.  So  he 
called  a  General  Assembly  of  delegates  from 
the  different  towns  to  consider  the  condition 
of  affairs,  and  it  met  on  April  10,  1664,  in  the 
City  Hall  of  New  Amsterdam.  The  Long 
Island  representatives  were: 

Brooklyn :  William  Bredenbent,  Albert 
Cornells  Wantenaer. 

Flatlands :  Jan  Strycker,  William  Guil- 

Flatlands :  Elbert  Elbertsen,  Coert  Stev- 

New  Utrecht :  David  Jochemsen,  Cornells 

Boswyck:  Jan  A'an  Cleef,  Guisbert  Jeu- 

This  diet  started  right  in  as  soon  as  it 
elected  Jermias  Van  Rensselaer  chairman,  by 
discussing  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  in  an 
underhanded  sort  of  way  by  finding  fault  with 
Stuyvesant  and  his  Government  for  the  state 
into  which  New  Netherland  had  fallen.  Stuy- 
vesant found  his  ancient  spirit  arise  within 
him  at  the  course  the  discussions  took  and 
coldly  informed  the  delegates  that  they  were 
to  consult,  and  their  main  business  was  to  find 
money  and  men  to  maintain  the  integrity  of 
the  territory.  Nothing  practical  came  of  the 
meeting,  however. 

In  June  Stuyvesant  met  Governor  Win- 
throp,  of  Connecticut,  which  had  again  actively 
asserted  its  jurisdiction  over  Long  Island, 
but  was  bluntly  told  that  the  English  title 
was  to  be  maintained.  So  things  drifted 
along,  the  English  steadily  advancing  on  the 
Dutch  territory  not  only  on  Long  Island  but 
on  the  Hudson,  until  at  the  end  of  August, 
1664,  an  English  fleet  under  Col.  Richard 
Nicolls  passed  in  through  the  Narrows  and 
took  possession  of  the  harbor;  and  on  Sept. 
8  Stuyvesant  was  forced  to  sign  the  capitu- 
lation by  which  his  authority  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  English,  and  Long  Island,  with 
the  rest  of  New  Netherland,  was  transferred 
into  the  possession  of  the  Duke  of  York.  In 
the  face  of  the  royal  warrant,  John  Winthrop, 
on  behalf  of  Connecticut,  withdrew  all  claim 
of  jurisdiction,  and  so  the  destiny  of  Long 
Island  was  irrevocably  associated  with  the 
province  and  State  of  New  York,  for  by  that 
name  New  Netherland  became  known  very 
soon  after  Sept.  8,  1664,  when  Peter  Stuyve- 
sant retired  to  his  bouwerie  and  the  rule 
of  the  Dutch  for  a  time  passed  away. 



jjSP^jIR  Richard  Nicolls,  by  virtue  of  the 
^^  authority  of  the  Duke  of  York,  be- 
^^^     came  Deputy  Governor  of  the  New 

' '     Netherlaiid  and  was  one  of  the  rulers 

so  common  in  British  colonial  history,  who 
ruled  firmly  and  intelligently,  who  brought 
to  the  front  all  that  was  best  in  the 
colony,  caused  or  permitted  it  to  prosper, 
and  knew  how  to  conceal  the  iron  hand  be- 
neath the  velvet  glove.  Nicolls  did  not  reign 
long,  for  he  welcomed  his  own  sur-cessor 
Aug.  17,  1668;  but  in  that  brief  interval  of 
nearly  four  years  was  included  much  of  his- 
torical moment  to  the  province  in  general  and 
to  Long  Island  in  particular.  Nicolls  started 
in  by  changing  some  of  the  names  of  his 
vast  bailiwick.  The  old  name  of  New  Nether- 
land,  as  has  been  stated,  was  changed  by 
him  to  New  York,  in  honor  of  one  title  of 
his   royal   patron,   and   Fort   Orange   became 

Albany  in  honor  of  another,  while,  to  still 
further  accentuate  the  Duke's  titles,  West- 
chester and  Long  Island  were  joined  legally 
under  the  name  of  Yorkshire.  About  the 
same  time  the  names  of  several  of  the  Long 
Island  towns  were  changed  so  that  Rustdorp 
became  Jamaica ;  Midwout,  Flatbush ;  Amers- 
fort,  Flatlands;  Breuckland,  Brookland;  Mid- 
dleburg,  Newtown ;  and  Vlissengen,  Flushing. 
Like  Yorkshire  in  England,  its  American 
namesake  was  divided  with  "ridings"  (an  old 
Anglo-Saxon  division  of  territory  into  three 
sections  from  the  Saxon  word  "trithing" — a 
third  part)  as  follows: 

West  Riding:  Kings  County,  Newtown, 
Staten  Island. 

North  Riding:  Remainder  of  Queens 
County,  Westchester. 

East  Riding :     Suffolk  County. 

When    he    had    established    himself    firmly 



enough  to  make  the  people  imagine  they  were 
to  have  a  full  share  in  the  government,  al- 
though his  rule  was  and  remained  arbitrary, 
Nicolls  called  a  meeting  of  delegates  from 
each  town  in  the  new  Yorkshire  to  assemble 
at  Hempstead  on  the  closing  day  of  February, 
1665.  In  calling  this  assembly.  Gov.  Nicolls 
said  to  "the  Magistrates  of  the  several  towns 
upon  Long  Island,"  in  a  letter  dated  Feb- 
ruary 8 : 

In  discharge,  therefore,  of  my  trust  and 
duty,  to  settle  good  and  known  laws  within 
this  Government  for  the  future  and  receive 
your  best  advice  and  information  in  a  general 
meeting,  I  have  thought  it  best  to  publish 
unto  you  that  upon  the  last  day  of  this  present 
February,  at  Hempstead,  upon  Long  Island, 
shall  be  a  general  meeting  which  is  to  con- 
sist of  deptities  chosen  by  the  major  part  of 
the  freemen  only;  which  is  to  be  understood 
of  all  persons  rated  according  to  their  estates, 
whether  English  or  Dutch,  within  your  several 
towns  and  precincts,  whereof  you  are  to  make 
publication  to  the  inhabitants  four  days  before 
you  proceed  to  an  election,  appointing  a  cer- 
tain day  for  the  purpose. 

You  are  further  to  impart  to  the  inhabitants 
from  me  that  I  do  heartily  recommend  to 
them  the  choice  of  the  most  sober,  able  and 
discreet  persons,  without  partiality  or  faction, 
the  fruit  and  benefit  whereof  will  return  to 
themselves  in  a  full  and  perfect  composure 
of  all  controversies  and  the  propagation  of 
tru'j  religion  amongst  us.  They  are  also  re- 
quired to  bring  with  them  a  draught  of  each 
town  limits,  or  such  writings  as  are  necessary 
to  evidence  the  bounds  and  limits,  as  well  as 
the  right  by  which  they  challenge  such  bounds 
and  limits,  by  grants  or  purchase  or  both,  as 
also  to  give  notice  of  their  meeting'  to  the 
Sachems  of  the  Indians  whose  presence  may 
in  some  cases  be  necessary. 

Lastly,  I  do  require  you  to  assemble  your 
inhabitants  and  read  this  letter  to  them,  and 
then  and  there  to  nominate  a  day  for  the 
election  of  two  deputies  from  your  town  who 
are  to  bring  a  certificate  of  their  election, 
with  full  power  to  conclude  any  cause  or 
matter  relating  to  their,  several  towns,  to  me 
at  Hempstead  upon  the  last  day  of  February, 
when,  God  willing,  I  shall  expect  them. 

The  chosen  representatives  of  the  people 
were  so  pleased  with  their  new  dignity  that 
they  made  it  their  first  business  to  draw  up 
a  flattering  address  to  the  Duke  of  York  as 
follows : 

We,  the  Deputies  duly  elected  from  the 
several  towns  upon  Long  Island,  being  as- 
sembled at  Hempstead,  in  general  meeting  by 
authority  derived  from  your  Royal  Highness 
under  the  Honorable  Colonel  Nicolls  as 
Deputy  Governor,  do  most  humbly  and  thank- 
fully acknowledge  to  your  Royal  Highness 
the  great  honor  and  satisfaction  we  receive 
in  our  dependence  upon  your  Royal  Highness 
according  to  the  tenor  of  his  Sacred  Majesty's 
patent,  granted  the  12th  day  of  March,  1664; 
wherein  we  acknowledge  ourselves,  our  heirs 
and  successors  for  ever  to  be  comprised  to 
all  intents  and  purposes,  as  therein  is  more 
at  large  expressed. 

And  we  do  publicly  and  unanimously  de- 
clare our  cheerful  submission  to  all  such  laws, 
statutes  and  ordinances  which  are  or  shall  be 
made  by  virtue  of  authority  from  your  Royal 
Highness,  your  heirs  and  successors  for  ever. 

And  also  that  we  will  maintain,  uphold,  and 
defend  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  and  peril 
to  us,  our  heirs  and  successors  for  ever,  all 
the  rights,  title,  and  interest  granted  by  his 
Sacred  Majesty  to  your  Royal  Highness, 
against  all  pretensions  or  invasions,  foreign 
and  domestic;  we  being  already  well  assured 
that  in  so  doing  we  perform  our  duty  of 
allegiance  to  his  xVIajesty  as  freeborn  subjects 
of  the  Kingdom  of  England,  inhabiting  in 
these  his  Majesty's  dominions. 

We  do  farther  beseech  your  Royal  Highness 
to  accept  of  this  address  as  the  first  fruits 
in  this  general  meeting,  for  a  memorial  and 
record  against  us,  our  heirs  and  successors, 
when  we,  or  any  of  them,  shall  fail  in  our 

Lastly,  we  beseech  your  Royal  Highness  to 
take  our  poverties  and  necessities  in  this  wild- 
erness country  into  speedy  consideration ;  that 
by  constant  supplies  of  trade,  and  your  Royal 
Highness's  more  particular  countenance  of 
grace  to  us,  and  protection  of  us^^  we  may 
daily  more  and  more  be  encouraged  to  bestow 
our' labors  to  the  improvement  of  these  his 
Majesty's  western  dominions,  under  your 
Royal  Highness,  for  whose  health,  long  life 



and  eternal  happiness  we  shall  ever  pray,  as  in 
duty  bound.     Signed.     For: 

New  Utrecht :    Jacques  Cortelyou,  Young- 
er Hope. 

Gravesend :     James  Hubbard,  John  Bowne. 
Flatlands :  Elbert  Elbertsen,  Roeloffe  Mar- 

Flatbush :  John  Striker,  Hendrick  Guck- 

Bushwick:     John  Stealman,  Gisbert  Tunis. 

Brooklyn :  Hendrick  Lubbertsen,  John 

Newtown  :     Richard  Betts,  John  Coe. 

Flushing:  Elias  Doughty,  Richard  Corn- 

Jamaica :    Daniel  Denton,  Thomas  Benedict. 

Hempstead :     John  Hicks,  Robt.  Jackson. 

Oyster  Bay:  John  Underbill,  Matthias 

Huntington :     Jonas  Wood,  John  Ketcham. 

Brookhaven:     Daniel  Lane,  Roger  Barton. 

Southold :     William  Wells,  John  Youngs. 

Southampton :  Thomas  Topping,  John 

Easthampton :  Thomas  Baker,  John  Strat- 

Westchester:  Edward  Jessup,  John  Quin- 

Gabriel  Furman  ("Notes  Relating  the  Town 
of  Brooklyn,"  1824),  referring  to  this  address, 
says : 

The  people  of  Long  Island  considered 
the  language  of  this  address  as  too  servile 
for  freemen  and  were  exasperated  against  the 
makers  of  it  to  such  a  degree  that  the  Court 
of  Assizes,  in  order  to  save  the  deputies  from 
abuse,  if  not  from  personal  violence,  thought 
it  expedient  at  their  meeting  in  October,  1666, 
to  declare  that  whosoever  hereafter  shall  any 
way  detract  or  speak  against  any  of  the 
Deputies  signing  the  address  of  his  Royal 
Highness  at  the  General  Meeting  at  Hemp- 
stead, they  shall  be  presented  at  the  next 
Court  of  Sessions  ;  and  if  the  Justices  shall  see 
cause,  they  shall  from  thence  be  bound  over 
to  the  Assizes,  there  to  answer  for  the  slander 
upon  plaint  or  information. 

The  deputies,  subsequently  to  the  address 
made  to  the  Duke  of  York,  made  one  to  the 
j)eople,  in  which  they  set  forth  their  reasons 

for  agreeing  to  the  code  styled  "The  Duke's 

There  seems  no  doubt  that  the  real  author 
of  this  address  which,  fulsome  as  it  may  appear 
to  modern  readers,  was  not  so  extravagant  in 
that  respect  as  most  documents  of  the  time 
of  a  similar  nature,  was  the  Governor's  neph- 
ew, Matthias  Nicolls.  He  was  a  lawyer  by 
profession  and  received  the  appointment  of 
secretary  to  that  warrior-diplomat,  with  the 
military  rank  of  Captain,  when  the  expedition, 
was  organized  which  resulted  in  the  capture 
of  New  Netherland.  When  Nicolls  entered, 
into  possession  Matthias  was  appointed  Sec- 
retary of  the  Province,  a  position,  it  would! 
seem,  which  had  been  promised  him  before 
leaving  England:  indeed  he  had  his  commis- 
sion in  his  possession  when  he  first  saw  New 
Amsterdam.  By  virtue  of  his  secretaryship- 
he  became  a  member  of  the  Governor's  Coun- 
cil. He  was  the  presiding  Judge  in  the  Court 
of  Assizes  on  its  establishment,  and  in  1672^ 
was  chosen  Mayor  of  New  York,  holding  that 
office  lor  one  year.  In  connection  with  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  he  was  the  Presiding 
Judge,  and  in  1683  became  one  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  He  made,  in  later 
years  of  his  life,  extensive  purchases  of  land 
on  Little  Neck  and  seems  to  have  spent  quite 
a  considerable  portion  of  his  time  on  that 
property.  He  died  at  Cow  Neck,  Dec.  22, 
1687,  leaving  that  estate  to  his  son,  William, 
and  so  may  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  one 
of  the  most  famous  of  the  old  families  of 
Long  Island. 

There  is  no  question  that  Matthias  Nicolls 
also  drew  up  the  code  popularly  styled  "The 
Duke's  Laws,"  which  after  being  submitted  to 
the  Duke  of  York  and  his  advisers  was 
accepted  by  them,  printed  and  ordered  en- 
forced. It  was  to  introduce  those  laws  with- 
the  apparent  concurrence  of  the  people  most 
directly  interested  in  them  that  the  assembly 
at  Hempstead  was  called.  These  laws  are  a 
remarkable  body  of  regulations  and  stamp- 
their  author  as  a  lawyer  of  no  ordinary  de- 
gree  of  acumen,   and   possessing  not  only   a 


thorough  knowledge  of  the  world  and  of  hu- 
man nature,  but  a  broad  and  tolerant  spirit. 
They  stand  out  in  marked  relief  to  the  "blue 
laws"  which  prevailed  over  most  of  New  Eng- 

The  laws,  in  every  particular  except  one, 
were  just  and  equitable.  The  Indians  were 
protected  so  far  as  a  sale  of  their  lands  re- 
quired the  consent  of  the  Governor.  The  ut- 
most toleration  was  allowed  in  religious 
matters.  Its  legal  administration,  with  a  town 
court,  a  court  of  sessions  and  a  court  of 
assizes,  seemed  adequate  for  the  needs  of  the 
province.  There  was  a  sheriff  for  the  shire, 
and  a  deputy  sheriff  for  each  riding.  Each 
town  was  to  elect  a  Constable,  and  eight 
(afterward  reduced  to  four)  Overseers,  who 
were  entrusted  with  the  maintenance  of  good 
order.  They  made  up  the  town  court,  which 
took  notice  of  all  cases  of  deljt  or  trespass 
under  £5,  and  at  which  a  Justice  of  the  Peace 
^(appointed  by  the  Governor)  was  to  preside 
when  present.  The  Court  of  Sessions  was 
•composed  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  eacli 
town  in  each  riding  and  had  jurisdiction  over 
all  criminal  cases  and  over  civil  cases  where 
the  amount  was  above  £5.  It  was  a  jury 
court,  seven  jurymen  being  the  number  fi.xed 
for  all  cases  not  capital,  and  for  such  twelve 
were  required,  and  a  unanimous  verdict  was 
necessary  to  convict.  The  death  penalty  was 
the  fate  decreed  for  those  who  denied  God  or 
His  attributes,  who  were  found  guilty  of  treas- 
on, or  willful  murder,  or  taking  life  by  false 
testimony,  or  engaged  in  man-stealing  and 
several  other  crimes.  Under  suits  for  less 
than  £20  the  judgment  of  the  court  was  to 
be  final,  over  that  sum  there  was  the  right 
of  appeal  to  the  Court  of  Assizes. 

That  body  met  once  a  year  in  New  York 
and  was  composed  of  the  Governor  and  his 
Council,  and  the  Magistrates  of  the  townships. 
It  was  a  court  of  equity  as  well  as  of  common 
law.  In  some  respects  it  seems  to  have  as- 
sumed legislative  functions,  and  even  made 
from  time  to  time  amendments  to  the  Duke's 
laws.     It   was,   however,   never   popular,   and 

the  number  of  those  who  attended  its  sessions 
in  the  capacity  of  Judges  made  it  become  a 
burden  on  the  people,  and  its  abolition  in  1684 
was  generally  welcomed.  The  exception  to 
the  acceptance  of  the  code  to  which  reference 
has  been  made  is  the  fact  that  it  placed  little 
or  no  authority  in  the  hands  of  the  people. 
The  Governor  had  all  the  prerogatives  of  an 
autocrat,  executive,  legislative  and  judicial. 
His  will  was  supreme  in  every  department. 
He  appointed  all  Judges  and  public  officials 
and  could  remove  them  at  pleasure.  He  could 
make  what  laws  he  pleased  and  could  repeal 
any  which  did  not  suit  his  views  or  his  pur- 
poses. It  is  true  he  wielded  his  authority  by 
and  with  the  advice  of  his  Council,  but  he  ap- 
pointed the  members  of  his  Council  himself  and 
could  relegate  any  of  them  to  private  life  who 
failed  to  register  his  wishes.  In  spite  of  all 
this,  however,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Gov. 
Nicolls'  administration  of  his  high  office  was 
fairly  satisfactory  to  the  people  generally  and 
a  genuine  feeling  of  regret  was  aroused  when 
it  became  known  that  his  resignation  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Duke  of  York  and  that  he 
only  awaited  the  coming  of  his  successor  to 
return  to  England.  When  that  came  to  pass 
the  people  gave  him  a  public  dinner  and  es- 
corted him  down  New  York  Bay,  thereby 
setting  a  precedent  which  has  often  been  fol- 
lowed since  among  local  "statesmen."  It  may 
here  be  said  that  Nicolls  lost  his  life  in  the 
battle  at  Solebay,  May  28,  1672,  with  Admiral 
De  Ruyter. 

Under  Francis  Lovelace  the  personal  rule 
permissible  under  the  Duke's  laws  was  still 
further  emphasized,  for  he  was  a  politician 
rather  than  a  statesman.  He  followed  in 
many  ways  in  the  politic  footsteps  of  his  prede- 
cessor, and  he  had  the  wise  counsel  of  Mat- 
thias Nicolls  always  at  hand  to  aid  him  in 
any  intricate  point  which  might  arise.  He 
tried  hard  to  cultivate  the  most  amicable  asso- 
ciation with  the  Dutch,  assisted  the  Lutherans 
to  bring  a  minister  from  Holland,  fully  pro- 
tected the  Reformed  Church  and  gave  the 
Presbyterians  a  free  field,   so  that  even  thev 



might  secure  a  foothold  in  the  Province.  Re- 
hgious  freedom  prevailed  all  around,  and  it  is 
one  of  the  conundrums  of  history  that  under 
the  rule  of  a  man  so  thoroughly  devoted  to  the 
Church  of  Rome,  as  perfect  an  example  of 
religious  toleration  should  be  found  in  a  terri- 
tory where  his  will  was  after  all  the  only  law. 
It  was  this  arbitrary  rule  which  led  to  the 
failure  of  Lovelace's  administration.  The 
omission  of  the  Duke's  code  of  laws  to  provide 
for  any  real  measures  of  self-government  on 
the  part  of  the  colonists  had,  ever  since  its 
promulgation,  been  the  subject  of  much  ad- 
verse criticism  and  complaint,  especially  on  the 
eastern  division  of  Long  Island  and  among 
the  English  .towns  generally.  In  1667  some 
of  the  towns  petitioned  for  a  system  of  local 
government,  but  Nicolls,  then  retiring,  left 
the  question  as  a  legacy  to  his  successor. 
That  dignitary's  response  simply  advised  the 
petitioners  to  render  submission  and  obedience 
to  the  laws  then  existing  and  all  would  be 
well.  That  of  course  satisfied  nobody,  but 
things  drifted  along,  the  sentiment  for  local 
self-government  naturally  becoming  stronger 
with  time.  On  October  g,  1669,  the  towns  of 
Gravesend,  Hempstead,  Jamaica,  Flushing, 
Newtown,  Oyster  Bay,  as  well  as  Westchester 
and  East  Chester,  severally  presented  petitions 
to  the  Governor,  the  result  evidently  of  a  pre- 
concerted movement,  in  which  among  other 
things  they  asked  to  be  put  on  an  equal  foot- 
ing with  his  Majesty's  other  subjects  in  Amer- 
ica to  the  extent  of  being  permitted  to  par- 
ticipate in  making  the  laws  by  which  they 
"are  governed,  by  such  deputies  as  shall  yearly 
be  chosen  by  the  freeholders  of  every  town 
and  parish."  They  had  at  first  been  promised 
that  much  when  Nicolls  took  over  the  Gov- 
ernment; but  a  promise  it  still  remained.  No 
real  response  was  made  to  these  petitions,  and 
in  1670  the  Governor  gave  an  instance  of  his 
arbitrary  power  by  declaring  the  patents  to 
the  land  of  Southampton  invalid  unless  a  new 
one  was  obtained  within  a  specified  time. 
This  was  done  at  a  meeting  of  the  Court  of 

Assizes  and  in  a  manner  strictly  in  accordance 
with  the  existing  law. 

In  1665  it  was  decreed  that  all  towns  should 
take  out  new  patents,  so,  as  it  was  said,  to  in- 
troduce uniformity  in  these  documents  and 
bring  them  more  in  accordance  with  English 
law,  but  the  purpose,  in  reality,  was  to  bring 
money  to  the  gubernatorial  treasury.  South- 
ampton complied  finally  with  this  command, 
but  it  was  urged  that,  having  obtained  its  pat- 
ents from  an  English  source, — the  agents  of 
Lord  Stirling, — there  was  no  necessity  for  the 
expense  and  trouble  involved. 

In  1670  the  Governor,  who  had  the  legal 
right,  according  to  the  patent  of  his  appoint- 
ment, to  impose  customs  duties  and  other  in- 
direct taxes  agreeably  to  his  own  pleasure, 
ordered  a  direct  tax  to  be  levied  for  improve- 
ments on  the  fort  at  New  York.  When  the 
effort  to  enforce  this  impost  was  commenced 
the  freeholders  were  aroused  and  the  tax  was 
denounced  as  being  a  dangerous  precedent,  if 
allowed,  and  a  direct  contravention  of  the  un- 
disputed rights  of  British  subjects.  The  op- 
position was,  in  reality,  the  first  move  in  the 
struggle  against  taxation  without  representa- 
tion which  was  destined  to  go  on  for  a  cen- 
tury and  to  end  in  the  loss  of  the  Colonies 
to  Great  Britain.  Meetings  were  held  all  over 
Long  Island  to  consider  the  situation.  Ja- 
maica declared  that  any  law  which  compelled 
the  people  to  pay  money  without  their  con- 
sent was  a  direct  violation  of  the  British  con- 
stitution, forgetting,  however,  the  important 
fact  that  they  were  not  living  under  the  Brit- 
ish constitution  but  in  a  private  territory  which, 
by  the  Duke's  charter,  was  held  under  the  same 
laws  as  the  "manor  of  East  Greenwich  in  the 
County  of  Kent."  This  fine  point,  however, 
was  not  apparent  to  the  freeholders  of  Long 
Island,  although  it  was  not  forgotten  by  Love- 
lace and  his  immediate  circle  of  advisers.  The 
people  of  Huntington  flatly  refused  to  pay  be- 
cause they  were  '"deprived  of  the  liberties  of 
Englishmen."  The  towns  of  Southold,  South- 
ampton and  Easthampton  held  a  joint  meeting 



and  decided  against  the  tax,  and  so  did  town 
meetings  at  Hempstead,  Flushing  and  others. 
Some  of  the  resohitions  adopted  at  the  town 
meetings  were  laid  before  the  Court  of  Ses- 
sions of  the  West  Riding,  at  Gravesend,  Dec. 
21,  1670,  when  Matthias  Nicolls,  who  presided, 
declared  them  "scandalous,  illegal  and  sedi- 
tious," and  in  his  turn,  fortified  by  this  legal 
opinion,  the  Governor  ordered  the  official  cop- 
ies of  the  resolutions  to  be  burned.  He  had  a 
peculiar  theory  that  the  best  way  to  keep  people 
from  grumbling  over  taxes  was  to  make  the 
amount  so  large  that  there  was  no  time  to  spare 
for  any  thought  but  how  to  pay  them. 

The  sudden  capture  of  the  Province  by  the 
Dutch  in  August,  1673,  summarily  ended  the 
authority  of  Lovelace,  suspended  "The  Duke's 
Laws"  and  introduced  practically  a  condition 
of  governmental  anarchy.  On  Long  Island, 
Governor  Colve  attempted  to  reform  every- 
thing on  a  Dutch  basis  exactly  as  in  the  time 
of  Stuyvesant.  The  eastern  towns  declined  to 
accept  the  new  Government,  declaring  they  had 
never  been  subject  to  the  Dutch,  and  when 
Colve's  commissioners  reached  Southold  they 
found  the  people  not  only  in  arms  but  decid- 
edly ready  to  use  them  against  any  attempt  to . 
impose  Dutch  rule.  In  this  they  were  backed 
up  by  Connecticut,  which  renewed  its  old  claim 
of  jurisdiction  over  the  eastern  half  of  the 
island,  and  on  Nov.  26,  1673,  in  support  of  that 
claim,  it  boldly  declared  war  on  the  Dutch. 
It  seems  very  likely  the  island  would  have  had 
a  few  battle-fields  added  to  its  historic  treas- 
ures had  not  the  trend  of  affairs  in  Europe 
again  restored  New  Netherland  to  English 

When  the  news  of  the  tr£aty  of  Feb.  19, 
1674,  reached  America,  the  people  of  the  En- 
glish tcwns  were  in  a  quandary.  They  did  not 
wish  a  return  of  the  Duke's  government,  and 
in  the  eastern  half  of  Long  Island  a  petition 
was  prepared  to  the  King,  asking  that  the  ter- 
ritory be  declared  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Connecticut.  It  was  too  late,  however,  for 
any  such  change  being  made,  even  had  the 
home  authorities  so  desired,  which  is  doubtful. 

The  Duke  of  York,  on  June  27,  1674,  had  for- 
tified his  title  by  securing  a  fresh  patent  and 
had  appointed  Sir  Edmund  Andros  as  his  Dep- 
uty Governor.  Soon  after  he  arrived  in  New 
York,  Oct.  31,  1674,  Andros  re-established  the 
Duke's  laws  and  bluntly  ordered  the  eastern 
Long  Island  towns  to  return  to  the  rule  of  his 
Royal  Highness.  For  a  time  they  held  out. 
Southold,  on  Nov.  17,  by  the  vote  of  a  town 
meeting,  formally  declared  that  it  still  adhered 
to  Connecticut,  and  the  others  followed  suit; 
but  such  opposition,  as  might  be  expected, 
proved  without  avail,  and  before  the  year  was 
out  the  rule  of  the  Duke  was  again  supreme. 

Andros  continued  in  power  until  1683  and 
seemed  to  have  brought  the  iron  hand  into  con- 
stant operation  without  any  effort  at  assuming 
the  velvet  disguise.  He  enforced  the  laws 
zealously  and  arbitrarily,  suspended  of  his  own 
volition  meetings  of  courts  and  at  times  even 
caused  citizens  to  be  imprisoned  without  trial . 
and  without  offense  being  charged.  Isaac 
Piatt,  Epenetus  Piatt,  Samuel  Titus,  Jonas 
Wood  and  Thomas  Wicks,  all  of  Huntington, 
were  among  those  thus  deprived  of  liberty, 
their  only  ofl^ence  being  attendance  at  a  meet- 
ing to  consider  how  to  obtain  redress  for  pub- 
lic grievances.  It  is  to  the  honor  of  Hunting- 
ton that  another  meeting  decreed  that  their 
law  costs  and  living  expenses  should  be  paid 
while  their  imprisonment  went  on.  These 
meetings  seem  to  have  been  very  numerous 
and  to  have  increased  in  intensity  and  in  the 
scope  of  their  demands;  but  the  records  of 
all  which  have  come  down  to  us  show  that  the 
main  grievance  was  the  question  of  taxation — 
taxation  of  the  people  without  their  consent. 

But  no  redress  could  be  obtained  from  An- 
dros, and  the  appointment  of  Thomas  Don- 
gan  as  his  successor  was  hailed  with  a  feeling 
of  relief.  That  official  was  neither  a  strong 
nor  a  capable  executive,  and  simply  kept  within 
easy  touch  of  the  leading  strings  which  con- 
nected him  with  the  home  authorities,  and  con- 
tinued Matthias  Nicolls  as  his  chief  local  ad- 
viser. Yet,  under  Dongan  the  colonists  were 
destined  to  make  more  definite  progress  on  the 


way  to  self-government  than  they  had  hitherto 
been  permitted.  The  longer  the  "Duke's 
laws"  continued  to  be  enforced  with  the  op- 
portunities for  tyranny  and  favoritism  they 
afforded  such  men  as  Andros,  the  more  bitterly 
were  they  resented  by  the  colonists,  and  effort 
after  effort,  by  appeal  or  otherwise,  was  made 
for  a  new  code,  while  the  existing  laws  or  their 
results  were  more  or  less  roundly  .denounced 
at  many  town  meetings.  The  murmurs  against 
Andros  had  led  to  a  commissioner  being  sent 
out  to  investigate,  and  although  the  result  was 
a  coat  of  official  whitewash  for  that  official, 
the  fact  that  such  an  enquiry  was  made,  was, 
in  the  circumstances,  a  gain  for  the  complain- 
ants. It  was  during  the  absence  of  Andros, 
and  while  Brockholles,  his  commander-in- 
chief,  was  in  executive  charge,  that  the  great- 
est advance  was  made.  Roberts,  in  his  "His- 
tory of  New  York,"  says : 

Trouble  befell  Brockholles  at  once  because 
the  customs  duties  had  expired  by  limitation 
;.nd  had  not  been  renewed.  The  merchants 
on  this  ground  refused  to  pay  any  duties  on 
imports.  The  Council  advised  Brockholles 
that  he  had  no  authority  to  collect  them  with- 
out orders  from  the  Duke.  Dyer,  collector  of 
the  port,  was  exercising  "regal  power  and  au- 
thority" because  he  tried  to  hold  goods  to  en- 
force payment.  He  appealed  to  the  courts  at 
home,  but  without  trial  finally  received  prac- 
tical approval  of  his  course  by  appointment  as 
Surveyor  General  of  Customs  in  America. 
The  jury,  on  the  other  hand,  declared  to  the 
Court  of  Assizes  that  a  Provincial  Assembly 
was  needed.  Sheriff'  John  Youngs,  of  Long 
Island,  was  designated  to  draft  a  petition  to 
the  Duke  of  York  for  "an  assembly  to  be  duly 
elected  by  the  freeholders  as  is  usual  within 
the  realm  of  England  and  other  of  his  Maj- 
esty's plantations."  The  demand  was  urgent, 
because  the  inhabitants  "were  groaning  under 
inexpressible  burdens  of  an  arbitrary  and  ab- 
solute power"  by  which  "revenue  had  been 
exacted,  their  trade  crippled  and  their  liber- 
ties enthralled."  Disaffection  was  open  and 
pronounced,  especially  on  Long  Island.  Lieut. 
Gov.  Brockholles  laid  the  case  before  the  Duke 
and  was  censured  for  not  promptly  renewing 

the  order  for  the  duties  and  enforcing  their 

The  pressure  for  money  led  the  Duke  to 
intimate  that  he  would  condescend  to  the  de- 
sires of  the  colony  in  granting  them  equal 
privileges  in  choosing  an  Assembly  and  so 
forUi,  as  the  other  English  plantations  in 
America  have,  but  this  was  on  the  supposition 
that  the  inhabitants  will  agree  to  raise  money 
to  discharge  the  public  debts  and  to  settle  such 
a  fund  for  the  future  as  may  be  sufficient  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  garrison  and  govern- 
ment!  James  had  previously  disapproved  of 
any  movement  for  an  Assembly  as  fraught 
with  dangerous  consequences,  while  he 
pointed  to  the  Court  of  Assizes  as  adequate 
to  hear  and  remedy  any  grievances.  Now  he 
declared,  March  28,  1682,  that  he  "sought  the 
common  good  and  protection  of  the  colony  and 
the  increase  of  its  trade"  before  any  advan- 
tages to  himself,  and  he  promised  that  what- 
ever revenues  the  people  would  provide  should 
be  applied  to  the  public  uses  suggested. 

But  he  was  in  no  hurry  over  the  gathering 
of  the  Assembly.  Brockholles  received  no  in- 
structions, and  although  Dongan,  who  arrived 
Aug.  27,  1683,  was  instructed  to  summon  the 
Assembly,  he  did.  not  issue  the  proclamation 
until  Sept.  13,  and  it  was  almost  a  month  later, 
Oct.  17,  before  it  met  in  New  York,  in  the  old 
fort  in  the  Battery.  Matthias  Nicolls,  prob- 
ably at  the  instigation  of  the  Governor,  was 
appointed  Speaker.  The  acts  of  that  assembly 
were  of  the  utmost  importance.  By  the  char- 
ter of  liberties  it  was  declared  that  under  the 
King  and  the  Duke  the  supreme  legislative 
authority  shall  forever  be  and  reside  in  "the 
Governor,  Council,  and  the  people  met  in  a 
General  Assembly;"  and  it  expressly  provided 
that  no  tax  should  be  imposed  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Governor,  Council  and  Assembly. 
Alany  of  the  details  of  the  Duke's  laws  were 
repealed.  Entire  freedom  in  religion  was  de- 
clared, and  free  elections  were  provided  for. 
Duties  were  regulated  as  follows  : 

Imports :  Rum,  brandy  and  distilled  liq- 
uor, 4d  a  gallon.  Sherry  and  all  sweet  wines, 
40s  a  pipe.  Lead,  6s  a  cwt.  Guns  or  gun  bar- 
rels, with  lock,  6s  each.     General  merchandise 



not  otherwise  stated,  2  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 
^Merchandise  intended  for  India  trade.  10  per 

Exports:  Beaver  skins,  gd  each.  All 
other  skins  exported  were  liable  to  duty. 

Excise :  Beer  and  cider  sold  in  less  quan- 
tities than  five  gallons,  6d  a  gallon.  All  other 
liquors,  I2d  a  gallon. 

The  courts  were  thoroughly  reorganized. 
For  every  town  a  court  was  designated  to  meet 
once  a  month  and  try  cases  of  debt  and  tres- 
pass under  forty  shillings  and  without  a  jury 
unless  one  wa«  demanded.  A  Court  of  Ses- 
sions was  to  be  held  yearly  in  each  county  to 
meet  for  three  days  and  try  all  sorts  of  causes 
with  a  jury  of  twelve  men.  A  court  of  gen- 
eral jurisdiction,  called  the  Court  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer  and  jail  delivery,  was  also  estab- 
lished, and  the  Governor  and  Council  were  ap- 
pointed a  Court  of  Chancery,  from  whose  de- 
cisions an  appeal  could  only  be  made  to  the 
sovereign.  By  act  of  a  later  session  (Oct., 
1684)  the  Court  of  Assizes  was  abolished. 
From  a  historical  point  of  view,  this  assem- 
bly is  memorable  as  that  which  divided  the 
Province  of  Colony  into  counties  and  abol- 
ished the  old  ridings  with  the  first  mix-up  of 
Long  Island  with  Westchester  and  Staten 
Island.  The  act  was  passed  Nov.  29,  1683, 
and  apportioned  Long  Island  as  follows: 

Queens  County — to  conteyne  the  severall 
towns  of  Newtown,  Jamaica,  Flushing,  Hemp- 
stead and  Oyster  Bay,  with  the  severall  out- 
farms,  settlements  and  plantacons  adjacent. 

Kings  County — to  conteyne  the  severall 
towns  of  Boshwyck,  Bedford,  Brooklyn,  Flat- 
bush,  Flatlands,  New  Utrecht  and  Gravesend, 
with  the  severall  settlements  and  plantacons 

Suffolk  County — to  conteyne  the  severall 
towns  of  Huntington,  Southfield,  Brookhaven, 
Southampton,  Southold,  Easthampton  to  Mon- 
tauk  Point,  Shelter  Island,  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
Fisher's  Island  and  Plum  Island,  with  the  sev- 
eral out-farms  and  plantacons  adjacent. 

Dongan  summoned  a  fresh  assembly  to 
meet  in  September,  1685,  but  it  accomplished 

little.  By  the  time  it  met  the  Duke  of  York 
had  become  James  II,  and  as  soon  as  possible 
thereafter  the  new  sovereign  withdrew  the  in- 
structions by  which  the  Royal  Governor  had 
called  the  Assemblies  and  determined  that  his 
appointees  should  alone  rule,  with  the  aid  of 
his  instructions-  and  the  rules  of  his  Privy 
Council.  Amid  all  these  changes  the  discon- 
tent of  the  people  seemed  to  increase,  and 
after  James  became  King  and  the  Assembly 
had  become,  a  dead  letter  murmurs  reached  the 
royal  representative  from  every  side.  Tax- 
ation steadily  increased  all  round,  and  especi- 
ally in  Suflfolk  County,  the  furthest  removed 
from  the  center  of  Government,  there  was 
found  the  greatest  difficulty  in  the  collection 
of  the  revenue.  Indeed,  Dongan  on  one  oc- 
casion wrote  that  "the  people  of  Long  Island, 
especially  toward  the  east  end,  are  of  the  same 
stamp  with  those  of  New  England,  refractory 
and  very  loath  to  have  any  commerce  with 
this  place  (New  York),  to  the  great  detriment 
of  his  Majesty's  revenue  and  the  ruin  of  our 
merchants."  Smuggling  was  common  from 
Connecticut  and  New  England,  the  laws  were 
violated  in  many  ways,  and  though  the  Gov- 
ernment zealously  applied  itself  to  remedy  mat- 
ters, it  failed  of  accomplishment.  Indeed,  the 
only  result  of  the  rigid  attempts  to  enforce 
obnoxious  laws  was  the  stoppage  of  immigra- 
tion. The  Governor  indeed  admitted  that  for 
seven  years  not  over  twenty  families  from  Eng- 
land had  moved  into  the  Province  of  New 
York,  while  from  Long  Island  a  constant 
stream  of  good  people  was  moving  over  into 
Connecticut.  On  Aug.  11,  1688,  Andros  again 
became  Governor,  in  addition  to  his  charge  in 
New  England,  and  personally  held  the  execu- 
tive chair  until  Oct.  9  following,  when  he  ap- 
pointed Francis  Nicholson  his  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  returned  to  Boston.  Two 
months  later  King  James  himself  was  a 
fugitive,  bereft  of  throne  and  country,  and- 
William  of  Orange  resigned  in  his  stead. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  accession  to 
power  of  King  William  was  hailed  with  joy  in 
New  iVetherland.     The  Dutch  citizens  natur- 


ally  regarded  him  as  one  of  themselves  and 
anticipated  much  from  what  they  considered 
would  be  but  a  natural  partiality,  while  the 
English,  heartily  tired  of  James  and  his  domi- 
neering and  greedy  representatives,  looked  for- 
ward to  a  promulgation  of  a  constitution  for 
the  territory,  worthy  of  freemen.  It  was  not 
until  the  middle  of  April,  1689,  that  the 
news  of  the  "Glorious  Revolution"  reached 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  first  result 
was  the  capture  of  Fort  James  by  Jacob  Leis- 
ler.  This  man  was  a  native  of  Germany,  a 
Protestant,  and  had  acquired  considerable 
wealth  in  trading  with  the  Indians.  While  a 
resident  of  Albany  he  had  incurred  the  dis- 
pleasure of  Andros  by  his  opposition  to  the 
spread  of  Roman  Catholicism,  but  under  Don- 
gan  he  became  one  of  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Court  of  Admiralty  in  New  York  and  soon 
acquired  a  large  measure  of  popularity  among 
the  citizens.  He  became  captain  of  one  of 
the  five  companies  of  militia  of  the  city.  When 
the  news  of  the  Revolution  reached  New  York 
it  was  understood  that  the  office-holders  of  the 
fallen  regime  would  be  summarily'  turned  out, 
and  on  a  report  that  those  who  adhered  to  the 
deposed  monarch  were  preparing  to  establish 
themselves  in  the  fort  and  to  massacre  the 
Protestants,  a  popular  demand  arose  that  Leis- 
ler  and  his  troops  should  take  action  to  estab- 
lish the  authority  of  the  new  sovereign.  He 
took  possession  of  the  fort,  which  contained 
all  the  funds  and  archives  of  the  local  govern- 
ment, and  announced  his  intention  to  hold  it 
"for  the  present  Protestant  power  that  reigns 
in  England." 

Then,  in  answer  to  requests  from  Leisler, 
a  Committee  of  Safety  of  ten  citizens,  includ- 
ing one  representative  from  Kings  and  one 
from  Queens,  assumed  the  role  of  a  Provis- 
ional Government,  elected  Leisler  its  execu- 
tive chief  and  authorized  him  to  act  as  "Cap- 
tain of  the  fort."  Suffolk  County  declined  to 
take  any  share  in  the  committee,  basing  its 
hopes  upon  being  reunited  to  Connecticut. 
Fearing  for  his  own  safety,  Lieut.  Gov.  Nichol- 
son, when  the  trouble  began,  went  aboard  a 

ship  lying  in  the  harbor  and  set  out  for  Eng- 
land, and  most  of  his  prominent  adherents- 
then  retired  to  Albany,  leaving  Leisler  in  full 
control.  He  strengthened  the  fort  and  as- 
sumed entire  charge  of  local  affairs. 

In  December  a  letter  was  received  from: 
the  new  authority  in  London  directed  to  "Fran- 
cis Nicholson,  or,  in  his  absence,  to  such  as  for 
the  time  being  take  care  for  preserving  the 
peace  and  administering  the  laws  in  their 
Majestie's  Province  of  New  York  in  Amer- 
ica," authorizing  him  to  take  chief  command 
and  to  appoint  to  the  various  offices  such  free- 
holders and  inhabitants  as  he  should  see  fit. 
Leisler,  in  the  absence  of  Nicholson,  consid- 
ered all  this  as  his  own  appointment  as  Lieu- 
tenant Governor.  So  he  summarily  dismissed 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  swore  in  a  new  Coun- 
cil and  assumed  all  the  prerogatives  of  the  high 
office  in  which  he  had  placed  himself.  He 
summoned  a  General  Assem'bly,  which  met  in 
New  York,  but  accomplished  nothing.  Long 
Island  was  not  represented  and,  indeed,  Hun- 
tington was  the  only  town  which  for  a  time 
seems  to  have  fully  recognized  his  authority 
and  aided  him  with  troops.  In  fact,  the  island, 
it  may  be  said,  was  in  a  condition  of  actual  re- 
bellion against  him,  and  on  Feb.  15,  1690,  he 
brought  about  the  arrest  of  ex-Gov.  Dongan 
and  ordered  Col.  Thomas  Willett,  Capt. 
Thomas  Hicks,  Daniel  Whitehead  and  Edward 
Antill  to  be  brought  before  his  Council.  A 
few  days  later  he  ordered  Dongan  and  others 
to  be  carried  as  prisoners  to  New  York.  The 
struggle  continued  all  through  the  island,  and 
in  October  Leisler  sent  Ms  son-in-law,  Major 
Millbourne,  to  suppress  the  disaffected  and 
suspended  the  meeting  of  the  Kings  County 
Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer.  But  the  dis- 
affection continued  and  grew  daily  more  open 
and  pronounced,  so_  much  so  that  on  Oct.  30 
he  formally  declared  Long  Island  in  a  state  of 
rebellion.  On  Nov.  7  the  freeholders  of 
Hempstead,  Jamaica,  Flushing  and  Newtown 
met  and  drew  up  a  paper,  which  was  sent  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  in  London,  in  which 
they  told  of  their  oppressed  condition  and  en- 



larged  at  length  and  in  minute  detail  on  Leis- 
ler's  tyrannical  and  cruel  acts. 

So  matters  passed  along,  the  whole  prov- 
ince drifting  in  a  perilous  condition  in  spite  of 
Leisler's  able  management  of  affairs  gener- 
ally until,  in  January,  169 1,  Major  Richard 
Ingoldsby  arrived  in  New  York  with  some 
troops,  announced  that  Henry  Sloughter  had 
been  appointed  Governor  and  himself  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  and  demanded  in  the  name  of 
his  chief  possession  of  the  fort.  This  Leisler 
peremptorily  refused.  When  Sloughter  ar- 
rived, March  19,  1691,  Leisler  continued  to 
hold  out  until  Gov.  Sloughter  had  sworn  in 
his  Council,  when  he  accepted  the  inevitable, 
gave  up  the  stronghold  and  resigned  his  com- 
mands. Sloughter  at  once  placed  Leisler  and 
nine  of  his  adherents  under  arrest.  All  of 
these  were  soon  liberated  excepting  Leisler 
and  Millbourne,  who  were  tried  for  high  trea- 
son and  murder,  found  guilty,  and,  on  May  16, 
1691,  'both  were  hanged  near  what  is  now  the 
New  York  entrance  to  the  Brooklyn  Bridge. 
As  regards  the  merits  of  this  dispute,  or  the 
story  of  the  parties  of  Leislerites  and  Anti- 
Leislerites  in  which  New  Yolrk  long  revelled, 
we  do  not  propose  to  enter.  The  passing  of 
Leisler  on  the  gallows  virtually  ended  the 
trouble  so  far  as  Long  Island  was  concerned. 
We  are  rather  concerned  with  the  commission 
of  Henry  Sloughter,  for,  as  Thompson  says, 
"it  constituted  the  foundation  of  the  Colonial 
Government  after  the  Revolution  in  England, 
and  continued  as  it  was  then  settled,  with  few 
innovations,  until  the  American  Revolution." 
Practically  it  was  the  same  as  that  under  which 
Gov.  Dongan  acted,  with  the  difference  that  it 
was  honestly  enforced  and  the  Assembly  ac- 
quired a  full  measure  of  power  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  Government.  It  is  not  likely  that 
Sloughter's  administration  would  have  been 
marked  by  any  extraordinafy  performance,  for 
he  was  one  of  the  weakest  of  all  the  royal  Gov- 
ernors, addicted  to  many  vices,  and  a  drunkard 
to  wit.  But  his  advent  in  New  York  was  a 
relief,  for  the  people  everywhere  in  the  prov- 
ince felt  that  he  represented  a  stable  govern- 

ment. He  died  suddenly  July  23,  1691,  and 
Major  Ingoldsby  filled  his  office  until  Aug. 
30,  1692,  when  Governor  Benjamin  Fletcher 
arrived  and  assumed  the  executive  chair,  being 
welcomed  with  a  "treat  costing  20  pounds." 

Fletcher  was  a  soldier,  a  stanch  supporter 
of  the  Established  Church  in  England  and  a 
brave  as  well  as  a  capable  man.  He  estab- 
lished annual  agricultural  fairs  in  the  three 
Long  Island  counties,  and  it  was  under  his 
regime  that  an  act  was  passed  by  the  Assembly, 
April  10,  1693,  changing  the  name  of  the 
island  to  "Island  of  Nassau,"  which,  however, 
never  passed  into  current  use,  and  soon  be- 
came obsolete.  The  courts  were  again  re- 
organized, and  practically  two  new  tribunals 
were  instituted — the  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
and  the  Court  of  Sessions ;  an  act  for  settling  a 
ministry  and  raising  a  fund  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  clergy  gave  rise  to  general  dis- 
satisfaction, especially  when  it  was  discovered 
that  its  main  object  was  the  setting  up  in  the 
Province  of  a  State  Church,  and  that  the 
Episcopalian,  which  had  then  very  few  ad- 
herents outside  of  New  York  City.  Still 
Fletcher  seems  to  have  determined  it  should 
be  enacted  and  become  effective,  with  the  re- 
sult of  raising  up  a  standing  grievance  in  the 
community  for  some  time  to  come.  He  had, 
in  fact,  as  it  was,  a  good  deal  of  trouble  with 
contumacious  and  unsympathetic  assemblies. 
In  spite  of  his  devotion  to  clerical  interests, 
Fletcher  was  obliged  to  retire  from  his  post  in 
April,  1698,  in  disgrace,  under  charges  of 
malfeasance  and  of  being  in  partnership  with 
pirates ;  but  such  charges  remained  unproved. 

It  was  to  put  down  the  pirates  who  infested 
the  seas  that  the  Earl  of  Bellomont  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  Governorship  in  succession  to 
Fletcher,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  April 
13,  1698.  In  another  chapter  we  will  refer 
more  particularly  to  his  work  in  that  line, 
and  practically  with  that  story  his  connection 
with  Long  Island  began  and  ended.  Flis 
successor  as  Governor,  the  notorious  Lord 
Cornbury,  was  equally  a  cipher  although  he 
contributed  a  disgraceful  chapter  to  the  clerical 


history  of  the  village  of  Jamaica.  He  was 
recalled  in  1708  and  Lord  Lovelace  became 
Governor  for  a  few  months.  During  the  in- 
terregnum caused  by  the  arrivals  and  de- 
parture of  these  nonentities  the  executive 
chair  was  often  filled  for  brief  intervals  by 
local  men,  such  as  Col.  William  Smith,  Col. 
Abraham  de  Peyster,  Gerardus  Beekman  and 
Peter  Schuyler. 

Gov.  Hunter,  a  scion  of  an  old  Scottish 
family,  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  Gov- 
ernorship June  14,  1710.  Like  all  of  his  pred- 
ecessors, he  had  accepted  the  office  with  a 
view  of  adding  to  his  private  fortune,  but  un- 
like most  of  them  he  had  a  conscience  that 
prevented  him  from  seeking  to  increase  his 
wealth  by  means  which  were  in  direct  variance 
to  the  welfare  of  the  community  over  which 
he  was  appointed  to  rule.  After  about  a  year's 
experience  in  the  Province  he  saw  that  the 
development  of  the  territory  could  only  be 
hastened  by  adding  to  its  population  through 
encouraging  and  facilitating  immigration,  and 
having  conceived  a  scheme  about  the  manu- 
facture of  naval  stores  by  which  he  might 
enrich  himself  and  afford  employment  to  many 
workers  he  proceeded  to  develop  the  re- 
sources of  the  country  and  increase  his  own 
wealth  by  the  introduction  of  some  3,000  Ger- 
man laborers  from  the  Palatinate.  These  peo- 
ple were  settled  in  five  villages  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson  River,  and  were  to  produce  tar 
and  turpentine.  Their  passage  money  was  to 
be  repaid  out  of  their  earnings  and  on  the 
same  terms  they  were  to  be  supplied  at  first 
with  the  necessaries  of  life.  As  might  be 
expected  the  scheme  was  a  failure.  The  immi- 
grants were  virtually  contract  slaves  and  were 
soon  so  dissatisfied  with  their  lot  that  they 
refused  to  work ;  and  when  at  length  he  washed 
his  hands  of  the  whole  scheme  and  left  the 
immigrants  to  shift  for  themselves  "but  not 
outside  of  the  province,"  the  Governor  was 
very  seriously  crippled  financially.  His  great- 
est claim  to  remembrance  is  his  establishing 
of  a  complete  Court  of  Chancery  in  the  colony; 
and  although  he  doubtless  saw  in  such  a  court 

a  rich  harvest  of  fees  and  opportunities  for 
patronage,  the  good  accomplished  by  a  tribunal 
of  that  description,  especially  in  a  developing 
colony  where  new  and  intricate  questions  were 
daily  demanding  decisions,  decisions,  which, 
were  for  all  time  to  rank  as  precedents,  should 
not  be  ignored.  In  many  ways  Governor 
Hunter  was  a  model  ruler.  In  questions  of 
religion  he  was  extremely  tolerant  and  he  be- 
lieved in  every  man  being  permitted  to  wor- 
ship as  he  thought  best.  He  indulged  in  no 
wild-cat  schemes  unless  his  importation  of 
workers  from  the  Palatinate  be  so  regarded, 
and  encouraged  no  extravagant  outlay  of  pub- 
lic money.  He  understood  the  art  of  manag- 
ing men,  and  was  on  equally  good  terms  witb 
all  the  parties  in  the  colony.  Very  popular 
he  was  not  and  never  could  be,  for  he  repre- 
sented a  sovereign  power  in  the  person  of  the 
King,  while  all  around  him  in  New  York  was 
slowly  but  surely  developing  the  theory  that 
the  source  of  all  power,  even  the  power  to 
name  Governors  and  Judges,  should  be  the 
people  concerned;  still  he  preserved  intact  the 
supremacy  of  his  royal  master  and  maintained 
peace  or  the  appearance  of  harmony  in  the 
province,  although  he  foresaw  very  clearly 
that  a  struggle  between  Britain  and  the  Amer- 
ican Colonies  was  certain  sooner  or  later. 
"The  Colonies  were  then  infants  at  their 
mother's  breast,"  he  wrote  in  171 1  to  Lord 
Bolingbroke,  then  British  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs ;  "but  such  as  would  wean 
themselves  when  they  came  of  age." 

When  Robert  Hunter  retired  from  the  Col- 
ony, in  1 719,  the  Assembly  gave  him  an  ad- 
dress in  which  they  lauded  his  administration 
of  affairs  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  he 
had  "governed  well  and  wisely,  like  a  prudent 
magistrate,  like  an  aft'ectionate  parent."  This 
praise  seems  to  have  been  thoroughly  well 
deserved,  and  even  American  writers  acknowl- 
edge that  his  official  record  was  not  only  an 
able  but  a  clean  one.  He  was  possessed  of 
more  than  ordinary  talent,  was  a  warm  friend 
of  such  men  as  Addison,  St.  John,  Steele, 
Sliaftesbury,   and   especially  of   Dean   Swift, 


who  appears  to  have  entertained  for  him  as 
undoubted  sentiments  of  respect  and  friend- 
ship as  he  entertained  for  any  man.  "Hunter," 
wrote  John  Forster  in  his  uncompleted  Hfe 
of  the  Dean  of  St.  Patrick's,  "was  among  the 
most  scholar!}-  and  entertaining  of  his 
(Swift's)  correspondents;  some  of  Swift's 
own  best  letters  were  written  to  this  friend, 
and  the  judgment  he  had  formed  of  him  may 
be  taken  from  the  fact  that  when  all  the 
world  were  giving  to  himself  the  authorship 
of  Shaftesbury's  (anonymously  printed)  'Let- 
ter of  Enthusiasm,'  Swift  believed  Hunter  to 
have  written  it."  General  Hunter  died  at 
Jamaica  in  1734,  while  holding  the  office  of 
Governor  of  that  island. 

Governor  Hunter's  successor  in  New  York 
was  also  a  Scotchman — William  Burnet.  This 
amiable  man  was  the  son  of  the  famous  Bishop 
Burnet,  whose  "History  of  Our  Own  Times" 
is  one  of  the  classics  of  English  literature. 
William  Burnet  was  educated  at  Cambridge 
and  admitted  to  the  practice  of  the  law.  He 
appears  to  have  been  fairly  successful  in  that 
profession,  but  lost  all  his  means  in  the  South 
Sea  bubble,  and,  finding  himself  ruined,  looked 
around  so  that  he  might  use  his  great  family 
influence  to  secure  for  him  a  colonial  appoint- 
ment, a  most  natural  and  common  proceeding 
at  that  time.  His  success  was  quick  and 
brilliant,  and  in  September,  1720,  he  found 
himself  in  New  York  as  its  Governor.  His 
administration  was  as  able  and  as  honest  as 
that  of  his  predecessor,  and  he  made  himself 
immensely  popular  by  his  prohibition  of  trade 
between  the  Indians  of  the  colony  and  the 
merchants  in  Canada,  and  he  even  built  a  fort 
at  his  personal  expense  to  help  in  protecting 
the  trade  of  the  colony  over  which  he  ruled. 
The  home  government,  however,  refused  to  en- 
dorse Burnet's  course  in  this  instance,  but 
that  set-back  only  added  to  his  personal  popu- 
larity. He  lost  it  all,  however,  by  the  policy 
he  adopted  toward  the  Court  of  Chancery. 
Briefly  stated,  he  wanted  to  make  that  body 
independent    of   public    sentiment    and    above 

pul)lic  interference,  while  Colonial  opinion  was 
that  all  judges  and  all  courts  should  be  subject 
to  the  control  of  the  people  directly  or 
through  their  elected  representatives.  Things 
reached  such  a  pass  that  the  Assembly  threat- 
ened to  declare  all  acts  and  decrees  of  the 
Court  of  Chancery  as  null  and  void,  and  re- 
duced all  its  fees  as  a  preliminary  step  in  that 
direction.  The  crisis  between  the  Governor 
and  the  people  was  ended,  greatly  to  the 
former's  relief,  in  1728,  when  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  Governorship  of  Massachusetts. 
He  had  not  much  time  to  make  a  name  for 
himself  in  the  old  Bay  State,  for  he  died  at 
Boston  in   1729. 

John  Montgomery,  the  next  Governor,  was 
a  soldier  of  brilliant  parts  and  many  amiable 
qualities,  but  he  only  held  the  office  for  some 
three  months,  dying  July  i,  1731.  Rip  Van 
Dam,  the  oldest  member  of  the  Council,  acted 
as  Governor  until  the  arrival  of  William  Cos- 
by on  Aug.  I,  1732.  This  rniserable  charlatan 
drew  his  salary,  quarrelled  with  the  Assembly, 
aired  his  self-conceit,  and  gabbled  about  pre- 
rogatives until  he  became  the  most  hated  man 
in  the  province.  He  died  in  office  r^Iarch  7, 
1736,  and  George  Clarke,  his  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor, administered  affairs  until  the  arrival  of 
Governor  George  Clinton,  Nov.  23,  1743.  It 
is  said  that  Clarke  during  his  American  career 
amassed  a  fortune  of  £100,000,  while  Clinton 
when  he  retired  in  1753  took  back  with  him 
to  England  £80,000,  all  gathered  in  during 
his  ten  years'  tenure,  a  tenure  that  was  marked 
by  constant  bickering  with  the  Assembly  and 
many  leading  Colonists;  for  the  trend  of  af- 
fairs was  even  then,  unconsciously  to  all,  most 
certainly  approaching  a  crisis.  It  became  con- 
scious, however,  to  a  great  many  in  1765, 
when,  Sir  Henry  Moore  being  Governor,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  introduce  stamp  duties. 
But  from  Clinton  to  Tryon  the  Governors 
were  either  mere  figure-heads,  or  at  all  events 
passing  creatures  on  the  stage  who  accom- 
plished nothing  worth  even  the  recalling  of 
their  names  in  these  pages.     Tryon  was  the. 


ablest  of  the  lot,  but  his  story  belongs  to  the 
pages  of  our  history  which  recount  the  events 
of  the  Revolution. 

If,  however,  these  titular  rulers  are  un- 
worthy of  a  place  in  this  history  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  actual  ruler  of  New  York  for 
fifteen  years  prior  to  the  advent  of  Tryon, 
Cadwallader  Colden,  deserves  more  than  pass- 
ing notice.  Colden  was  born  at  Dunse  (now 
unfortunately  called  Duns),  Scotland,  in  1688, 
the  year  of  the  "Glorious  Revolution"  which 
placed    ^^'illiam    and    Alary    on    the    British 

throne.  His  father  was  a  clergyman  and  Cad- 
wallader was  educated  at  Edinburgh  Univer- 
sity with  the  view  of  entering  the  ministry. 
His  own  inclination,  however,  led  him  to  studv 
medicine  and  he  appears  to  have  practiced 
that  profession  in  London.  In  1710  he  crossed 
the  seas  to  Philadelphia.  His  stay  there  was 
comparatively  short,  for  we  find  him  in  171 5 
again  in  London,  where  he  moved  in  the  high- 
est intellectual  and  literary  circles.  In  1716 
he  returned  to  Scotland  and  married  a  country 
girl,  the  daughter  of  a  minister,  and  soon 
after  left  his  native  land  again  for  America. 
After  practicing  medicine  for  a  time  in  Phila- 

delphia he  visited  New  York  and  won  the 
friendship  of  Governor  Hunter,  who  invited 
him  to  settle  in  the  territory  under  his  author- 
ity. This  he  agreed  to,  mainly  because 
Hunter  backed  up  his  profession  of  friendship 
by  the  more  tangible  offer  of  the  position  of 
Surveyor  General  of  the  Colony.  Two  years 
later  Colden  had  so  fortified  his  position  with 
the  ruling  powers  that  he  obtained  a  grant  of 
2,000  acres  of  land  ii  Orange  county,  and 
there  built  a  country  home  for  himself  and 
founded  a  village  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Coldenham,  which  it  still  retains.  His  in- 
fluence was  increased  after  he  was  appointed, 
in  1722,  a  member  of  his  Alajesty's  Provincial 
Council,  when  Governor  Burnet  had  com- 
menced his  rule,  and  he  became  that  person- 
age's most  trusted  counsellor.  After  Burnet 
went  to  Boston,  Colden  retired  to  Coldenham 
and  there  interested  himself  in  those  literary 
and  scientific  pursuits  which  gave  him  a  prom- 
inent position  in  contemporary  learned  circles_. 
He  had  a  wide  correspondence  with  scientists 
on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  to  a  sugges- 
tion in  one  of  his  letters  was  due  the  formation 
of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  of 
Philadelphia.  As  a  member  of  Council,  how- 
ever, Colden  still  continued  to  be  active  in 
the  politics  of  the  Province  and  as  usual  came 
in  for  a  full  share  of  popular  and  official 
criticism  and  abuse.  In  1760  a  second  time 
as  senior  member  of  Council,  he  was  called 
upon  to  administer  the  government  on  the 
sudden  death  of  Governor  De  Lancey,  and 
he  soon  after  was  commissioned  Lieutenant 
Governor.  Thereafter,  with  "few  interrup- 
tions," he  served  as  Lieutenant  Governor  until 
June  25,  1775,  when  the  progress  of  the  Revo- 
lution laid  him  on  the  shelf  by  wiping  out 
the  royal  office.  Had  Colden  thrown  in  his 
lot  with  the  Revolutionists  he  might  have 
attained  a  high  place  in  the  affection  of  the 
leaders  of  the  successful  side,  but  he  remained 
steadfast  in  his  loyalty  and  to  the  official 
oaths  he  had  taken  to  be  faithful  to  the  home 
Government,  and  while  his  sympathies  were 
always   with  the  people  and  his   views  were 



•most  decided  against  unwarranted  State  inter- 
ference and  against  taxation  without  repre- 
sentation, he  was  too  old  to  change  his  flag. 
Besides,  he  was  of  the  opinion  that  all  the 
evils  which  led  to  the  Revolution  could  be 
amended  by  united  and  firm  representation  to 
the  sovereign  and  his  immediate  advisers,  and 
that  therefore  open  rebellion  was  needless. 
So,  when  the  crash  finally  came  and  his  pro- 
testations, tears,  promises,  explanations,  diplo- 
macy and  entreaties  proved  unavailing,  the 
•old  Governor  retired  to  a  farm  near  Flushing, 
Long  Island,  and  died  of  a  broken  heart  a  few 
months  later,  in  September,  1776,  when  in  the 
eighty-eighth  year  of  his  age. 

After  the  bitterness  of  the  contemporary 
struggle  had  passed  away  the  public  services 
and  brilliant  talents  of  this  most  accomplished 

of  all  New  York  royal  representatives  was 
more  apparent  than  at  the  time  when  he  was 
an  actor  in  the  drama  of  history,  and  his  loyal 
devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  high  office  was 
fully  acknowledged  on  all  sides.  "Posterity," 
wrote  Dr.  O'Callaghan  in  his  "Documentary 
History  of  the  State  of  New  York,"  "will  not 
fail  to  accord  justice  to  the  character  and  mem- 
ory of  a  man  to  whom  this  country  is  most 
deeply  indebted  for  much  of  its  science  and  for 
many  of  the  most  important  institutions,  and 
of  whom  the  State  of  New  York  may  well  be 
proud ;"  and  G.  C.  Verplonck  said :  "For  the 
great  variety  and  extent  of  his  learning,  his 
unwearied  research,  his  talents,  and  the  public 
sphere  which  he  filled,  Cadyvallader  Golden 
may  justly  be  placed  in  a  high  rank  among  the 
most  distinguished  men  of  his  time." 




Some  Pioneer  Settlers — The  Stirling  Ownership  and  Colonizing  Schemes  — 
Lion  Gardiner  and  his  Purchase — A  Long  Island  "Q.ueen  of  the  White 
House" — The  Blue  Smiths  and  other  Smiths,  the  Tangier  Smiths  and  other 
Branches   of  the   Smith  Family — The   Floyds. 

E  propose  in  this  chapter  to  select 
a  few  of  the  early  and  other  repre- 
sentative families  of  Long  Island, 
to  tell  how  they  acquired  a  settle- 
ment, what  they  did  in  the  way  of  developing 
its  resources,  trace,  when  possible,  and  at  more 
or  less  extent,  their  descendants  to  the  present 
day,  referring  briefly  to  the  doings  of  the 
most  prominent  in  each  generation  and  in  a 
general  way  try  to  show  the  influence  which 
each  family  selected  has  had  upon  the  fortunes 
of  the  island.  Scattered  throughout  the  course 
of  this  work  much  information  of  the  descrip- 
tion thus  indicated  will  be  found,  but  the  selec- 
tion here  made  will  group  together  representa- 
tive examples  of  the  various  classes  of  "found- 
ers" whose  names  are  to-day  as  familiar  in 
Long  Island  as  household  words,  and  will  en- 
able the  reader  readily  to  understand  the 
quality  of  hearts  and  hands  which  have  led 
the  way  in  the  building  up  of  the  local  his- 
tory. Long  Island  is  justly  proud  of  its  old 
families,  and  while  it  heartily  welcomes  new- 
comers  to   its   soil   it  is   wont   to   recall   with 

pleasure  the  names  of  the  pioneers  who  in 
other  times  and  under  very  different  circum- 
stances from  those  which  prevail  to-day, 
cleared  the  land  of  its  virgin  forests,  made 
fruitful  fields  take  the  place  of  hunting 
grounds,  introduced  civilization  and  com- 
merce, and  won  for  Long  Island  a  definite  and 
honored  position  in  the  annals  of  the  State  and 
the  Nation. 

Outside  of  corporations,  or  companies,  or 
sovereigns,  the  first  owner  of  Long  Island 
was  William  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling,  in 
many  ways  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men 
of  his  time ;  a  man  who  was  restless  in  his 
activity,  who  won  fame  in  various  walks  o£ 
life,  who  was  one  of  the  most  extensive  land- 
owners of  which  the  world  has  any  knowledge, 
yet  who  died  poor — a  bankrupt,  in  fact.  Will- 
iam Alexander  was  born  at  Menstrie,  Stirling- 
shire, in  1567.  Through  the  influence  of  the 
Argyle  family  he  obtained  a  position  at  the 
Scottish  Court  and  became  tutor  to  Prince 
Henry,  eldest  son  of  James  VI.  He  soon  won 
the  good  graces   of  the   sovereign   himself — 



the  British  Solomon — by  his  learning,  his 
shrewdness,  and  his  poetical  ability,  and  when 
the  crowns  of  Scotland  and  England  were  uni- 
ted, in  1603,  Alexander  followed  King  James 
to  London.  That  Alexander  enjoyed  much 
popular  favor  and  high  reputation  as  a  poet 
during  his  lifetime  is  undoubted,  although  few 
except  students  of  literature  venture  to  read 
his  productions  now.  They  are  heavy,  dis- 
cursive, and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of 
his  sonnets  and  his  "Paraenesis  to  Prince 
Henry,"  rather  monotonous.  He  was  a  slave 
to  the  literary  mannerisms  and  affectations  of 
the  age,  but  a  knowledge  of  that  cannot  blind 
us  to  the  fact  that  he  was  really  possessed  of 
a  rich  share  of  poetic  ability.  With  his  poeti- 
cal writings  or  his  merits  as  a  poet,  however, 
we  have  nothing  to  do  in  this  place;  nor  do 
we  need  discuss  the  question  as  to  whether 
or  not  he  wrote  King  James's  "Psalms,"  or 
even  discuss  the  nature  of  his  statesmanship 
as  employed  in  his  official  relations  with  his 
native  country.  We  have  to  deal  with  him 
simply  as  a  colonizer,  one  of  the  first  to  colo- 
nize America.  His  career  at  Court  may  be 
summed  up  by  mentioning  that  he  was  knight- 
ed in  1609,  created  Lord  Alexander  of  Tulli- 
body and  Viscount  Stirling  in  1630,  Earl  of 
Stirling  and  Viscount  Canada  in  1633,  and 
Earl  of  Dovan  in  1639.    A  year  later  he  died. 

Lord  Stirling  found  that  the  English  were 
striving  to  establish  colonies  on  the  American 
seaboard  and  thought,  like  the  patriot  that  he 
undoubtedly  was,  that  his  countrymen  should 
have  a  share  in  the  rich  lands  across  the  sea. 
Early  in  1621  he  sent  a  petition  to  King  James 
for  a  grant  of  territory  in  America  on  which 
he  hoped  to  induce  Scotchmen  to  settle.  "A 
great  number  of  Scotch  families,"  he  told  his 
sovereign,  "had  lately  emigrated  to  Poland, 
Sweden  and  Russia,"  and  he  pointed  out  that 
"it  would  be  equally  beneficial  to  the  interests 
of  the  kingdom,  and  to  the  individuals  them- 
selves, if  they  were  permitted  to  settle  this 
valuable  and  fertile  portion  of  his  Majesty's 

The  petition  was  granted  by  the  King — 

probably  that  was  satisfactorily  arranged  be- 
fore it  had  been  committed  to  paper — and  en- 
dorsed by  the  Privy  Council.  When  these 
formalities  had  been  gone  through  Lord  Stir- 
ling entered  on  formal  possession  of  what  is 
now  incorporated  in  Nova  Scotia,  New  Bruns- 
wick, Prince  Edward  Island,  a  goodly  portion 
of  the  State  of  Maine  and  of  the  Province  of 
Quebec.  This  territory  was  to  be  known  as 
New  Scotland, — Nova  Scotia,  the  charter  dig- 
nifiedly  called  it, — and  over  it  the  new  owner 
and  those  acting  for  him  in  it  were  supreme 
even  to  the  establishment  of  churches  and  of 
courts  of  law.  For  some  reason,  not  now  ex- 
actly known.  Lord  Stirling  at  once  handed  over 
a  part  of  his  new  dominion  to  Sir  Robert 
Gordon  of  Lochinvar.  That  part  is  known  as 
Cape  Breton,  but  it  was  then  given  the  more 
national  name  of  New  Galloway. 

Sir  William  Alexander,  to  give  Lord  Stir- 
ling the  name  by  which  he  is  probably  best 
remembered,  sent  out  his  first  expedition  to 
colonize  New  Scotland  in  Alarch,  1622.  These 
pioneers,  with  the  exception  of  an  adventurous 
clergyman,  were  of  the  humblest  class  of  agri- 
cultural laborers,  and  only  a  single  artisan,  a 
blacksmith,  was  among  them.  The  voyage 
was  a  rough  one,  and,  after  sighting  the  coast 
of  Cape  Breton,  the  emigrants  were  glad  to 
shape  their  course  back  to  Newfoundland, 
where  they  spent  the  winter.  Next  spring  Sir 
William,  who  had  been  advised  of  the  failure 
of  the  first  expedition,  sent  out  another  ship 
with  colonists  and  provisions.  The  early  re- 
ports of  the  land  on  which  the  new  colony 
was  to  settle  were  communicated  to  him  by 
some  of  his  people  soon  after  they  managed 
to  get  landed,  which  they  did  in  the  guise  of 
an  exploring  party.  These  reports  were  sub- 
mitted by  him  to  the  world,  with  all  the  at- 
tractiveness of  a  modern  advertising  agent,  in 
his  work  entitled  an  "Encouragement  to  Colo- 
nies." The  explorers  described  the  country 
they  visited  (mainly  the  coast  of  Gape  Breton) 
as  "presenting  very  delecate  meadowes,  having 
roses  white  and  red  growing  therein,  with  a 
kind  of  wild  Lily,  which  hath  a  daintie  smell." 


The  ground  "was  without  wood,  and  very 
good,  fat  earth,  having  several  sort  of  berries 
growing  thereon,  as  gooseberries,  strawber- 
ries, hindbarries,  raspberries  and  a  kind  of  wine 
berrie,  as  also  some  sorts  of  grain,  as  pease, 
some  eares  of  wheat,  barly  and  rie  growing 
there  wild.  *  *  *  They  likewise  found 
in  every  river  abundance  of  lobsters,  cockles, 
and  all  other  shell  fishes,  and  also,  not  only 
in  the  rivers,  but  all  the  coasts  alongst,  num- 
bers of  several  sorts  of  wilde  foule,  as  wild 
goose,  black  Ducke,  woodcock,  crane,  heron, 
pidgeon,  and  many  other  sorts  of  Foul  which 
they  knew  not.  They  did  kill  as  they  sayled 
alongst  the  coast,  great  shore  of  cod,  with 
several  other  sorts  of  great  fishes.  The  coun- 
try is  full  of  woods,  not  very  thick,  and  the 
most  part  Oake,  the  rest  Firre,  Spruce,  Bircii 
and  some  Sicamores  and  Ashes  and  many 
other  sorts  of  Wood  which  they  had  not  seen 
before."  All  this  information,  so  cunningly 
and  attractively  set  forth  by  Sir  William  in  his 
book  of  "Encouragement,"  which  by  the  way 
had  a  map  of  the  territory  in  which  Scottish 
names  are  given  to  every  point  and  section 
and  river,  failed  to  attract  settlers  and  the"pro- 
jector"  found  himself  some  £6,000  out  of  pock- 
et by  his  patriotism.  To  reimburse  him,  and 
at  the  same  time  add  a  little  to  the  royal  treas- 
ury, the  order  of  Baronets  of  Nova  Scotia  was 
founded,  on  the  pattern  of  the  order  of  Ulster ; 
even  this  move  was  not  substantially  success- 
ful, although  the  terms  were  reasonable  and 
the  lands  accompanying  the  honor  were 
"three  myles  long  upon  the  coast  and  ten  miles 
into  tb.e  country." 

We  need  not  follow  the  .details  of  Sir  Will- 
iam's colonizing  schemes  any  further.  They 
belong  really  to  the  history  of  Canada.  Each 
failure  seemed  to  be  compensated  for  by  a 
fresh  grant  of  territory,  and,  if  we  may  be- 
lieve a  map  issued  long  after  by  one  of  the 
many  claimants  for  his  hereditary  titles  and 
"land  rights,"  the  Alexander  family  held  by 
right  of  charters,  the  sort  of  documents  which 
the  late  Duke  of  Argyle  believed  to  be  the 
most  sacred  on  earth,  not  onlv  about  the  whole 

of  Canada,  but  what  are  now  the  States  of 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  New  York, 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Maryland  and  an  unde- 
fined territory  two  or  three  times  as  large  as 
all  that  has  been  named  put  together. 

Sir  William  never  saw  his  possessions  on 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  He  appointed  as 
his  agent  and  administrator  on  Long  Island 
James  Farret,  and  by  way  of  recompense, 
or  partly  so,  for  his  services' the  latter  received 
as  a  starter  a  grant  from  his  knightly  employer 
of  twelve  thousand  acres  of  land  on  Long 
Island,  or  "the  islands  adjacent."  Farret  af- 
terward selected  Shelter  Island  and  Robin's 
Island  under  this  clause  in  the  agreement,  but 
in  1641  he  conveyed  both  these  islands  to 
Stephen  Goodyear,  of  New  Haven.  That  in- 
dividual seems  never  to  have  made  any  use 
of  either  of  them,  probably  held  them  only  as 
a  speculation,  and  in  165 1  he  sold  both  to 
Thomas  Middleton,  Thomas  Rouse,  Constant 
Sylvester  and  Nathaniel  Sylvester,  for  16  cwt. 
of"  raw  sugar.  These  buyers,  however,'  took 
the  additional  precaution  of  getting  a  confirma- 
tion of  their  title  from  the  chief  of  the  Man- 
hansett  Indians.  By  1666  the  two  Sylvesters 
and  Thomas  Middleton  were  the  owners  of 
Shelter  Island  and  had  the  original  patent 
from  Lord  Stirling's  agent  confirmed  by  Gov- 
ernor Nicolls.  Governor  Colve,  when  the 
Dutch  regained  sovereignty  of  the  Province, 
confiscated  the  property  of  Middleton  and  Con- 
stant Sylvester  and  sold  their  holdings  on  the 
island  to  Nathaniel  for  £500.  He  had  a  good 
deal  of  trouble  in  collecting  the  amount  before 
the  regime  under  which  he  acted  came  to  an 
end  forever:  in  fact,  he  had  to  send  a  detach- 
ment of  fifty  soldiers  to  the  island  before  Na- 
thaniel would  part  with  the  money.  He  did 
part  with  it,  however,  and  remained  in  peace- 
ful possession  until  his  death,  when  he  willed 
the  property  in  equal  parts  to  his  five  sons. 
Its  further  story  will  be  traced  in  another 
section  of  this  work. 

On  March  10,  1639,  Farret,  on  behalf  of 
Lord  Stirling,  made    a    conveyance    to  Lion 


Gardiner  of  what  is  now  known  as  Gardiner's 
Island,  but  was  formerly  known  among  the 
Indians  as  Manchonat  and  among  the  En- 
glish as  the  Isle  of  Wight.  The  details  of  this 
purchase,  b'oth  of  the  Stirling  convej'ance  and 
the  sale  by  the  Indians,  as  well  as  some  ac- 
count of  the  career  of  Lion  Gardiner,  have 
already  been  given  in  a  previous  chapter 
(Chapter  V).  But  reference  is  made  again 
to  the  purchase  and  the  family,  because  the 
island  has  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Gar- 
diner family  until  the  present  day,  and  it  gives 
us,  as  has  been  said,  "the  only  illustration  of 
the  practical  working  of  the  law  of  primo- 
geniture in  this  country  covering  so  long  a 
period."  Lion  Gardiner  died  at  Easthampton 
in  1663,  in  or  about  the  sixty- fourth  year  of 
his  age.  He  had  taken  up  his  abode  at  East- 
hampton about  the  year  1649,  probably  with 
the  view  of  the  enjoyment  of  more  frequent 
social  intercourse  with  his  fellows  than  he 
could  command  on  his  little  island  kingdom, 
on  which  in  1641  one  of  his  daughters,  Eliza- 
beth, was  born.  At  Easthampton  he  seems 'to 
have  lived  the  simple  life  of  a  cultured  coun- 
try gentleman,  and  was  held  in  the  highest 
esteem  by  the  people.  He  filled  the  office  of 
magistrate  and  in  all  respects  was  regarded 
as  the  representative  citizen  of  that  section  of 
the  island,  wielding  an  influence  that  was 
equally  potent  among  the  Indians  as  among 
those  of  his  own  race.  A  recumbent  statue 
placed  beside  his  grave  in  1886  is  testimony 
that  his  memory  is  still  cherished.  His  son 
David  came  into  possession  of  the  property 
when  the  pioneer  rested  from  his  labors.  He 
seemed  to  inherit  much  of  his  father's  talents, 
took  up  the  role  of  country  gentleman  and 
represented  Easthampton  and  the  other  east- 
ern towns  on  several  occasions  before  the 
General  Assembly  at  Hartford.  He  died  in 
the  last  named  town  July  10^  1689,  and  his 
tomb  set  forth  that  he  was  "well,  sick,  dead, 
in  one  hour's  time."  His  estate  was  divided 
between  his  sons,  John  getting  Gardiner's 
Island  and  Lion  the  lands  at  Easthampton. 
With  the  latter's  descendants  we  have  no  in- 

terest at  present,  although  for  several  genera- 
tions they  upheld  the  family  name.  Gardi- 
ner's Island  continued  in  the  possession  of 
John  Gardiner  until  he  died,  in  1764,  when 
it  passed  to  his  eldest  son,  David.  Another 
son  acquired  property  at  Eaton's  Neck  and 
founded  a  family.  David  soon  after  entering 
into  ownership  of  the  island  married  Jerusha, 
daughter  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Buell,  and  had 
two  sons, — John  Lion  and  David.  The  lat- 
ter settled  at  Flushing  and  left  a  family  there. 
John  Lion  married  the  daughter  of  the  Hon. 
Roger  Griswold,  and  at  his  death,  November 
22,  1816,  the  island  became  the  property  of 
his  son,  David  Johnston,  who  died  in  1829, 
and  was  the  last  to  hold  the  island  under  the 
original  deed  of  entail  which  extended  to  first 
heirs  male  only.  His  brother,  John  Griswold 
Gardiner,  succeeded  to  the  possession  of  the 
island,  but  died  unmarried  in  1861,  when  a 
third  brother,  Samuel  Buell  Gardiner,  pur- 
chased the  interest  of  a  sister  (Mrs.  Sarah 
Diodati  Thompson)  in  the  property  and  be- 
came sole  owner  of  the  ancestral  domain.  He 
died  in  1882,  leaving  it  to  his  eldest  son, 
David  Johnston.  It  is  at  present  held  by  the 
latter's  brother,  John  Lion,  the  12th  lord  of  the 
property,  and  with  a  clearer  and  more  direct 
descent  from  the  original  owner  than  that 
which  gives  title  to  many  a  lordly  manor  in 
the  old  land  from  which  the  family  sprung. 
By  the  marriage  of  one  of  the  ladies  of  the 
Gardiner  family  with  President  John  Tyler, 
Gardiner's  Island  gave  to  the  nation  one  of  the 
"Queens  of  the  White  House,"  as  the  wives 
of  the  Presidents  have  been  named.  The  facts 
in  the  case  have  recently  been  unearthed  by 
Mr.  Samuel  Barber,  and  his  interesting  story 
is  here  reproduced : 

That  Mrs.  John  Tyler,  widow  of  President 
Tyler,  was  once  a  resident  of  Brooklyn  makes 
it' interesting  to  give  a  number  of  historical 
extracts,  viz. :  In  Appleton's  Biography  we 
read,  "John  Tyler,  tenth  President  of  the 
United  States,  born  at  Greenway,  Charles 
City  County,  Virginia,  March  29,  1790,  died  at 
Richmond,  Va.,  January  18,  1862.    On  March 



29,  1812,  he  married  Letitia,  daughter  of 
Robert  Christian."  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
his  first  marriage  took  place  on  his  twenty- 
third  birthday. 

"Letitia  Christian,  born  at  Cedar  Grove, 
New  Kent  County,  Va.,  Nov.  12,  1790,  and 
died  in  Washington,  D.  C,  Sept.  9,  1842,  was 
the  daughter  of  Robert  Christian,  a  planter 
in  New  Kent  County,  Va.  She  married' Mr. 
Tyler  March  29,  181 3,  and  removed  with  him 
to  his  home  in  Charles  City  County.  When 
he  became  President  she  accompanied  him  to 
Washington,  but  her  health  was  delicate  and 
she  died  shortly  afterward.  Mrs.  Tyler  was 
unable  to  assume  any  social  cares,  and  the 
duties  of  mistress  of  the  White  House  de- 
volved upon  her  daughter-in-law,  Mrs.  Robert 
Tyler.  She  possessed  great  beauty  of  person 
and  of  character,  and  before  the  failure  of  her 
health  was  specially  fitted  for  a  social  life." 
Again  it  says :  "Their  son  Robert,  born  in 
New  Kent  County,  Va.,  in  18 18,  and  died  in 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  December  3,  1877,  was 
educated  at  William  and  Mary  and  adopted 
the  profession  of  the  law.  He  married  Pris- 
cilla,  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Apthorpe  Cooker, 
the  tragedian,  in  1839,"  of  whom  we  find  the 
following  account  in  Brown's  American  Stage, 
page  81,  viz.:  "Priscilla  E.  Cooker,  daughter 
of  T.  A.  Cooker,  made  her  debut  February 
14,  1834,  as  \'irginia  at  the  Bowery  Theater, 
New  York.  First  appearance  in  Philadelphia 
Feb.  28,  1834,  at  the  Arch  Street  Theater  as 

"Again,"  adds  Stapleton,  "when  his  father 
became  President  his  wife  assumed  the  duties 
of  mistress  of  the  White  House  till  after  Mrs. 
John  Tyler's  death,  when  they  devolved  upon 
her  daughter,  Mrs.  Letitia  Sample."  Of  Presi- 
dent Tyler's  second  marriage  we  copy  the  fol- 
lowing from  Appleton's  Biography,  T.,  p.  199: 
"President  Tyler's  second  wife,  Julia  Gardiner, 
born  on  Gardiner's  Island,  near  Easthampton, 
N.  Y.,  May  4,  1820;  died  in  Richmond,  Va., 
July  10,  1889;  was  a  descendant  of  the  Gar- 
diners  of  Gardiner's  Island.  She  was  edu- 
cated at  the  Chegary  Institute,  New  York  City, 
spent  several  months  in  Europe  and  in  the 
winter  of  1844  accompanied  her  father  to 
Washington,  D.  C.  A  few  weeks  afterward 
he  was  killed  by  the  explosion  of  a  gun  on 
the  war  steamer  Princeton,  which  occurred 
during  a  pleasure  excursion  in  which  he  and 
his  daughter  were  of  the  Presidential  party. 
His  bodv  was  taken  to  the  White  HoUse  and 

Miss  Gardiner,  being  thrown  in  the  society 
of  the  President  under  these  peculiar  circum- 
stances, became  the  object  of  his  marked  at- 
tention, which  resulted  in  their  marriage  in 
New  York,  June  26,  1844." 

The  Brooklyn  Eagle  of  June  27,  1844, 
speaks  of  the  wedding  thus :  "Arrival  of  the 
President  at  New  York — Marriage — Fete- 
Departure.  Somehow  or  other,  but  most  un- 
accountably, we  forgot  to  mention  yesterday 
that  President  Tyler  arrived  at  New  York  for 
the  purpose  of  marriage  with  Miss  Julia  Gar- 
diner, daughter  of  the  late  David  Gardiner, 
who  came  to  his  death  aboard  the  Princeton 
last  v.'inter.  Such,  however,  was  the  fact. 
The  ceremony  took  place  at  the  Church  of  the 
Ascension,  on  Fifth  avenue,  and  the  treaty 
between  the  high  contracting  parties  was  rati- 
fied bv  the  Right  Reverend  Bishop  Onderdonk 
and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bedell,  rector  of  the  church. 
A  few  persons  only — such  as  the  relatives  and 
one  or  two  intimate  friends  of  the  parties — ■ 
were  present.  In  the  afternoon  they  took  the 
steamboat  Essex  and  after  navigating  about 
the  harbor  and  receiving  salutes  from  the  dif- 
ferent vessels  lying  at  anchor,  proceeded  to 
Jersey  City,  where  they  took  the  cars  for  Phila- 
delphia. The  bride  is  said  to  be  accomplished, 
beautiful,  interesting,  an  heiress  and  22.  The 
President,  on  the  other  hand,  is  known  to  be 
as  homely  as  a  brush  fence  and  53  years  of 
age,  being  a  difference  of  thirty-three.  Some 
of  his  children,  therefore,  are  probably  many 
years  older  than  their  stepmother.  Taste  is, 
of  course,  supreme  in  matters  of  this  kind, 
but  if  we  had  an  accomplished  and  beautiful 
daughter  of  22  (as  we  have  not,  and  proba- 
bly never  shall  have),  and  if  an  amorous  youth 
of  55  with  gray  hair  and  wrinkled  face  were 
to  propose  for  her  we  should  request,  and,  if 
necessary,  assist  him  to  move  on ;  but,  mercy 
on  us !  what  are  we  talking  about  ?" 

Again  continues  Appleton :  "For  the  suc- 
ceeding eight  months  she  presided  over  the 
\Miite  House  with  dignity  and  grace,  her  resi- 
dence there  terminating  with  a  birthnight  ball 
on  February  22,  1845.  Mrs.  Tyler  retired  with 
her  husband  to  Sherwood  Forest,  in  Virginia,, 
at  the  conclusion  of  his  term,  and  after  the 
Civil  War  resided  for  several  years  at  her 
mother's  residence,  on  Castleton  Hill,  S.  I., 
and  subsequently  at  Richmond,  Va.  She  was 
a  convert  to  Roman  Catholicism  and  devoted 
to  charities. of  that  church." 

Again,  it  says :   "Their  son,  Lyon  Gardiner,. 



was  born  in  Charles  City  County,  Virginia,  in 
August,  1853,  was  graduated  at  the  University 
of  Virginia  in  1875,  and  then  studied  law." 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  President  Tyler 
had  one  child  by  each  wife.  "The  remainder 
of  his  days,"  we  read  in  "Abbott's  Lives  of 
the  Presidents,"  "Mr.  Tyler  passed  mainly  in 
retirement  at  his  beautiful  house,  "Sherwood 
Forest,"  Charles  City,  Va.,  a  polished  gentle- 
man in  manners,  richly  furnished  with  infor- 
mation from  books  and  experience  in  the  world 
and  possessing  brilliant  powers  of  conversa- 
tion. His  family  circle  was  the  scene  of  un- 
usual attractions. 

Mrs.  Tyler,  after  her  husband's  death,  was 
for  several  years  a  resident  of  Brooklyn.  She 
lived  in  a  three-story  brick  house,  still  stand- 
ing, on  Gold  street,  a  little  north  of  Wil- 
loughby,  on  the  west  side. 

A  much  more  numerous,  and  in  some  re- 
spects a  more  generally  influential  family  on 
Long  Island  was,  and  is,  that  of  Smith.  In 
most  sections  of  the  English-speaking  world 
the  name  is  generally  regarded  with  the  famil- 
iarity which  is  induced  by  its  commonness 
and  recalls  no  territorial  or  other  distinction. 
In  Long  Island  it  is  different;  and  to  trace 
descent  from  one  of  the  old  families  bearing 
that  name  is  held  as  equal  in  dignity  with  the 
blue  blood  of  Massachusetts  which  can  begin 
a  genealogical  tree  with  an  Endicott,  or  a 
Bradford,  or  a  Standish.  With  reference  to 
this  family  we  find  the  following  interesting 
data  in  Gabriel  Furman's  "Antiquities  of  Long 
Island,"  written  about  the  year  1830:  "Upon 
this  island,  and  especially  in  the  central  por- 
tion of  it,  are  very  many  families  of  the  name 
of  Smith,  and  so  numerous  did  they  become 
at  an  early  period  of  the  settlement  that  it 
was  thought  necessary  to  distinguish  the  vari- 
ous original  families  by  some  peculiar  name. 
Thus  we  have  the  Rock  Smiths,  the  Blue 
Smiths,  the  Bull  Smiths,  the  Weight  Smiths 
and  the  Tangier  Smiths. 

Of  the  Rock  Smiths  there  are  two  dis- 
tinct families,  one  originally  settled  between 
Rockaway  and  Hempstead  some  ten  or  fifteen 
years  before  the  settlement  of  the  first  white 
inhabitants    in    Setauket,  who    derived    their 

name  from  their  contiguity  to  Rockaway ;  and 
the  other  located  in  Brookhaven,  and  obtained 
their  appellation  from  their  ancestor  erecting 
his  dwelling  against  a  large  rock  which  still 
remains  in  the  highway  of  that  town. 

The  Blue  Smiths  were  settled  in  Queens 
county  and  obtained  their  peculiar  designation 
from  a  blue  cloth  coat  worn  by  their  ancestor ; 
whether  because  such  cloth  coat  was  then  an 
uncommon  thing  in  the  neighborhood,  or  that 

he  always  dressed  in  a  coat  of  that  color,  does 
not  appear. 

The  Bull  Smiths  of  Suffolk  county  are  the 
most  numerous  of  all  the  families  of  the  name 
of  Smith  upon  this  island.  It  is  said  there 
are  now  at  least  one  thousand  males  of  that 
branch  on  this  island.  The  ancestors  of  this 
branch  of  the  Smith  family  was  Major  Rich- 
ard Smith,  who  came  from  England  to  New 
England  with  his  father,  Richard,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  afterward 
came  to  this  island  and  became  the  patentee 
of  Smithtown.     The  sobriquet  of  this  class  of 



Smiths  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  the  circum- 
stance of  the  ancestor  having  trained  and  used 
a  bull  in  place  of  a  horse  for  riding. 

The  Weight  Smiths  derived  their  name 
from  being  possessed  of  the  only  set  of  scales 
and  weights  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  resi- 
dence, to  which  all  the  farmers  of  the  country 
around  repaired  for  the  purpose  of  weighing 
anything  they  wished  to  isell  or  buy;  at  least 
so  says  the  tradition. 

The  Tangier  Smiths  owe  their  origin  to 
Colonel  William  Smith,  who  had  been  the  En- 
glish Governor  of  Tangier  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  II,  and  emigrated  to  this  colony  in  the 
summer  of  1686,  where  he  settled  in  the  town 
of  Brookhaven,  on  the  neck  known  as  Little 
Neck,  and  afterward  as  Strong's  Neck,  which, 
together  with  his  many  other  purchases,  was 
erected  into  a  manor  by  the  name  of  Saint 
George's  Manor  by  a  patent  granted  him  in 
1693  by  Governor  Fletcher.  Most  of  the  Tan- 
gier Smiths  are  now  in  that  town,  scattered 
through  it  from  the  north  to  the  south  side 
of  the  island. 

These  different  appellations  became  as 
firmly  settled  as  if  they  were  regular  family 
names,  so  that  when  any  inquiry  was  made 
of  any  person  on  the  road,  man,  woman  or 
child,  for  any  particular  Smith  they  would  at 
once  ask  whether  he  was  of  the  Rock  breed, 
or  the  Bull  breed,  etc. ;  and  if  the  person  de- 
siring the  information  could  say  which  breed, 
he  was  at  once  told  of  his  residence." 

Richard  Smith,  the  first  of  the  name  to  hold 
land  in  Long  Island,  left  England  and  arrived 
in  1650  at  Boston,  where  he  remained  until 
1665,  when  he  became  one  of  a  colony  which 
moved  to  Long  Island  and  established  the  town 
of  Brookhaven.  His  home  was  near  the  pres- 
ent village  of  Setauket.  He  was  a  man  of 
means,  bought  as  much  land  in  the  vicinity  of 
his  home  as  he  could,  held  the  office  of  magis- 
trate, and  proved  himself  a  public-spirited 
citizen  generally.  In  1663  he  purchased  a  tract 
of  land  westward  from  Setauket  and  had  his 
title  strengthened  by  an  Indian  deed.  Not 
long   afterward    he    purchased    another    tract 

direct  from  the  Indians,  including  a  section  of 
the  shore  of  Lake  Ronkonkoma,  and  got  a 
new  English  patent  from  Governor  Nicolls  in 
1667.  Owing  to  some  trouble  with  the  people 
of  Huntington  over  the  western  boundary  of 
his  domain.  Smith  submitted  the  question  to 
the  courts  of  New  York  and  was  sustained  on 
all  points  for  which  he  contended.  By  this 
decision  he  extended  his  holdings  so  as  to  in- 
clude both  banks  of  the  Nesaquake  River,  and, 
to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  got  a  new 
patent  from  Governor  Andros,  in  1677,  cover- 
ing all  the  territory  lately  in  dispute.  By  this 
patent  his  property  covered  ten  square  miles 
and  is  contained  in  the  present  town  in  Suffolk 
county  bearing  his  name.  Of  the  personal  his- 
tory of  this  noteworthy  Smith  little  has  come 
down  to  us  excepting  the  remains  of  local 
gossip,  such  as  that  which  makes  him  ride 
around  the  country  on  a  bull  instead  of  a  horse 
and  so  win  a  sobriquet  for  his  family.  It  is 
said  he  fought  in  the  Narragansett  War  under 
the  banner  of  Connecticut,  and  held  the  rank 
of  major,  but  the  details  we  have  of  his  cam- 
paigning are  very  brief.  He  died  about  the 
year  1700,  leaving  a  family  of  six  sons — Rich- 
ard, Jonathan,  Job,  Adam,  Samuel  and  Daniel 
^and  one  daughter — Deborah.  In  1707  the 
real  estate  of  the  pioneer  was  divided  among 

In  the  records  of  the  Society  of  Colonial 
Wars  the  following  find  a  place  among  the 
members  on  account  of  their  descent  from 
Richard  Smith  (Bull  Smith)  : 

A.  Chester  Beatty,  New  York. 

Robert  C.  Beatty,  New  York. 

W.  Gedney  Beatty,  New  York. 

Howell  Foster,  Brooklyn. 

Robert  Cutting,  Lawrence,  N.  Y. 

R.  B.  Sackley,  Rhinecliff. 

The  "Bull"  Smiths,  it  will  be  readily  under- 
stood, while  they  have  given  many  reputable 
citizens  to  the  island  and  taken  a  full  and 
active  part  in  its  development,  have  added  but 
little  to  its  history  or  to  its  prominence  in  the 
general  affairs  of  the  State.  They  have  been 
mostly  notable  for  the  qualities  which  made 



up  the  true  country  gentleman,  a  life  among 
their  ancestral  fields,  a  disregard  for  public 
office  outside  of  their  own  vicinity,  and  devot- 
ing themselves  closely  to  the  upbuilding  of  the 
sections  of  the  island  in  which  they  had  set  up 
their  homes.  Proud  of  their  descent,  they 
seemed  satisfied  with  the  eminence  it  aflforded 
them  and  stood  aside,  as  it  were,  while  others 
pressed  forward  to  win  renown  by  work  and 

The  other  pioneer  family  of  Smiths,  the 
"Tangier  Smiths,"  on  the  other  hand,  for  sev- 
eral generations  bring  us  in  close  touch  with 
the  history  of  the  island  and  the  nation.  The 
founder  of  the  family  in  America,  Colonel 
William  Smith,  was  born  at  Newton,  near 
Higham  Ferrers,  Northamptonshire,  England, 
February  2,  1655.  In  1675  he  received  the 
appointment  from  Charles  II  of  Governor  of 
Tangier,  where  it  was  proposed  to  establish 
a  trading  colony,  and  he  married  Maria,  a 
daughter  of  Henry  Tunstall,  of  Putney,  No- 
vember 6,  1675,  and  set  out  for  his  domin- 
ion with  the  title  of  colonel.  Great  sums  of 
money  were  spent  on  this  then  new  posses- 
sion of  "the  British  crown,  and  it  was  hoped 
that  it  would  soon  take  a  place  among  the 
most  important  trading  stations  of  the  world; 
but  the  expectations  were  not  realized,  and  in 
a  comparatively  short  time  the  station  was 
abandoned,  its  costly  fortifications  left  to  go 
to  ruin,  and  the  little  army  there  stationed 
returned  to  England. 

Colonel  Smith  for  a  time  seems  to  have 
carried  on  business  as  a  general  merchant  in 
London.  In  1686  he  crossed  the  Atlantic  and 
engaged  in  trade  for  several  years.  He  was 
induced  to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the  New 
World  probably  on  account  of  his  friendship 
for  Governor  Dongan.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
he  "went  prospecting"  and  selected  some  land 
at  Little  Neck,  Brookhaven,  buying  up  the 
holdings  of  the  original  proprietors.  There 
seems  to  have  been  some  trouble  over  this 
purchase  with  some  of  the  holders,  but  the 
influence  of  Dongan  was  exerted  on  his 
friend's  behalf,  and  on  October  2,  1687,  Smith 

formally  completed  his  first  purchase  of  Long 
Island  lands.  This  purchase  was  afterward 
added  to  until  the  property  won  recognition 
as  a  manor.  Smith  during  this  time  seems 
to  have  been  busily  engaged  in  mercantile  pur- 
suits, and  on  the  records  of  Brookhaven,  ac- 
cording to  Thompson,  is  an  entry  showing 
that  the  "merchant,"  as  Smith  is  described, 
held  a  bill  against  Governor  Dongan  for  goods 
to  the  amount  of  £993.  Probably  it  was 
rather  for  "services  rendered"  in  the  devious 
wa)-s  known  in  those  days  and  probably  not 
altogether  unknown  in  these  passing  superior 
days  of  ours.  It  would  seem  that  almost  as 
soon  as  he  was  comfortably  settled  at  Little 
Neck,  Colonel  Smith  began  the  acquisition  of 
fresh  lands  and  had  them  erected  into  Saint 
George's  Manor  fcy  patent  issued  by  Governor 
Fletcher  in  1693.  Soon  after  he  made  further 
great  accessions  pressing  toward  the  bound- 
aries of  Southampton,  and  these  were  included 
in  the  manorial  title  by  a  fresh  patent  issued 
in  1697.  This  manorial  holding  gave  Colonel 
Smith  many  privileges  and  made  his  influence 
paramount  over  the  extent  of  territory — larger 
than  many  a  European  principality — which  it 
described.  It  gave  him  a  right  to  hold  court, 
to  invite  immigrants,  to  demand  as  by  right 
a  recognized  share  in  their  labor,  and  to  a 
seat  in  the  General  Assembly  of  the  province. 
But  long  before  the  manorial  patent  was  issued 
Colonel  Smith  had  acquired  a  commanding 
position  in  the  affairs  of  the  province. 

In  1691  Governor  Sloughter  appointed  him 
a  member  of  Council  and  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer. 
When  the  Supreme  Court  was  inaugurated,  in 
tiiat  same  year.  Smith  was  appointed  to  one 
of  the  Judgeships,  an  office  to  which  no  sal- 
ary was  attached.  This  arrangement  was  rec- 
tified, however,  a  year  later,  when  Governor 
Fletcher  (November  11,  1692)  appointed  him 
Chief  Justice  with  a  salary  of  £130.  He  proved 
an  upright,  dignified  and  impartial  judge,  al- 
though he  appears  to  have  been  outspoken  and 
determined  in  his  opposition  to  Leisler  in  the 
troubles  which    that    individual's    policy  and 



ambition  brought  upon  the  colony.  As  might 
be  expected,  when  Governor  Bellomont,  on  his 
arrival  in  New  York  April  2,  1698,  announcejd 
himself  as  a  friend  of  the  Leisler  party  and 
an  avowed  enemy  of  all  who  had  shown 
themselves  opposed  thereto,  the  position  of 
Chief  Justice  Smith  became  a  most  unenviable 
one.  The  Leislerites  felt  that  their  hour  of 
triumph  had  come,  the  hour  when  the  hang- 
ing of  the  self-appointed  Governor  would  be 
legally  branded  as  a  crime,  and  restitution 
made  in  some  way  for  the  wrongs  and  indigni- 
ties which  had  been  heaped  upon  those  who 
had  championed  his  cause  and  honored  his 
memory.  They  felt  that  with  such  a  Chief 
Justice  as  Smith  on  the  bench  nothing  prac- 
tical could  be  accomplished,  and  with  the  ar- 
rival of  the  new  Governor  they  began  their 
schemes  looking  to  that  end.  Beltomont  or- 
ganized his  Council  so  as  to  make  it  more 
amenable  to  his  views  and  policy;  but  he  per- 
mitted Smith  to  retain  his  seat,  as  his  loyalty 
was  well  known  and  he  seems  to  have  had 
some  attached  friends  in  England  who  would 
have  resented  his  removal  from  a  position 
which  the  Governor  could  reduce,  and  had  re- 
duced, to  simply  one  of  honor.  But  the  Chief 
Justiceship  was  another  matter,  and  after  wait- 
ing a  decent  time  Bellomont  removed  him  from 
that  otifice,  October  30,  1700. 

\Vhen  Governor  Bellomont  died  Smith, 
then  senior  member  of  the  Council,  claimed 
and  exercised  the  functions  of  the  executive 
until  the  arrival  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Nan- 
fan,  who  was  hurriedly  summoned  from  Bar- 
bados. Smith's  claim  to  the  office  aroused 
party  feeling  to  the  utmost,  a  majority  of  the 
assembly  refused  to  recognize  his  title,  said 
majority  being  of  the  Leislerite  persuasion ; 
and  it  is  hard  to  say  to  what  condition  the 
prevailing  confusion  and  bitterness  might  have 
developed  had  not  a  stop  to  the  tumult  been 
put  by  the  appearance  of  Nanfan  upon  the 
scene,  much  sooner  than  had  been  anticipated. 
Xanfan.  however,  ranged  himself  on  the  side 
of  the  Leislerites  and  they  ruled  things  with 
a   pretty   rough   hand,   almost  paralleling  the 

case  of  Nicholas  Bayard,  a  former  Mayor  of 
New  York,  the  crime  which  had  made  the  name 
of  Leisler  become  a  party  cry,  until  the  arrival, 
in  1702,  of  Lord  Cornbury.  He  at  once  took 
sides  with  the  Anti-Leislerites,  and  re-appoint- 
ed Smith  to  the  office  of  Chief  Justice,  and  by 
his  distribution  of  patronage,  mainly,  brought 
about  the  almost  complete  disappearance  of  the 
shibboleth  of  Leislerism  as  a  potent  factor  in 
local  politics.  Smith  retained  his  judicial  office 
until  April,  1703,  when  he  resigned,  but  he 
continued  to  hold  his  seat  in  the  Council  until 
his  death,  at  Little  Neck,  February  18,  1705. 

Colonel  Smith  had  three  sons,  one  of 
whom,  the  youngest,  Charles  Jeffrey,  died 
when  a  youth.  Both  of  the  surviving  members 
of  the  family  inherited  many  of  the  sterling 
qualities  of  the  father.  The  eldest  son,  Henry, 
held  the  office  of  Clerk  of  Suffolk  County  from 
1710  to  1716  and  was  for  many  years  one  of 
the  county  judges. 

His  son,  Colonel  William  Smith,  was  Clerk 
of  Suffolk  County  from  1730  to  1750  and  a 
Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  sev- 
eral-years prior  to  the  Revolution.  He  mar- 
ried Margaret,  daughter  of  Henry  Lloyd,  of 
Lloyd  Neck,  and  had  a  family  of  several  chil- 

His  only  daughter,  Anna,  became  the  wife 
of  Judge  Selah  Strong,  of  Setauket. 

The  family  of  Colonel  Smith's  second  son, 
William,  also  fully  sustained  the  honorable 
name  of  that  great  pioneer.  William  received 
as  part  of  his  share  of  Colonel  Smith's  estate 
some  lands  at  Mastic,  and  he  settled  down 
there,  rose  to  the  dignity  of  a  major  in  some 
local  militia  squad,  and  lived  the  life  of  a  quiet 
country  gentleman.  His  son  William  was  for 
many  years  a  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas,  and  was  a  member  of  the  first  Pro- 
vincial Congress.  In  1777  he  was  chosen  one 
of  the  State  Senators,  and  he  retained  that 
dignified  office  until  the  close  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary War.  His  son  John  was  possibly  the 
most  widely  known  member  of  the  family, 
after  its  founder.  We  refer  more  particularly 
to  his  career  in  our  notice  of  General  Wood- 


hull  (Chapter  XX),  whose  daughter  he  mar- 
ried. His  brother  William  settled  down  as  a 
farmer  in  Brookhaven,  and  died  at  Longwood, 
near  Manorville,  leaving  his  farm  to  his  son, 
William  Sidney  Smith. 

Probably  no  family  on  Long  Island  has 
contributed  such  a  succession  in  each  genera- 
tion of  men  eminent  in  the  community  as  that 
of  the  Floyds.  In  one  respect  they  stand 
ahead  of  all  the  others  in  numbering  among 
them  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence; but  even  without  this  member  of  a 
group  of  statesmen — whose  memory  is  being 
enshrined  in  the  national  heart  more  rever- 
ently as  the  years  pass  on — the  family  story 
contains  enough  to  inspire  pride  in  those  en- 
titled to  wear  the  name  and  warrant  the  re- 
spect in  which  it  is  held  all  over  Long  Island. 

The  name  of  the  founder  of  the  family, 
Richard  Floyd,  appears  on  the  list  of  those 
who  in  1655  bought  land  at  Setauket  from  the 
Indians  and  set  up  a  communiy  which 
to  have  been  intended  to  be  governed  after 
Presbyterian  rules.  Floyd  was  born  at  Breck- 
nockshire, Wales,  about  1620,  and,  it  is 
thought  on  religious  grounds,  left  his  native 
land  for  New  England  in  the  fall  of  1653. 
He  landed  in  Boston  early  in  the  following 
year,  but  probably  did  not  find  that  true  tolera- 
tion among  the  Puritans  which  he  expected, 
and  so  was  induced  to  throw  in  his  lot  with 
a  new  colony  which  appears  to  have  been  or- 
ganized by  men  of  his  own  persuasion.  He 
seems  to  have  soon  become  recognized  as  one 
of  the  leaders  of  the  little  settlement,  bought 
up  lands  as  fast  as  he  could,  prospered  in  all 
his  worldly  affairs,  was  a  local  magistrate  and 
a  colonel  of  militia.  He  died  about  1690. 
His  wife  died  in  1706,  at  the  age  of  eighty 

His  eldest  son,  Richard,  closely  followed  in 
his  footsteps  when  the  family  honors  fell  to 
him.  Richard  was  born  at  Setauket  Alay  12, 
1661,  married  ]\Iargaret  Nicolls,  eldest  daugh- 
ter of  Matthias  Nicolls,  secretary  of  the  Duke 
of  York's  commissioner  who  captured  New 
York   from   the   Dutch   and   became   the  first 

Governor  of  the  English  Province  of  New 
York.  Richard  Floyd  was  one  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  and  held  the 
office  of  colonel  of  militia  until  his  death  in 

We  must  here  leave  the  direct  line  of  prim- 
ogeniture and  speak  of  the  second  son  of  Rich- 
ard Floyd  and  Margaret  Nicolls.  He  received 
the  baptismal  name  of  Nicolls,  and  was  settled 
on  a  farm  at  Mastic.  He  did  not  grow  rich  in 
this  world's  goods,  but  raised  a  family  of  eight 
children — five  daughters  and  three  sons — Will- 
iam, Nicol  and  Charles.  William  is  the  only 
one  of  the  family  whose  career  we  propose 
to  follow  here.  He  was  born  at  Mastic  De- 
cember 17,  1734,  and  received  the  usual  edu- 
cation given  in  those  times  to  farmers'  sons; 
but  his  strong  common  sense,  natural  shrewd- 
ness and  close  observation  supplemented  his 
education  and  safely  carried  him  through  the 
many  important  roles  he  was  destined  to  play 
in  life's  journey,  while  at  the  beginning  of  his 
career  the  influence  of  his  family  name  gave 
him  of  itself  a  degree  of  standing  in  the  com- 
munity which  had  only  to  be  rightly  guided 
to  become  of  great  personal  advantage.  He 
early  developed  many  admirable  traits,  became 
an  adept  at  farming  and  a  prudent  man  in 
worldly  affairs.  Of  strong  religious  convic- 
tions, h;  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  the  people  among  whom  he  lived, 
and  he  implicitly  believed  that  the  practice  of 
the  Congregational  Church  formed  the  only 
true  model  upon  which  upright  and  honored 
civil  government  could  be  founded.  He  was 
a  close  student  of  public  affairs,  a  keen  and 
logical  observer  of  the  trend  of  the  events  of 
the  day,  and  was  outspoken  and  pronounced 
in  his  advocacy  of  the  people's  rights  when 
the  crisis  with  the  mother  country  was  ap- 
proaching. Early  in  life  he  was  chosen  as  an 
officer  in  the  Suffolk  county  militia;  he  was 
Colonel  of  the  First  Suffolk  Regiment  in  1775, 
and  after  the  war  was  over  he  was  commis- 
sioned a  Major  General,  but  his  military  ca- 
reer, to  put  it  mildly,  was  a  most  evenly  un- 
interesting one,  its  most  startling  incident  be- 



ing  a  hurried  call  to  prevent  a  small  boat  land- 
ing on  Long  Island  early  in  the  conflict  with 
Britain.  His  talents  were  better  fitted  for  the 
halls  of  legislation  than  for  the  tented  field. 
After  a  short  service  in  the  Provincial  Assem- 
bly he  was  sent  as  a  delegate,  in  1774,  to  the 
first  Continental  Congress,  and  was  one  of 
those  who  from  the  beginning  were  in  favor 
of  the  independence  of  the  colonies.  He  voted 
for  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  signed  that  document — his  great 
claim  to  immortality.  "He  continued,"  writes 
Edward  F.  De  Lancey,  "by  successive  re-ap- 
pointments a  member  of  every  Continental 
Congress  up  to  1782,  inclusive.  At  the  same 
time,  from  1777  till  1783,  he  was  State  Sena- 
tor under  the  first  Constitution  of  New  York, 
being  regularly  appointed  by  that  body  for  the 
Southern  District,  then  wholly  within  the  Brit- 
ish lines,  so  that  no  election  could  be  held.  • 
From  1784  till  1788  he  was  duly  elected  to  the 
same  office  from  the  same  district.  In  1787 
and  1789  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the 
Council  of  Appointment.  In  the  Presidential 
elections  of  1792,  1800  and  1804  he  was  cho- 
sen one  of  the  Presidental  Electors,  and  in 
1 80 1  he  sat  for  Suffolk  County  in  the  Consti- 
tutional Convention  of  that  year.  He  was  an 
early  and  warm  supporter  of  Jefferson.  His 
education  being  only  that  of  the  country 
schools  of  his  youth,  he  was  not  a  speaker,  nor 
orator,  nor  an  accomplished  writer;  but  in  the 
work  of  the  different  bodies  in  which  he  served 
he  was  noted  for  his  assiduity,  sound  advice, 
unflagging  labor  and  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  business  before  them.  He  was  eminently 
a  practical  man,  and  his  firmness  and  resolu- 
tion were  very  great.  Although  somewhat 
unpolished  in  manner,  he  at  the  same  time  pos- 
sessed a  natural  gravity  and  dignity  which 
made  itself  felt." 

During  the  British  occupation  of  Long  Isl- 
and General  Floyd's  farm  was  seized  by  the 
British  and  his  family  sought  refuge  in  Con- 
necticut. The  property  was  stripped  by  sol- 
diers of  all  its  attractiveness,  fields  were  deso- 
lated, trees  uprooted  and  fences  burned,  and 

the  house  itself  plundered  and  rendered  un- 
inhabitable. He  was  absent  from  the  island 
for  some  six  years,  and  was  amazed,  on  his 
return,  at  the  havoc  which  was  wrought  and 
which  was  everywhere  apparent.  In  1784  he 
purchased  a  tract  of  land  at  Delta,  Western 
township,  Oneida  county,  where  he  -removed 
with  his  family  in  1803,  and  he  continued  to  ' 
reside  there  in  fairly  affluent  circumstances 
until  his  death,  August  4,  1821.  Floyd  town- 
ship in  Oneida  county  was  named  in  his 

General  Floyd  was  twice  married.  By  his 
first  wife,  a  daughter  of  William  Jones,  of 
Southampton,  he  had  three  children, — Nicol, 
Mary  and  Catharine.  The  son  took  possession 
of  the  property  at  Mastic,  became  active  in 
local  affairs  and  was  chosen  a  representative 
from  Suffolk  county  in  the  New  York  Assem- 
bly in  1779,  1800  and  1801 ;  Mary  married 
Colonel  Benjamin  Tallmadge,  one  of  the  he- 
roes of  the  Revolution ;  and  Catharine  became 
the  wife  of  Dr.  Samuel  Clarkson,  of  Phila- 
delphia. His  second  wife  was  a  daughter  of 
Benejah  Strong,  of  Setauket,  and  by  her  he 
had  two  daughters, — Anna  and  Eliza.  The 
first  named  married  George  Clinton,  a  son  of 
\ice  President  Clinton,  and  after  his  death 
became  the  wife  of  Abraham  Varick,  mer- 
chant. New  York;  Eliza  married  James  Piatt, 
of  Utica. 

Having  thus  traced  the  career  of  the  most 
eminent  member  of  the  Floyd  family,  the  one 
who  secured  by  his  patriotism  an  undying 
place  in  the  general  history  of  the  country,  we 
may  now  revert  to  the  original  family  and 
trace  its  descent  to  our  own  times.  The  eldest 
son  of  the  second  Richard  also  bore  that  name. 
He  was  born  December  29,  1703,  and,  like  his 
father,  became  colonel  of  the  Suffolk  militia 
and  a  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas.  He  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  Colonel  Samuel  Hutchin- 
son, of  Southold.  On  his  death,  April  21, 
1 77 1,  he  was  succeeded  in  his  estate  by  his  son 
Richard  (fourth  of  the  name),  who  was  born 
in  1736.  Richard  also  succeeded  to  the  colo- 
nelcy and  the  Judgeship  so  long  held  in  the 


family,  and  soon  acquired  a  reputation  for 
his  lavish  hospitality,  while  his  kindly,  affable 
manner  and  many  fine  social  qualities  won  him 
devoted  friends  among  all  classes.  He  enter- 
tained Governor  Tryon  and  his  staff  as  if  they 
were  princes,  on  at  least  one  occasion;  his 
doors  were  always  open  to  the  red-coated  mili- 
tary, and  unfortunately  for  himself  he  threw  in 
his  lot  with  the  British  when  the  crisis  broke, 
without  any  attempt  to  hide  his  sentiments  or 
disguise  his  position.  He  was  too  honest  a 
man  to  do  either.  As  a  result  his  estate  was 
declared  confiscated  and  after  the  peace  of 
1783,  when  the  Continentals  could  enforce 
their  act  of  attainder,  he  was  compelled  to 
leave  the  country  and  removed  to  Canada.  He 
settled  at  Maujerville,  New  Brunswick,  and 
there  resided  until  his  death,  June  30,  1791. 
He  had  married  September  26,  1758,  Arabella, 
daughter  of  David  Jones,  of  Fort  Neck, 
Queens  county,  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  New  York  and  author  of  a  "History  of 
New  York  During  the  Revolutionary  War." 
By  her  he  had  a  family  of  two  daughters, — 
Elizabeth  and  Ann, — and  a  son, — David  Rich- 
ard. Judge  Jones  entailed  his  estate  at  Fort 
Neck  to  his  son,  and  failing  him  or  his  heirs 
to  the  heirs  of  his  daughter  x\rabella,  :Mrs. 
Floyd,  on  condition  that  the  latter  should  as- 
sume the  name  of  Jones.  In  due  time  David 
Richard  Floyd  succeeded  to  the  property.  In 
terms  of  the  succession  David  Richard  as- 
sumed the  surname  of  Floyd-Jones,  by  which 
the  descendants  of  the  senior  branch  of  the 
Floyd  family  have  since  been  known,  the  legis- 
lature having  confirmed  the  change  in  1788. 
David  Richard  married  Sarah,  daughter  of 
Henry  Onderdonck,  and  died  February  10, 
1826,  leaving  two  sons, — Thomas  Floyd- Jones 
and  Henry  Floyd-Jones.  Thomas  was  born 
in  1788. 

He  died  in   1851.     His  eldest  son,  David 

Richard    Floyd-Jones,  born  in    1813,  was    a 
member  of  the  New  York  Assembly  in  1841, 
1842  and  1843,  and  served  in  the  State  Senate 
from  1844  to  1847.     In  1861  he  was  elected 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Lieutenant-Governor 
in  1863-4.     He  was  in  every  way  an  estima- 
ble and  useful  citizen,  and  his  death,  January 
8,  1871,  called    forth    expressions    of    regret 
from  all  classes  in  the  community.  His  brother, 
William  Floyd- Jones,  was  born  at  Fort  Neck 
March  10,  1815.    Preferring  a  commercial  ca- 
reer, he  entered  the  establishment  of  Tredwell, 
Kissam  &  Co.,  New  York,  in  which  he  became 
a  partner  in  1837.     In  185 1  he  retired  from  ^ 
business  life,  having  acquired  a  large  share  1  V 
of  the  property  held  by  his  father,  and  devoted    ^^  ^ 
himself  to   agriculture,   hunting  and    fishing.  Kj 
He  married  in  1847  .C^Kiiu^A.,  daughter  of  |^l  .^ . 
Robert  Blackwell,  merchantTT^ew  York,  and    < 
gramidauglTtef^f  James  Blackwell,  owner  of  -.^ 
Blackwell's  Island.     By  her  he  had  a  family 
of  five  sons  and  three  daughters.     Another    V 
brother,     Elbert      Floyd-Jones,      represented-^ 
Queens  for  several  years  in  the  State  Assem- 
bly.   Henry  Floyd- Jones,  an  uncle  of  the  three 
last  named,  and  second  son  of  Thomas  Floyd- 
Jones,  was  born  in   1792,  and  served  in  the 
Assembly  in  1829.     He  was  a  State  Senator 
and  a  member  for  years  of  the  old  Court  of 
Errors.     He  was  also,  like  his  brother,  a  Brig-   ■ 
adier-General  of  militia.    The  family  of  Rich-  ( 
ard  Floyd  is  found  all  over  Long  Island,  hon-  l 
ored,  respected  and  beloved  by  all  the  people.  ' 

These  three  names, — Gardiner,  Smith  and 
Floyd, — must  suffice  as  fairly  representative  of 
the  old  families  of  Suffolk  county,  and  we 
may  now  seek  some  representative  in  the 
ancient  county  of  Queens,  Queens  before  it 
lost  so  much  of  its  identity  in  metropolitan 
greatness  or  divested  itself  of  much  of  its  ter- 
ritory in  the  creation  of  the  modern  county  of 



Tjie   Lloyds — The  Jones  Family — The  Record  of  a  Bit  of  Brooklyn   Real  Estate 

— The  Rapalyes — The  Livingstons  —  Pierrepont,  Leffekts 

AND  Other  Holdings. 

XOTHER  capital  illustration  of  the 
manner  in  which  lands  were  ac- 
quired in  the  earliest  days  of  Euro- 
pean settlements  is  presented  to  us 
in  the  history  of  the  Lloyd  family,  whose 
name  is  geographically  preserved  by  Lloyd's 
Neck  (called  by  the  Indians  Caumsett)  a 
point  of  land  projecting  into  the  Sound  be- 
tween Cold  Spring  and  Huntington.  The 
Neck,  comprising  about  3,000  acres,  was 
bought  September  20,  1654,  from  Ratiocan, 
then  Sagamore  of  Cow  Harbor,  by  Samuel 
Mayo,  Daniel  Whitehead  and  Peter  Wright, 
all  Oyster  Bay  settlers.  The  price  paid  was 
three  coats,  three  shirts,  two  cuttoes,  three 
hatchets,  three  hoes,  two  fathoms  of  wam- 
pum, six  knives,  two  pairs  of  stockings  and 
two  pairs  of  shoes,  worth  possibly  about  $50. 
In  1658  the  three  Oyster  Bay  speculators 
sold  the  land  to  Samuel  Andrews,  who  took 
the  precaution  of  getting  his  deed  endorsed  or 
confirmed  by  Wyandanch,  the  Chief  of  the 
Montauks.  Two  years  later  Andrews  died, 
and  the  property  was  sold  to  John  Richbill, 
who  in  turn  sold  it  for  £450,  October  16, 
1666,  to  Nathaniel  Sylvester,  Thomas  Hart 
and  Latimer  Sampson,  who  further  strength- 
ened their  title  by  getting  a  patent  from  Gov- 
ernor Xicolls  in  the  following  year.  In  1668 
Sylvester  gave  up  his  share  to  his  partners, 
although  why  or  for  what  consideration  is  not 
clear.    Sampson  bequeathed  his  share  to  Griz- 

zell  Sylvester,  who  married  James  Floyd,  of 
Boston.  In  1679  Floyd  bought  Hart's  share 
from  that  pioneer's  executors  and  so  acquired 
possession  of  the  entire  property.  He  retained 
it,  probably  for  purely  speculative  purposes, 
hoping  to  benefit  by  a  "rise,"  until  his  death, 
in  1693,  when  he  bequeathed  it  to  his  sons. 
One  of  these,  Henry,  took  up  his  residence  on 
the  property  in  171 1,  and  gradually  bought  up 
the  interest  of  his  co-heirs  until  the  whole 
estate  passed  into  his  hands,  and  he  may  be 
regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  family  in  Long 
Island.  In  1685  the  property  had  been  erected 
into  a  manor  and  given  the  name  of  Queens 
Village,  and  that  title  it  retained  until  1790, 
when  the  New  York  Legislature  wisely  re- 
fused to  continue  the  manorial  privilege,  or, 
for  very  evident  reasons,  to  sanction  its  mon- 
archical name.  Henry  Lloyd  was  born  at 
Boston  November  28,  1685,  and  died  March 
10,  1763.  In  1708  he  married  Rebecca,  daugh- 
ter of  John  Nelson,  of  Boston,  by  whom  he 
had  a  family  of  ten  children.  He  bequeathed 
the  Lloyd's  Neck  property  to  his  four  surviv- 
ing sons, — Henry,  John,  James  and  Joseph. 
The  eldest,  Henry,  was  a  Tory  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary struggle,  and  his  share  in  the  property 
was  forfeited  by  the  act  of  attainder.  It  was 
afterward  purchased  from  the  Commissioners 
by  his  brother  John,  who  then  became  the  head 
of  the  Long  Island  family.  His  other  brother, 
James,  threw  in  his  lot  with  New  England, 



becoming-  a  physician  in  Boston,  where  he  died 
in  1809,  leaving,  among  other  children,  a  son, 
James,  who  became  a  United  States  Senator 
from  Massachusetts.  The  youngest  son  of  the 
founder  of  the  family,  Joseph,  died  at  Hart- 
ford in  1780. 

John  Lloyd,  who  may  be  regarded  as  the 
successor  to  his  father  at  the  head  of  the  family 
having  bought  the  forfeited  share  of  his  elder 
brother,  was  born  February  19,  171 1,  and  mar- 
ried Sarah,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Benjamin 
Woolsey,  of  Dos  Oris.  They  had  three  daugh- 
ters and  two  sons.  Of  the  former,  Abigail  be- 
came the  wife  of  Dr.  James  Cogswell,  a  well 
known  New  York  physician  and  philanthro- 
pist, while  Sarah  married  the  Hon.  James  Hill- 
house,  United  States  Senator  from  Connecti- 
cut, and  became  the  mother  of  James  Hill- 
house,  whose  name  is  a  brilliant  one  in  the 
literary  history  of  the  Nutmeg  State  as  the 
author  of  "Percy's  Masque"  and  other  dramas 
and  poems.  Zachary  Macaulay,  the  father  of 
the  British  historian  and  essayist,  spoke  of  him 
as  "the  most  accomplished  young  man"  with 
whom  he  was  acquainted. 

John  Lloyd  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  Con- 
tinental forces  during  the  Revolution,  and  as 
a  result  his  property  was  sadly  molested  all 
through  the  occupation  of  Long  Island  by  the 
British.  They  erected  a  fort  on  it,  cut  down 
its  many  beautiful  trees,  destroyed  its  buildings 
and  carried  away  their  contents.  The  pres- 
ence of  the  fort  introduced  more  than  once 
into  the  erstwhile  prosperous  and  smiling 
acres  the  miseries  of  actual  war.  In  1781  an 
attempt  was  made  to  capture  it  by  a  small 
force  under  the  command  of  the  Baron  De 
Angley,  but  the  effort  failed  mainly  on  ac- 
count of  the  poorly  equipped  condition  of  the 
attacking  party.  It  was  also  constantly 
menaced  by  the  whale-boat  rovers.  Of  the 
sons  of  John  Lloyd  and  Sarah  Woolsey, 
Henry,  the  eldest,  died  unmarried.  John,  who 
succeeded  to  the  family  honors  and  estates, 
served  as  a  Commissariat  in  the  Patriot  army 
with  fidelity  and  distinction.  When  peace  was 
declared  he  settled  down  at  Lloyd's  Neck  and 

began  the  task  of  obliterating  the  damages  and 
savings  of  war,  to  which  he  successfully  de- 
voted the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  was  of- 
fered by  Governor  Jay  the  office  of  Judge  of 
Queens  County,  but  declined,  preferring  the 
freedom  and  privacy  of  his  fields.  He  mar- 
ried Amelia,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Ebenezer 
White,  of  Danbury,  Connecticut,  and  died  in 
1792,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-seven  years, 
leaving  one  son,  John  Nelson  Lloyd,  and  a 
daughter,  Angelina,  to  whom  he  bequeathed 
most  of  his  property.  John  continued  to  re- 
side on  the  Neck,  as  it  is  popularly  called  lo- 
cally, until  his  death  in  1849.  Angelina  mar- 
ried George  W.  Strong,  a  well  known  New 
York  lawyer. 

None  of  the  name  of  Lloyd  now  occupies 
the  Neck,  and  all  traces  of  its  manorial  great- 
ness has  disappeared  in  the  smaller  farms  into 
which  it  is  divided.  But  around  are  hundreds 
of  the  descendants  of  the  old  family,  and  many 
of  the  residents,  though  bearing  different 
names  on  account  of  their  descent  through 
some  "daughter  of  the  house,"  can  trace  their 
pedigree  right  back  to  the  original  of  the  fam- 
ily— Henry  Lloyd. 

So  far  as  mingling  in  public  affairs  was 
concerned  the  Jones  family,  of  Oyster  Bay, 
occupy  a  much  more  prominent  place  in  the 
story  of  Long  Island  than  their  one-time 
neighbors,  the  Lloyds. 

The  founder  of  the  family,  so  far  as  Long 
Island  is  concerned,  was  Thomas  Jones,  who 
is  generally  held  to  have  been  born  in  Stra- 
bane,  Ulster  county,  Ireland,  in  1665.  The 
name  is  a  purely  Welsh  one,  and  if  Thomas 
was  not  born  in  that  country  he  could  hardly 
have  been  more  than  one  degree  removed  from 
its  soil ;  so  the  family  ought  to  be  regarded  as 
a  Welsh,  rather  than  an  Irish  one,  as  is  com- 
monly the  way  in  which  it  is  described  by 
local  historians.  Thomas  Jones,  unlike  most 
Ulstermen,  ranged  himself  on  the  side  of 
the  Catholic  King,  James  II,  of  Great  Britain, 
fought  under  that  monarch's  flag  at  the  battle 
of  the  Boyne  in  1690,  at  the  desperate  battle 
at  Aghrim  in  1691,  and  took  part  in  the  de- 



fence  of  Limerick  in  the  same  year  under  the 
heroic  Sarsfield.  Soon  after  Limerick  capit- 
ulated he  escaped  to  France,  and  seems  to 
have  become  a  seaman,  for  Edward  F.  De 
Lancy  telLs  us  "he  embarked  early  in  1692  un- 
der one  of  the  numerous  letters  of  marque  to 
participate  in  the  Revolution,  and  was  present 
at  the  great  earthquake  of  Jamaica  July  7, 
1692,  and  in  that  year  came  to  Long  Island." 
Thompson  says:  "Coming  to  America,  he 
brought  with  him  a  commission  from  the  King 
to  cruise  against  Spanish  property,  the  two 
nations  being  then  at  war,  which  he  doubtless 
did  not  fail  to  apply  to  his  own  advantage  as 
opportunity  offered."  Thompson  is  hardly  to 
be  even  compared  with  De  Lancey  as  an  au- 
thority, but  it  will  be  seen  that  both  speak 
rather  vaguely,  neither  presenting  the  same 
closeness  of  statement  we  would  expect  in  a 
genealogical  reference.  The  truth  is,  the  whole 
story  of  Jones'  Irish  career  is  unreliable  and 
untrustworthy,  very  possibly  because  its  real 
details  were  purposely  hidden  from  us  by  him- 
self or  others. 

He  settled  first  in  Rhode  Island,  where  he 
married  Freelove,  daughter  of  Henry  Town- 
send,  and  received  with  her  as  a  marriage  gift 
from  her  father  a  tract  of  land  at  Fort  Neck, 
at  "the  confluence  of  the  Massapeaqua  River 
with  what  is  now  called  South  Oyster  Bay,  on 
the  south  side  of  Long  Island."  Thompson 
also  says :  "After  his  settlement  here  he  en- 
gaged largely  in  boat  whaling  along  shore, 
which  at  that  period  and  before  was  practiced 
extensively  upon  the  whole  south  coast  of  the 
island.  For  this  purpose  he  gave  employment 
to  a  great  number  of  natives,  whose  services 
were  procured  at  a  very  cheap  rate."  What- 
ever his  occupation,  he  certainly  prospered,  for 
he  steadily  increased  his  lands  by  purchase, 
from  the  natives  mainly,  until  he  held  some 
6,000  acres.  On  March  2,  1699,  he  was  ad- 
mitted one  of  the  freeholders  under  the  Oyster 
Bay  patent,  and  during  the  same  year  erected 
for  his  dwelling  the  first  brick  house  seen  in 
that  section.  Many  honors  came  to  him.  He 
was  appointed  High  Sheriff  of  Queens  County 

October  14,  1704,  and  received  a  commission 
as  major  in  the  local  militia.  Governor  Hun- 
ter, in  1710,  gave  him  the  appointment  of 
"Ranger  General  of  Nassau  [Long]  Island," 
and  that  office  gave  him  a  practical  monopoly 
of  the  fishing  industry  of  the  shores  of  the 
island  except  the  water  front  of  the  county  of 
Kings,  and  also  to  the  use  of  all  land  within 
the  same  limits  which  had  not  then  been  sold 
or  deeded  away.  Such  a  man  was  indeed  a 
potentate,  but  his  sway  appears  to  have  been 
a  gentle  and  honorable' one,  and  he  certainly 
did  what  he  could  to  advance  the  interests  of 
the  great  territory  committed  to  his  care.  He 
died  at  Fort  Neck  December  13,  1713,  and  in 
accordance  with  his  often  expressed  wish  his 
remains  were  interred  amid  the  ruins  of  an 
old  Indian  fort  on  his  property.  He  left  three 
sons  and  four  daughters.  Of  the  latter,  Mar- 
garet married  Ezekiel  Smith,  Sarah  became 
the  wife  of  Gerardus  Clowes,  Elizabeth  wed- 
ded John  Mitchell,  and  the  youngest,  Free- 
love,  married  Jacob  Smith.  Of  the  sons, 
David  succeeded  to  the  paternal  estate,  by 
virtue  of  an  entail,  which  settled  the  greater 
portion  on  heirs  male,  Thomas  died,  unmar- 
ried, and  of  William  we  will  speak  again. 

David  Jones  was  born  at  Little  Neck  Sep- 
tember 16,  1699,  and  was  educated  for  the 
legal  profession.  He  practiced  law  in  New 
York  City  for  some  years,  and  in  1734  was 
appointed  Judge  for  Queens  County.  In  1737 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Colonial  As- 
sembly and  so  continued  until  1758,  having 
been  Speaker  of  that  body  for  thirteen  years. 
He  left  the  Assembly  when  he  was  appointed 
to  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,  from 
which  he  retired  in  1773.  The  remainder  of 
his  quiet  but  useful  life  was  spent  at  Fort 
Neck,  and  he  died  there  October  11,  1775.  He 
was  a  man  of  considerable  force  of  character. 
"On  one  occasion,"  says  Thompson,  "he  had 
the  firmness  to  order  the  doors  of  the  Assembly 
closed  against  the  Governor  until  a  bill,  then 
under  discussion,  could  be  passed  and  which 
his  Excellency  had  determined  to  prevent  by 
an  immediate  prorogation.     During  his  whole 


life,  and  in  every  situation.  Judge  David  Jones 
was  the  unyielding;  advocate  of  tlie  rights  of 
the  people  against  every  species  of  royal  en- 
croachment, and  no  man  participated  more 
largely  of  the  public  confidence  and  respect." 
He  managed  to  change  the  entail  by  which  he 
held  the  estate  and  deeded  it  to  his  son, 
Thomas,  with  the  succession  to  his  daughter 
Arabella,  and  so  the  property  ultimately  passed 
to  her  eldest  son. 

Thomas  Jones  was  born  at  Fort  Neck, 
April  30,  1 73 1,  was  graduated  at  Yale  in  1750, 
studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  practice  in 
New  York  in  1755.  For  many  years  he  was 
attorney  for  King's  College.  He  married  Anna 
De  Lancey,  daughter  of  Chief  Justice  James 
De  Lancey,  Lieutenant  Governor  of  New 
York,  and  it  was  probably  the  influences 
thrown  around  him  by  this  marriage  which  led 
to  his  becoming  so  openly  identified  with  Tory- 
ism in  the  Revolution.  In  1776  he  became 
Royal  Recorder  of  New  York,  and  continued 
to  hold  that  office  until  1773,  when  he  suc- 
ceeded to  the  seat  on  the  supreme  court  then 
resigned  by  his  father.  -On  June  27,  1776, 
when  the  Patriots  were  in  control  of  New 
York,  Jones  was  arrested  under  a  warrant 
issued  by  Congress  and  was  liberated  on  pa- 
role, but  on  August  11  he  was  again  arrested 
and  taken, to  Connecticut.  He  was  again  pa- 
roled and  went  to  his  home  at  Fort  Neck.  On 
November  6,  1779,  a  party  of  Continentals 
made  a  dash  at  his  house  and  robbed  it  of 
much  of  its  contents,  carrying  him  off  as  a 
prisoner  to  Connecticut.  In  April,  the  follow- 
ing year,  he  was  exchanged  for  General  Silli- 
man.  He  then  sold  off  as  much  of  his  prop- 
erty as  he  could  and  went  to  England.  When 
peace  was  proclaimed  he  found  himself  under 
the  ban  of  the  Act  of  Attainder  and  so  he 
remained  in  England,  living  in  quiet  retire- 
ment at  Hoddesdon,  Hertfordshire,  until  his 
death,  July  25,  1792.  He  left  no  children, 
and  thus  ended  the  senior  branch  of  the  family 
of  the  founder. 

William,  the  third  son  of  founder  Thomas, 
was  born  April  25,  1708.     Although  destined 

for  the  legal  profession,  he  engaged  in  farm- 
ing on  a  piece  of  property  bequeathed  him  by 
his  father,  and  passed  through  life  in  a  quiet 
and  unassuming  mann'"-,  taking  no  part  in  the 
exciting  events  of  his  times  and  wrestling  suc- 
cessfully with  the  problem  of  winning  a  liv- 
ing for  himself  and  those  dependent  upon  him 
from  the  soil  until  his  death,  in  1779.  He 
married  Phoebe,  daughter  of  Captain  John 
Jackson,  of  an  old  Hempstead  family,  and  by 
her  had  a  family  of  sixteen  children,  fourteen 
of  whom — David,  Samuel,  William,  Thomas, 
Gilbert,  John,  Walter,  Richard,  Hallet,  Free- 
love,  Elizabeth,  Margaret,  Phoebe  and  Sarah- 
grew  up,  married  and  had  families ;  so  that  to 
pursue  this  genealogy  in  detail  would  of  itself 
occupy  a  volume.  We  must  therefore  refer 
to  those  mainly  who  won  additional  honors  for 
the  family  name. 

First  among  these  was  Samuel,  son  of 
William,  who  was  born  July  26,  1734.  His 
first  purpose  in  life  was  to  become  a  sailor,  and 
he  made  several  voyages  to  Europe  in  mer- 
chant vessels.  But  he  became  tired  of. the 
drudgery,  and,  more  in  keeping  with  the  wish- 
es of  his  family,  was  educated  for  the  legal  pro- 
fession, studying  law  in  the  office  of  Chief  Jus- 
tice William  Smith,  the  historian,  who  after- 
ward went  to  Canada,  refusing  to  recognize 
the  new  order  of  things  after  the  Revolution, 
and  there  became  again  Chief  Justice.  Sam- 
uel Jones,  his  legal  pupil,  did  not,  fortunately, 
imbibe  any  of  his  political  views,  but  his  posi- 
tion compelled  him  to  walk  discreetly  during 
those  troublesome  times.  His  sympathies,  how- 
ever, were  all  on  the  side  of  the  Revolution, 
and  when  the  time  came  for  him  to  declare 
himself  he  showed  no  half-heartedness.  He 
threw  himself  into  the  politics  of  the  young 
Republic  and  became  an  ardent  Federalist.  He 
ioon  buili  up  a  lucrative  practice  and  his  of- 
fice developed  many  noteworthy  pupils.  His 
legal  reputation  continued  to  increase  as  the 
years  passed  on,  until  he  was  recognized  as  the 
leader  of  the  New  York  bar,  and  held  many 
positions  of  honor  in  the  community,  serving 
in  the  State  Assemblv  several  times.    He  was 


a  member  of  the  Convention  at  Poughkeepsie 
which  in  1788  adopted  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  In  the  following  year  he  was 
appointed  Recorder  of  New  York,  and  held 
that  office  until  1797,  when  he  was  succeeded 
by  Chancellor  Kent.  In  1796  he  drew  up  the 
bill  creating  the  office  of  Comptroller  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  and  when  the  office  was 
created  he  was  appointed  to  it  and  so 
continued  for  three  years,  when  he  retired 
to  his  seat  at  West  Neck,  Long  Island, 
where  he  lived  a  life  of  pleasant  retire- 
ment, devoting  himself  mainly  to  his  library 
and  to  literary  pursuits.  He  died  there  No- 
vember 21,  1819. 

He  left  five  sons,  William,  Samuel,  Elbert, 
Thomas  and  David.  The  first  named  resided 
at  Cold  Springs  and  held  the  rank  of  major 
in  the  local  militia.  He  had  a  son,  Samuel 
William,  who  studied  law  in  the  office  of  his 
uncle  Samuel,  and  settled  in  Schenectady,  of 
which  city  he  was  mayor  for  many  years  be- 
fore his  death,  in  1855.  Samuel  Jones'  second 
son,  named  after  him,  fully  maintained  the 
family  honors  in  the  legal  profession  in  New 
York.  He  was  born  May  26,  1769,  and  after 
he  was  graduated  at  Columbia  College  entered 
the  law  office  of  his  father,  where  he  had  as  a 
fellow  student  De  Witt  Clinton.  As  soon  as 
he  was  admitted  to  practice  he  threw  himself 
into  the  political  arena,  and  this,  coupled  with 
his  own  brilliant  attainments  as  a  lawyer,  soon 
won  for  him  a  recognized  place  among  the 
leaders  of  the  local  bar.  In  1812,  1813  and 
1814  he  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  and 
in  1823  was  appointed  to  the  office  once  so 
worthily  held  by  his  father,  of  Recorder  of 
New  York  City.  In  1826  he  was  made  Chan- 
cellor of  the  State,  and  two  years  later  became 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New 
York  City,  retaining  that  dignified  office  until 
1847,  when  he  occupied  a  seat  in  the  State 
Supreme  Court.  In  1849  he  retired  from  the 
bench  and  resumed  practice  at  the  bar,  and  so 
continued  until  within  a  few  weeks  of  his 
death  at  Cold  Spring,  August  9,  1853,  in  the 
eighty-fourth  year   of  his  age. 

His  younger  brother,  David,  born  at  West 
Neck,  November  3,  1777,  after  he  was  grad- 
uated at  Columbia  College,  also  entered  the 
legal  profession.  For  several  years  he  was 
secretary  to  Governor  Jay,  and  for  some  half 
a  century  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  and 
influential  members  of  the  New  York  bar.  He 
was  for  the  greater  part  of  his  professional  life 
one  of  the  trustees  and  the  legal  adviser  of 
Columbia,  and  took  the  deepest  interest  in  the 
progress  of  that  seat  of  learning.  Like  most 
of  his  family,  he  was  a  devoted  adherent  of 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  church,  and  was  par- 
ticularly active  in  furthering  the  development 
of  its  General  Theological  Seminary.  He 
never  cared  about  holding  elective  office,  and 
although  often  solicited  to  enter  the  public 
service  he  declined,  except  in  one  instance 
when,  more  on  account  of  family  sentiment 
than  anything  else,  he  accepted  the  Judgeship 
of  Queens  county.  A  capital  sketch  of  his 
career  was  written  (1849)  by  his  son,  Will- 
iam Alfred  Jones,  who  was  born  at  New  York 
June  26,  181 7.  Although  educated  for  the 
bar,  William  A.  Jones  never  entered  into 
practice  and  devoted  his  life  to  literature. 
From  1851  until  1867  he  was  librarian  of  Co- 
lumbia College,  and  soon  after  retiring  from 
that  position  he  removed  to  Norwich,  Con- 
necticut. He  was  the  author  of  "Literary 
Studies,"  two  volumes  (1847),  "Essays  on 
Books  and  Authors"  (1849),  "Characters  and 
Criticisms,"  two  volumes  (1857),  ^"d  several 
other  works.  In  1863  he  delivered  an  address 
on  "Long  Island"  before  the  Long  Island  His- 
torical Society. 

We  may  now  take  up  another  branch  of  the 
numerous  family  of  William  Jones  and  Phoebe 
Jackson,  that  of  their  sixth  son,  John.  He 
was  born  on  his  father's  farm  June  27,  1755. 
In  1779  he  married  Hannah,  daughter  of  John 
Hewlett,  of  Cold  Spring,  and  settled  on  a 
farm  which  he  bought  from  his  father-in- 
law.  There  he  prospered  and  had  a  family  of 
ten  children : 

William  H.,  born  October  14,  1780,  mar- 
ried Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Isaac  Hewlett. 



Walter,  born  in  1783,  was  killed  accident- 
ally when  six  years  of  age. 

John  H.,  born  May  18,  1785,  married  Lor- 
retta,  daughter  of  Divine  Hewlett. 

Sarah,  born  July  22,  1787,  not  married. 

Mary  T.,  born  June  4,  1790,  not  married. 

Walter  Restored,  born  April  15,  1793,  not 

Phoebe  J.,  born  December  13,  1795,  married 
Charles   Hewlett. 

Elizabeth  H.,  born  December  9,  1798,  mar- 
ried Jacob  Hewlett. 

Joshua  T.,  born  July  10,  1801,  not  mar- 

Charles  H.,  born  November  6,  1804,  mar- 
ried Eliza  G.  Gardiner. 

With  the  exception  of  young  Walter  these 
sons  contributed  largely  to  the  industrial  prog- 
ress of  Queens  county.  In  18 16  John  H. 
Jones,  in  company  with  William  M.  Hewlett, 
built  a  woolen  factory  at  Cold  Spring;  and  in 
1820  John  H.  built  another  one,  this  time  in 
partnership  with  his  brothers,  William  H.  and 
Walter  R.,  at  a  cost  of  $12,500.  They  soon 
acquired  possession  of  the  first  and  managed 
both  with  marked  success.  Walter  R.  was  a 
man  of  superior  business  qualities.  He  en- 
gaged in  many  business  enterprises  and  was 
uniformly  successful  in  them  all.  His  greatest 
achievement,  possibly,  was  in  connection  with 
the  Atlantic  Mutual  Marine  Insurance  Com- 
pany, which  he  built  up  into  a  most  influential 
and  wealthy  corporation,  and  of  which  he  was 
president  for  many  years.  On  his  death,  April 
5,  1855,  he  was  succeeded  in  that  office  by  his 
nephew,  John  Divine  Jones,  son  of  John  H. 
Jones,  and  who  was  born  at  Cold  Spring  Au- 
gust 15,  1 8 14.  Mr.  John  D.  Jones  has  proved 
a  liberal  patron  of  many  of  New  York's  public 
institutions,  such  as  the  Historical  Society, 
while  to  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church  his 
gifts  have  been  generous  and  unostentatious. 
He  married,  June  9,  1852,  Josephine  Kath- 
arine Floyd- Jones,  daughter  of  General  Henry 

Charles  H.  Jones,  the  youngest  of  the  fam- 

ily of  John  and  Hannah  Jones,  married  Eliza 
G.,  a  granddaughter  of  John  Gardiner  of 
Gardiner's  Island,  July  12,  1838.  He  made 
his  home  on  the  old  family  farm.  For  a  time 
he  had  the  management  of  considerable  brick- 
yard property,  in  which  his  brother,  Joshua  T., 
was  interested  at  the  time  of  his  death.  In 
all  his  business  relations  he  was  most  for- 
tunate, but  his  domestic  life  was  clouded  by  a 
succession  of  bereavements.  Of  his  four  chil- 
dren only  the  youngest,  Mary  Elizabeth,  sur- 
vived him.  She  married,  in  1873,  Dr.  Oliver 
Livingston  Jones,  son  of  Oliver  H.  Jones  and 
grandson  of  her  father's  eldest  brother,  Will- 
iam H.  Jones.  They  have  a  family  of  three 
children :  Louise  E.,  born  September  18,  1875 ; 
Charles  Herbert,  born  December  18,  1877;  and 
Oliver  Livingston,  Jr.,  bom  April  i,  1880. 
Dr.  Jones  in  1871  succeeded  to  his  father's 
property  at  Laurelton,  on  the  west  side  of  Cold 
Spring  Harbor,  and  quickly  developed  it  into 
a  prosperous  resort.  The  last  years  of  Charles 
H.  Jones'  life  were  spent  in  a  magnificent  man- 
sion, built  by  his  brother,  Walter  Restored. 
In  it  he  preserved  many  portraits  and  relics 
of  the  family  and  no  scion  of  Knighthood 
days  was  more  proud  of  his  ancient  pedigree 
and  its  associated  heirlooms.  He  died  Jan- 
uary 23,  1882. 

William,  the  second  son  of  William  Jones 
and  Phoebe  Jackson,  may  also  be  referred  to 
here  as  having  .founded  a  family  which  is  stiU 
prominent  in  and  around  Oyster  Bay.  He 
was  born  October  4,  1771,  and  became  a  farmer 
at  Cold  Spring  Harbor.  By  his  wife,  Kezia, 
daughter  of  Captain  Daniel  Youngs,  of  Oyster 
Bay,  he  had  a  family  of  nine  children:  Sam- 
uel W.,  David  W.,  Cornelia  Haring,  Susan 
Maria,  Elbert  W.,  Eleanor,  Hannah,  Amelia 
and  Daniel.  All  of  these  except  Elbert  W., 
who  died  in  his  twenty-first  year,  married  and 
had  families.  From  the  rank  he  held  in  a 
local  militia  company  William  Jones  was 
known  generally  by  his  title  of  major.  In  1816 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature and  was  re-elected  with  one  exception 



each  succeeding  term  until  1825,  when  he  de- 
cHned  further  service.  He  died  September  16, 

His  second  son,  David  W.,  was  the  literary 
man  of  the  family.  He  succeeded  to  a  por- 
tion of  his  father's  property  and  acquired  a 
more  than  usual  measure  of  success  as  a 
farmer.  Under  the  nom  de  plume  of  "Long 
Island"  he  wrote  largely  for  the  "Spirit  of  the 
Times,"  once  the  leading  American  country 
newspaper,  and  he  contributed  to  Henry  W. 
Herbert's  (Frank  Forester's)  work  on  "The 
Horse  and  Horsemanship  in  the  United 
States,"  etc.  He  was  born  May  3,  1793,  mar- 
ried Dorothy  Adams,  a  native  of  England,  July 
4,  1822,  and  died  July  6,  1877,  in  his  eighty- 
seventh  year.  He  left  a  family  of  five  sons: 
Edmund  (unmarried),  Robert  (died  1868), 
Charles,  Elbert  and  David  The  latter 
married,  in  1870,  Julia  W.  Nelson,  a  grand- 
daughter of  General  Nathaniel  Coles,  and  re- 
sided at  the  homestead  erected  by  his  father. 

By  way  of  change  we  may  now  be  justi- 
fied, instead  of  following  the  fortunes  of  a 
family,  in  taking  up  the  story  of  a  piece  o£ 
land  and  tracing  the  fortunes  of  its  owners 
for  nearly  two  centuries,  by  this  method  not 
only  illustrating  the  fortunes  of  a  number  of 
old  families  but  keeping  in  front  the  story  of 
the  land,  the  possession  of  which  in  the  main 
gave  these  same  families  the  power  in  the 
community  which  they  successively  wielded. 
We  begin  our  present  study  with  the  text,  so 
to  speak,  of  a  piece  of  land  lying  beside  Brook- 
lyn Ferrv  and  extending  for  a  distance  towarfl 
the  Wallabout.  We  begin  at  the  time  when 
from  the  Manhattan  shore  all  that  was  seen 
on  the  Long  Island  shore  was  a  few  scattered 
farms,  while  behind  these  stretched  an  un- 
known wilderness  crowded  with  game,  and 
from  which  emerged  at  times  only  the  red 
men  bent  on  murder  or  trade,  to  barter  with 
the  farmer,  or  complain  about  his  encroach- 
ments and  double  dealing. 

In  1630  Wolfert  Gerretse  (Kouwenhoven, 
Couwenhoven,  or  Cowenhoven)  emigrated  Lo 
America  from  Amersfoort,  Utrecht  Province, 

Netherlands,  with  his  family,  and  seems  to 
have  at  once  entered  the  employment  of  the 
then  Patroon  of  Rensselaerswick  as  superin- 
tendent of  farms.  He  afterward  worked  a 
farm  on  Manhattan  island,  and  in  1637  pur- 
chased a  tract  of  land  from  the  Indians  in  Flat- 
bush  and  Flatlands.  He  subsequently  con- 
siderably increased  his  holdings  and  was  evi- 
dently a  thrifty,  peaceable  citizen.  He  died 
about  1660,  leaving  three  sons, — Gerret  (the 
ancestor  of  the  Flatlands  Cowenhovens), 
Jacob  and  Peter.  The  latter  was  a  brewer  on 
High  [Pearl]  street.  New  York,  and  in  1665 
was  appointed  Surveyor  General  of  the  Col- 
ony. He  was  also  a  man  of  war,  and  in  1663 
as  a  lieutenant  took  part  in  the  Indian  cam- 
paign at  Esopus  [Kingston].  From  him  are 
descended  the  Cowenhovens  of  Gloucester 
county.  New  Jersey. 

We  are  more  interested  here  with  the  sec- 
ond son,  Jacob,  Jacob  Wolfertse,  as  he  was 
generally  called  in  the  old  Dutch  style,  who 
was  born  in  Holland  and  came  to  this  country 
with  his  father.  He  was  in  business  in  New 
Amsterdam  as  a  brewer,  and  also  did  business 
as  a  trader  with  z-Vlbany,  owning  a  sloop  which 
plied  between  that  town  and  New  Amsterdam, 
but  does  not  seem  to  have  made  money,  for  on 
one  occasion  a  bouwerie  he  owned  in  Graves- 
end  was  ordered  sold  to  pay  his  debts.  Still 
he  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  considerable 
public  spirit,  well  regarded  by  his  fellows,  and 
a  stanch  member  of  the  Dutch  church.  Lie 
died  in  1670.  On  July  6,  1643,  Jacob  re- 
ceived a  grant  from  Governor  Kieft  of  a  piece 
of  land  on  the  East  River  shore  of  Long 
Island.  It  was  described  as :  "Bounded  north 
by  west  by  Cornelius  Dircksen,  ferryman's 
land,  stretching  from  said  ferryman's  land  east 
by  south  along  the  river  56  rods,  and  along 
ditto  into  the  woods,  south  by  east,  132  rods; 
in  breadth  in  rear  in  the  woods  40  rods,  and 
on  the  east  side,  north  by  east  till  to  the  river 
120  rods,  amounting  to  10  morgen  and  48 

As  near  as  may  be  determined  for  prac- 
tical purposes,  this  property  commenced  at  the 


present  site  of  Fulton  Ferry  and  stretched 
along  between  the  present  Front  and  Water 
streets  (the  shore  line  in  the  olden  time)  and 
extended  up  the  Jamaica  Road  (Fulton  street) 
from  the  shore  until  the  present  junction  of 
Front  and  Fulton  streets.  The  ferry  at  that 
time  was  in  itself  a  little  settlement.  Cornelis 
Dircksen,  the  ferryman,  seems  to  have  had  a 
tavern  near  Peck  Slip  in  New  Amsterdam  and 
ran  the  ferry  as  an  adjunct  to  his  trade.  He 
received  in  1643  a  grant  of  a  triangular  piece 
of  land,  measuring  about  two  morgens,  from 
the  Director  General.  Dircksen  was  a  sort  of 
land  speculator  and  seems  to  have  bought  what 
land  he  could  get  near  the  ferry  and  subdi- 
vided it,  when  he  could  not  resell  in  a  lump, 
in  small  parcels  suitable  for  a  dwelling  and  a 
garden.  In  1643  lie  bought  from  William 
Thoniassen  a  farm  of  seventeen  morgens  at  the 
farry,  paying  therefor  2,300  guilders,  and  so 
secured  the  ferriage  rights,  such  as  they  then 
were.  In  1652  he  sold  two  morgens  and  sixty- 
seven  and  one-half  rods  to  Cornelis  de  Potter. 
In  1654  Egbert  Borsum  obtained  a  grant  of 
two  lots  at  the  ferry,  and  was  lessee  of  the 
river  transportation  business  in  the  same  year. 
We  will  return  to  this  subject  more  fully 
when  telling  the  story  of  the  ferry  system,  but 
enough  has  been  presented  here  to  show  how 
easily  and  frequently  larger  and  small  parcels 
of  land  changed  hands  even  in  those  primitive 
times.  The  home  seeking  population  was  then 
in  the  minority  on  the  west  end  of  the  island 
and  people  went  there  with  the  primal  inten- 
tion of  making  money,  not  of  founding  fam- 
ilies. Jacob  ^^'olfertse  did  not  long  retain  his 
valuable  piece  of  property, — it  seemed  the  most 
valuable  on  Long  Island  even  at  that  time, — 
for  in  1645  it  was  in  possession  of  Henry 
Breser,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  merchant 
and  land  speculator.  In  165 1  he  rented  the 
property  to  Jan  Hendrickson  Stillman  and 
Thomas  Stephense,  and  the  same  year  he  sold 
it  to  Cornelius  de  Potter,  for  1,125  guilders. 
De  Potter,  who  was  a  magistrate  at  Flatlands, 
died  about  1660,  and  left  the  property  in  ques- 
tion to  his  daughter,  Adriaentye,  who  married 

Jan  Aardz  Middagh,  by  which  time  it  had 
extended  to  some  two  hundred  acres  "lying 
east  of  Fulton  Ferry  and  Fulton  street."  Jan 
seems  to  have  remained  in  possession  until  his 
death,  about  1710.  From  that  time  until  the 
property  came  into  the  possession  of  John 
Rapalye  several  years  prior  to  the  Revolution, 
it  seems  impossible  to  trace  its  transmission. 
The  Rapalye  family  is  descended  from  Joris 
Jansen,  who  came  to  this  country  from  Hol- 
land in  1623.  He  resided  first  at  Albany,  with 
his  wife  Catalyntje.  There  was  born  their  first' 
child,  Sarah,  on  June  9,  1623,  who  has  ofteii 
been  described  as  the  first  white  child  born  in 
Brooklyn.  On  June  16,  1637,  he  obtained  a 
patent  for  167  morgens  of  land  at  the  Walla- 
bout  and  there  settled  and  became  a  man  of 
much  local  importance.  In  1641  he  was  one 
of  the  twelve  Select  Men  chosen  to  sit  in  Coun- 
cil with  Governor  Kieft,  and  restrained  for  a 
time  that  doughty  representative  of  their  High 
Mightinesses  from  proceeding  to  extremities 
with  the  Indians.  For  over  a  decade  he  was 
a  magistrate  of  Brooklyn  and  died  in  1665  full 
of  years  and  honor.    His  family  consisted  of: 

1.  Sarah,  married  (first)  Hans  Hansen 
Bergen,   (second)   Tunis  Gysbertse  Bogart. 

2.  ]\[arretje,  born  March  16,  1627,  mar- 
ried   Alichael    Paulus    Vandervoort. 

3.  Jannetje,  born  August  18,  1629.  mar- 
ried  Ren   Jansen    \"anderbeeck. 

4.  Judith,  born  July  5,  1635,  married 
Peler  Pietersen  \'an  Nest. 

5.  Jan,  born  August  28,  1637,  died  Jan- 
uary 25,   1663. 

6.  Jacob,  born  2^Iay  28,  1639,  killed  by 

7.  Catelyntje,  born  March  28,  1641,  mar- 
ried Jeremias  Jansen  Van  Westerhout. 

8.  Jeronemus,  born  June  27,  1643,  mar- 
ried Anna,  daughter  of  Tunis  Nyssen  or 
Denyse,  succeeded  to  his  father's  property  at 
the  Wallabout  and  resided  there  until  his 
death,  about  1695.  He  bequeathed  his  estate 
to  his  son  Jeronimus,  who  in  turn  devised  it 
to  his  daughter,  Antie,  wife  of  Martin  M. 
Schenck,  of  Flatlands. 



9.  Annetje,  born  February  8,  1646,  mar- 
ried (first)  ^lartin  Ryerse,  (second)  Joost 

10.  Elizabeth,  born  March  26,  1648,  mar- 
ried ]Dick  Cornelise  Hoogland. 

ir.  Daniel,  born  December  29,  1650,  mar- 
ried Sarah,  daughter  of  Abraham  Klock,  and 
resided  in  Brookhii  probably  on  farm  land 
set  off  from  the  paternal  estate.  He  was  an 
ensign  in  the  Brooklyn  militia  company  in 
1673  and  lieutenant  in  1700. 

of  this  family,  and  his  wealth  made  him  its 
most  noted  member  so  long  as  he  resided  in 
Brooklyn.  In  another  place  we  will  speak 
more  fully  of  the  personal  fortunes  of  John 
Rapalye,  and  it  may  here  suffice  to  say  briefly 
that  the  land  passed  from  his  hands  after  the 
Revolution,  and  by  the  operation  of  the  law 
of  attainder  became  vested  in  the  Commis- 
sioners duly  appointed  to  take  charge  of  such 
forfeiteed  estates  when  the  British  flag,  as  the 
flag  of  an  enemy,  was  hauled  down  and  our 

The  Ferry  Tavern.      i3)   The  Rapalye  Honiestead.      (3)   Tho  old  Stone  Tavern 

The  father  of  this  family,  which  by  its  in- 
ter-marriages finds  a  place  in  every  ancient 
genealogical  tree  in  Brooklyn,  was  not  an  ac- 
complished penman,  whatever  his  other  educa- 
tional qualifications  may  have  been.  He  signed 
his  mark  "R"  to  all  documents.  His  sons  were 
more  elaborate  in  the  presentation  of  the  fam- 
ily name,  signing  it  "Rapalje,"  "Rappalie"  and 

The  owner  of  the  tract  at  the  ferry  we 
have  taken  for  our  text  was  a  representative 

beloved  Stars  and  Stripes  run  up  on  ever}'' 
staff  from  which  it  had  floated. 

The  property,  comprising  one  hundred  and 
sixty  acres  in  all,  was  bought  from  the  Com- 
missioners in  1784  by  Comfort  and  Joshua 
Sands,  and  thus  brought  to  the  front  in  Brook- 
lyn another  old  Long  Island  family — but  then 
new  in  that  community — whose  name  is  now 
held  in  peculiar  veneration. 

The  Sands  family  hailed  from  Cow  Neck 
or  Manhasset,  at  which  place  Sands'  Point  still 



marks  the  location  of  the  pioneer  settler  of  the 
name — the  great-grandfather  of  the  brothers 
in  whose  fortunes  we  are  immediately  con- 
cerned. Both  were  born  on  the  ancestral  prop- 
erty,— Comfort  in  1748,  and  Joshua  in  1757. 
Comfort  entered  into  business  on  his  own  ac- 
count in  Peck  Slip,  New  York,  and  by  the 
time  the  Revolutionary  war  broke  out  had 
managed  to  save  a  considerable  amount  of 
money.  As  an  instance  of  values  in  those  days 
we  may  mention  that  Comfort  in  1781  rented 
a  house  at  307  Queen  (Pearl)  street,  for 
$32.50  a  year.  His  business  career  was  mainly 
confined  to  Manhattan.  In  1776  he  was  a 
member  of  the  New  York  Provincial  Congress 
and  held  the  office  of  Auditor  General  of  the 
State.  He  also  represented  the  city  several 
times  in  the  Assembly  and  acquired  for  those 
days  considerable  wealth,  for  every  interest  he 
touched  seemed  to  flourish.  He  died  at  Ho- 
boken  September  Z2,  1834. 

Joshua  was  much  more  closely  connected 
with  Brooklyn  and  Long  Island.  In  1776  he 
secured  a  position,  through  the  influence  of 
Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  in  the 
commissariat  department  of  the  army.  This 
position  he  held  for  a  short  time,  but  during 
it  he  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Brooklyn  and 
was  of  considerable  service  in  the  memorable 
retreat  of  Washington's  troops  from  Long 
Island.  In  1777,  in  company  with  his  broth- 
ers, Comfort  and  Richardson,  he  formed  a 
company  for  supplying  clothing  and  provisions 
to  the  Continentals.  Their  proposals  were  ac- 
cepted and  they  set  about  supplying  the  goods, 
but  it  was  many  years  afterward  before  they 
received  payment,  for  the  condition  of  the  pub- 
lic treasury  long  after  peace  was  inaugurated 
was  the  reverse  of  prosperous,  and  Uncle 
Sam,  somehow,  even  when  his  treasury  was 
full,  has  never  been  a  very  prompt  paymaster. 
The  brothers,  however,  had  other  interests 
which  paid  them  better  and  their  partnership 
was  continued  after  the  war  was  over.  The 
Rapelye  property  seems  to  have  been  their  first 
large  speculation  after  peace  was  proclaimed. 

and  it  is  said  that  the  money  used  in  the  pur- 
chase represented  the  profit  on  their  dealings 
in  soldiers'  pay  certificates  which  they  had 
bought  up  at  a  steep  rate  of  discount.  How- 
ever that  may  be,  it  made  Joshua  become  a 
resident  of  Brooklyn,  for  he  at  once  built  a 
home  for  himself  on  the  estate,  on  I-^-ont  street, 
and  remained  identified  with  the  place  and  its 
interests  until  his  death.  He  established  in  it 
a  new  industry,  that  of  the  manufacture  of 
cordage  and  rigging,  and  laid  out  extensive 
rope-walks,  importing  the  necessary  machinery 
and  skilled  labor  from  England.  He  held 
many  public  offices,  was  a  State  Senator  from 
1792  to  1798,  Collector  of  Customs  at  the  Port 
of  New  York  between  1797  and  1801,  and  a 
member  of  Congress  in  1803-5,  ^'^d  again  in 
1825-7.  In  1824  he  was  chosen  president  of 
the  Village  of  Brooklyn  Trustees  and  seems 
to  have  been  a  most  active  man  in  the  social, 
political,  religious  and  industrial  affairs  of  the 
community.     He  died  in  1835. 

With  its  possession  by  the  Sands  brothers 
the  history  of  the  Rapalye  property  as  a  single 
factor  ceases.  While  Joshua  retained  enough 
of  the  land  for  a  house  and  an  extensive  gar- 
den, the  brothers  had  no  idea  of  holding  on  to 
an  estate  which  they  had  simply  bought  for 
speculative  purposes.  So,  in  1788,  it  was  sur- 
veyed, streets  laid  out,  and  in  conjunction  with 
the  adjoining  Remsen  property  of  John  Jack- 
son, buyers  were  invited  for  lots  in  the  tract, 
which  was  boomed  as  a  new  village — the  "vil- 
lage of  Olympia."  It  was  pictured  as  a  village 
of  homes  with  city  and  country  advantages 
combined,  and  as  the  lots  were  cheap  they 
readily  sold.  Some  doubt  was  cast  upon  the 
legality  of  the  title  by  which  the  brothers  held 
the  property,  for  Rapalye  had  carried  off  all 
the  title  deeds ;  but  the  Sands  brothers  deemed 
the  voucher  of  Uncle  Sam  good  enough  for 
all  practical  purposes  and  most  of  those  with 
whom  they  had  dealings  fully  agreed  with 
them.  This  opening  up  of  Olympia  was  the 
beginning  of  the  distribution  of  many  an  old 
Kings   county   estate   into   building   lots — the 



starting  point  of  a  series  of  "booms"  of  various 
sections  which  is  still  going  on  even  at  the 
present  day. 

When  the  Rapalye  property  was  subdivided 
by  the  Sands  brothers,  one  of  the  arguments 
used  to  support  the  theory  of  the  future  rise  in 
vahie  of  the  lots  was  that  Brooklyn  was  cer- 
tain to  extend  along  its  section  of  the  water 
front,  as  on  the  other  side  of  the  main  road 
from  the  ferry  was  a  series  of  inaccessible  hills 
which  rendered  the  ground  utterly  unsuitable 
for  building  purposes.  The  arguments  were 
specious  enough,  but  time  showed  how  utterly 
fallacious  they  were. 

In  1647  Dirck  Janssen  \\'oertman  settled  in 
Brooklyn  from  Amsterdam,  and  successively 
bought  up  several  patents  on  lands  south  of 
Brooklyn  Ferry,  covering,  roughly  speaking, 
that  section  now  known  as  the  Heights.  In 
1706  he  disposed  of  that  property  to  Joris 
Remsen,  who  had  married  his  daughter,  Fem- 
metje.  When  the  deed  was  completed  Joris 
removed  with  his  family  from  Flatbush,  where 
he  had  previously  resided.  With  the  death 
of  Joris,  about  1720,  commenced  the  subdi- 
vision of  the  property  into  smaller  holdings. 
He  had  previously  sold  fourteen  acres  to  his 
son-in-law,  Jacobus  De  Bevoise,  a  tract  long 
afterward  known  as  the  De  Bevoise  farm. 
Stiles  says:  "The  remainder  of  Joris  Rem- 
sen's  land  was  inherited  by  his  son  Rem,  who 
died  in  or  about  1724  [the  only  authority  for 
this  is  that  his  will  was  dated  that  year], 
leaving  among  other  children  a  son,  George 
(or  Joris),  who  fell  heir  to  the  paternal  es- 
tate, married  Jane,  daughter  of  Philip  Nagle 
(Nagel),  and  died  between  1735  and  1743, 
leaving  issue  Rem,  Phillip  and  Aletta.  On 
the  19th  of  June,  1753  (Kings  County  Rec- 
ords, liber  6,  page  174),  Philip  Remsen,  de- 
scribed there  as  of  Bucks  county,  Pennsyl- 
vania, together  'with  Philip  Mease,  Esq.,  of 
Flatbush,  only  surviving  executor  of  his  fa- 
ther's estate,'  conveyed  to  Henry  and  Peter 
Remsen,  merchants  of  New  York,  for  the  sum 
of  £1,060,  one-half  (estimated  at  fifty-seven 
acres)   of  the  original  property  purchased  by 

his  great-grandfather,  Joris  Remsen,  from 
Woertman.  *  *  *  The  above  named 
brothers,  Henry  and  Peter  Remsen,  at  some 
time  prior  to  1764  sold  to  Philip  Livingston, 
Esq.,  of  New  York,  that  portion  of  the  es- 
tate lying  between  the  present  Joralemon  and 
Atlantic  streets  and  extending  from  the  East 
River  to  Red  Hook  Lane.  On  the  ist  of  Au- 
gust, 1768,  the  Remsen  brothers  divided  be- 
tween them  the  remainder  of  the  property, 
Henry  taking  the  northerly  half,  adjoining 
the  De  Bevoise  farm,  and  Peter  taking  the 
southerly  portion  next  to  the  Livingston  farm, 
from  which  it  was  separated  by  a  lane  since 
known  as  Joralemon  street." 

Part  of  the  Livingston  property,  with  a  dis- 
tillery erected  upon  it  and  which  had  been  in 
successful  operation  for  several  years,  was 
sold  in  1802  to  Hezekiah  Beers  Pierrepont, 
afterward  owner  of  the  De  Bevoise  and  Ben- 
son's farms  of  the  Heights,  and  thus  was  in- 
troduced into  Brooklyn  history  the  name  of  a 
family  which  has  done  more  for  its  sterling 
development  than  any  other  that  could  be 
named  outside  of  the  descendants  of  the  orig- 
inal settlers.  H.  B.  Pierrepont  was  the  grand- 
son of  the  Rev.  James  Pierrepont,  the  first 
minister  settled  in  New  Haven  and  one  of  the 
founders  of  Yale  College.  For  a  time  Heze- 
kiah was  a  clerk  in  the  New  York  custom- 
house, but  was  previously  thoroughly  trained 
for  a  business  career  by  his  uncle,  Isaac  Beers, 
of  New  Haven.  His  opportunity  in  life  came 
with  his  appointment  as  agent  for  Watson  & 
Greenleaf,  who  were  engaged  in  the  purchase 
of  the  national  debt,  and  he  was  fully  equal 
to  it,  acquiring  a  moderate  fortune.  He  then 
founded  the  firm  of  Leffingwell  &  Pierrepont 
and  engaged  in  shipping  provisions  to  Europe, 
residing  for  a  time  in  Paris  to  look  after  the 
interests  of  the  firm  there.  This  trade  was 
interrupted  by  the  course  of  the  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  France ;  so  he  chartered  a 
vessel,  "The  Confederacy,"  and,  filling  it  up 
with  merchandise,  accompanied  it  to  China  in 
1795.  The  speculation  proved  a  profitable 
one,  but  in   1797,  while  on  the  voyage  home 



from  China,  "The  Confederacy"  was  seized 
by  a  French  privateer  and  sold,  in  defiance  of 
American  treaty  rights  and  stipulations.  In 
1800  Pierrepont  returned  to  New  York  and 
two  years  later  married  Anna,  daughter  of 
William  Constable,  a  merchant  of  New  York 
who  had  been  interested  with  Alexander 
Macomb  in  the  purchase,  in  1787,  of  over  a 
million  acres  of  land  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  State  of  New  York.  By  his  bride,  Pierre- 
pont came  into  possession  of  some  500,000 
acres  of  these  lands,  mainly  in  Jefferson, 
Lewis  and  St.  Lawrence  counties. 


In  prospecting  for  some  business  enter- 
prise in  which  to  engage  he  saw  a  prospect 
of  success  in  the  manufacture  of  gin,  and  it 
was  with  that  business  in  view  that  he  bought, 
in  1802,  the  Livingston  distillery  at  the  foot 
of  Joralemon  street,  Brooklyn,  and  so  com- 
menced a  connection  with  the  future  "City  of 
Churches"  which  was  of  the  utmost  conse- 
quence to  both.  He  was  not  long  in  Brook- 
lyn before  he  fully  realized  the  bright  pros- 
pects of  its  future,  and  soon  made  up  his  mind 
that  in  aiding  in  its  development  lay  a  certain 
and  substantial  return  for  his  own  means  and 

his  business  energy.  So  he  purchased  the  tract 
of  land  on  the  Heights  known  as  the  Remsen 
farm,  part  of  the  old  Remsen  property,  and 
gradually  extended  his  holdings  as  opportunity 
offered,  his  last  great  purchase  being  the  De 
Bevois  farm,  for  which  in  1816  he  pai'd  $28,- 
000.  A  year  later  he  abandoned  the  distillery 
and  thereafter  devoted  himself  solely  to  the  de- 
velopment of  his  real  estate.  In  181 5  he  had 
been  one  of  a  committee  which  succeeded  in 
getting  from  the  legislature  a  village  charter 
for  Brooklyn,  and  he  had  the  bulk  of  his  prop- 
erty graded,  and  laid  out  in  streets  and  squares' 
and  finally  placed  on  the  market.  He  be- 
lieved in  wide  streets  and  fully  exemplified 
his  ideal  in  the  care  he  bestowed  on  Pierre- 
pont street,  which  was  laid  out  with  a  width 
of  eighty  feet,  while  Montague  street  and 
Remsen  street  were  each  scheduled  at  seventy- 
five  feet. 

Stiles,  in  his  "History  of  Kings  County," 
page  130,  says: 

As  chairman  of  the  street  committee  he 
exerted  himself  to  secure  an  open  promenade 
for  the  public,  on  the  Heights,  from  Fulton 
Ferry  to  Joralemon  street.  He  had  a  map  and 
plan  drawn  for  the  improvement  by  Mr.  Silas 
Ludlam,  and  procured  the  consent  of  the  pro- 
prietors for  a  cession  of  the  property,  e.xcept 
from  his  neighbor  and  friend,  Judge  Radcliff, 
who  opposed  the  scheme  so  violently  that  Mr. 
Pierrepont,  rather  than  have  a  contest  with  a 
friend,  withdrew  from  the  attempt,  and  him- 
self paid  the  expense  incurred  for  the  survey 
and  plan,  though  he  had  ordered  it  officially. 
He  lived  and  died  in  the  belief  and  desire  that 
the  Heights  would  some  day  be  made  a  public 
promenade,  on  some  similar  plan.  Before  his 
estate  was  divided  and  sold  his  executors  gave 
the  opportunity  to  the  city  to  take  the  prop- 
erty between  Love  Lane  and  Remsen  street  and 
Willow  street,  the  only  part  of  the  Heights 
that  remained  unoccupied,  for  such  a  public 
place,  and  a  petition  was  signed  by  a  few  pub- 
lic-spirited men  for  the  object.  But  it  was 
defeated  before  the  city  authorities  by  over- 
whelming remonstrances,  very  generally 
signed  in  the  large  district  of  assessment  that 
was  proposed. 

It  appears  from  his  diary  that  as  early  as 



the  year  1818  he  made  inquiry  as  to  the  cost 
of  stone  wharves.  He  rehictantly  improved 
his  water-front  with  timber,  only  when  he 
found,  from  the  depth  of  water,  the  cost  of 
stone  structures  was  too  great  to  be  war- 
ranted by  the  small  income  derived  by  wharf- 
owners  under  our  present  port  laws.  He  per- 
sistently declined  to  sell  his  lots,  except  where 
good  private  dwellings  of  brick  or  stone  were 
engaged  to  be  erected,  suited  to  the  future 
character  of  his  finely-situated  property.  Time 
has  now  proved  the  soundness  of  his  judg- 
ment. His  property  is  now  covered  by  elegant 
mansions,  besides  five  fine  churches,  the  City 
Hall,  Academy  of  Music,  Mercantile  Library, 
and  other  public  buildings,  while  the  front  on 
the  bay  is  occupied  by  extensive  wharves  and 
warehouses.  ]\Ir.  Pierrepont  possessed  great 
energy  of  character  and  a  sound  judgment ; 
was  domestic  in  his  habits  and  had  no  ambi- 
tion for  public  ofirce,  or  relish  for  political  life. 
Yet  he  gave  his  services  freely  to  his  fellow 
citizens  in  aid  of  their  local  affairs. 

Hi^  property  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
State  occupied  his  attention  along  with  that  in 
Brooklyn,  and  for  years  he  and  his  sons,  Will- 
iam and  Henry.  \>nk\  annual  visits  there  and 
steadilv  effected  improvements  and  induced 
settlements.  But  it  was  slow  work,  although 
sufficient  to  demonstrate  that  with  time  it 
would  blossom  as  a  garden  as  much  of  it  since 
then  done. 

j\lr.  Pierrepont  died  in  Brooklyn  in  1838, 
and  his  widow  survived  him  until  1859.  They 
had  a  family  of  two  sons  and  eight  daughters : 
William  Constable,  Henry  Evelyn,  Anna  Con- 
stable (deceased,  wife  of  Hubert  Van  Wag- 
enen),  Emily  Constable  fmarried  Joseph  A. 
Perry),  Erances  Matilda  (married  Rev.  Ered- 
erick  S.  Wiley),  Mary  Montague  (died  in 
1859,  unmarried),  Harriet  Constable  (mar- 
ried Edgar  J.  Bartow,  died  in  1855).  Maria 
Theresa  (married  Joseph  J.  Bicknell),  Julia 
Evelyn  (married  John  Constable,  of  Constable- 
ville),  and  Ellen  Isaphine  (married  Dr.  James 
M.  Minor). 

William  C,  the  eldest  son,  devoted  him- 
self mainly  to  the  State  properties  left  in  his 
charge  by  his  father's  will  and  made  his  home 
at  Pierrepont   Manor,  Jeft'erson  county.     He 

was  an  accomplished  scholar  and  a  profound 
mathematician,  and  carried  on  an  extensive 
correspondence  with  many  of  the  leading 
scientists  of  Europe.  He  was  elected  a  mem- 
ber of  the  State  Legislature  in  1840,  but  only 
served  a  single  term.  Lender  his  management 
the  estate  prospered  and  he  was  noted  for  his 
beneficence  as  well  as  many  other  grand  qual- 
ities of  mind  and  heart.  He  established 
scholarships  in  the  General  Theological  Sem- 
inary, New  York,  and  also  at  Hobart  College, 
from  which  institution  he  received  the  degree 
of  LL.  D.  At  Canaseraga,  New  York,  he  en- 
dowed a  church  as  a  memorial  to  a  deceased 
son,  and  several  other  schemes  of  practical 
good  were  stopped  by  his  death,  at  Pierre- 
pont Manor,  December  20,  1885.  His  brother, 
Henry  E.,  confined  his  life  work  to  Brooklyn. 
While  in  Europe  in  1833  that  village  was 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  city,  and  in  his  ab- 
sence he  was  named  one  of  the  Commissioners 
for  laying  out  public  grounds  and  streets..  On 
receiving  notification  of  his  appointment  he 
made  a  practical  study  of  most  of  the  large 
cities  in  Europe  and  drew  up  plans  which  were 
adopted,  in  a  large  measure,  by  the  legislature 
of  1835.  He  also  submitted  plans  for  laying 
out  a  large  plot  of  ground  among  the  Gowanus 
Hills  for  a"  rural  cemetery,  and  in  1838  ob- 
tained a  charter  from  the  legislature  for  the 
formation  of  the  Green- Wood  Cemetery  cor- 
poration. With  that  enterprise  we  will  deal 
at  length  in  a  subsequent  chapter  of  this  his- 
tory. Under  his  father's  will  he  took  charge 
of  all  the  family  real  estate  in  Brooklyn  as 
well  as  the  State  lands  in  Franklin,  Lewis  and 
St.  Lawrence  counties.  In  Brooklyn  he  laid 
out  Eurman  street,  and  by  the  erection  of  a 
new  bulkhead  on  the  water  front  added  five 
acres  of  wharf  property  to  the  estate.  In  the 
financial  and  social  life  of  the  city  he  was 
prominent  for  many  years,  and  was  justly  re- 
garded as  the  finest  type  of  a  high-spirited 
and  representative  citizen.  He  died  in  the  city 
in  which  he  was  born  and  passed  his  life  and 
which  he  loved  so  well,  March  28,  1888,  in 
the  eightv-sixth  vear  of  his  age. 



We  will  now  revert  to  a  genealogical  study, 
selecting  for  that  purpose  the  Lefferts  family 
so  well  known  in  Brooklyn.  So  far  as  can 
be  ascertained  its  American  ancestor  was 
Pieter  Janse,  who  seems  to  have  crossed  the 
Atlantic,  with  his  wife,  Femmentje  Hermans, 
in  1660.  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  his  sur- 
name ;  Pieter  Janse  is  simply  Peter,  John's 
son,  and  Haughwout  or  Hauwert,  which  is 
sometimes  given  as  the  surname,  is  merely  the 
name  of  a  village  in  Holland,  whence  the  fam- 
ily emigrated.  Some  of  the  family,  however, 
used  Haughwout  with  several  variations  in 
spelling  as  a  surname.  Pieter,  whatever  his 
family  name  was,  did  not  long  survive  after 
coming  to  America,  for  by  October  15,  1662, 
we  find  that  Femmentje  was  again  married 
and  on  that  date  had  two  guardians  appointed 
at  Flatbush  for  her  children  by  her  previous 
union, — Leffert  Pieterse  and  Pieter  Pieterse. 
What  became  of  the  last  named  seems  un- 

Leffert  Pieterse  was  probably  about  seven 
years  of  age  when  he  landed  in  the  New 
World  with  his  parents.  He  was  brought  up 
in  Flatbush,  and  in  1775  settled  on  a  piece  of 
land  (seventeen  morgens)  in  that  place.  He 
married  the  same  year  Abigail,  a  daughter  of 
Anke  Janse  Van  Nuyse,  and  seems  to  have 
prospered  in  the  world,  for  in  1700  he  was 
able  to  buy  an  additional  farm,  at  Bedford, 
for  one  of  his  sons. 

He  died  July  19,  1748.    His  children  were: 

1.  Altien,  born  June  22,  1676,  died  single. 

2.  Anke,  born  April  4,  1678.  He  mairried 
Marytje  Ten  Eyck.  of  New  York,  and  prior 
to  1709  removed  to  Monmouth  county.  New 
Jersey.  His  descendants  still  reside  there  and 
generally  write  their  family  name  Leffertson. 

3.  Pieter,  born  May  18,  1680,  succeeded 
to  his  father's  farm,  and  was  a  supervisor  of 
Flatbush  in  1726  and  1727.  Signed  his  name 
Pieter  Lefifertsz.  Married  Ida,  daughter  of 
Hendrick  Suydam,  of  Flatbush,  and  had  a  son 
Leffert,  who  founded  the  Pennsylvania  (Berks 
County)  branch  of  the  family;  two  sons,  John 

and  Jacob,  who  died  young;  and  five  daugh- 

4.  Rachel,  born  January  17,  1682,  married 
Jan  Waldron. 

5.  Jan,  born  January,  1684,  who  grew  to 
manhood  and  married,  but  all  trace  of  whom, 
has  been  lost. 

6.  Jacobus  :  see  below. 

7.  Isaac,  born  June  15,  1688,  died  October 
18,  1746,  resided  all  his  life  in  Flatbush,  of 
which  town,  in  1726  and  1727,  he  was  Con- 
stable. One  of  his  sons,  Leffert,  resided  dur- 
ing his  life  in  Flatbush.  Two  others,  Hendrick 
and  Isaac,  removed  to  Jamaica.  His  only 
daughter,  Harmpje  (named  after  her  mother, 
whose  surname  is  not  on  record),  married 
Hendrick  Suydam,  of  Hallet's  Cove. 

8.  Abraham,  born  September  i,  1692. 
Married  Sarah  Hoogland.  Family  settled  in 
New  York  (where  he  engaged  in  business) 
except  one  daughter,  Catherine,  who  married' 
Peter  Luystcn,  of  Oyster  Bay. 

9.  Aladalina,  born  August  20,  1694,  mar- 
ried Garret  Martense. 

10.  Ann,  born  March  i,  1696,  died  single. 

11.  Abagail,  born  August  14,  1698,  died 

12.  Leffert,  born  May  22,  1701,  married 
Catryntje  Borland  and  died  September  27, 

13.  Benjamin,  born  May  2,  1704,  died. 
November  17,  1707. 

Jacobus  (6),  born  June  9,  1686,  settled' 
on  the  farm  which  his  father  had  bought  at- 
Bedford  Corners.  He  married,  in  1716,  Fan- 
net  je,  daughter  of  Claes  (or  Nicholas) 
Barentse  Blom.  In  the  local  records  his  name 
is  given  sometimes  as  Isaac  Hagewoutt,  but  he 
signed  himself  Jacobus  Leffert.  He  seems  to 
have  prospered  fairly  well  in  life,  for  he  added' 
pretty  extensively  to  the  size  of  his  farm  and 
appears  to  have  owned  and  rented  one  or  two- 
small  farms  in  the  neighborhood.  He  died- 
September  3,  1768.     His  family  consisted  of: 

I.  Abagail,  born  October  i,  1717,  married, 
Lambert  Suydam,  who  was  captain  of  a  troop 



of  horSe  in  1749  and  died  in  1767.  Abagail 
was  again  married,  to  Nicholas  Vechte,  in 

2.  Nicholas,  born  April  6,  1719,  died 
1780,  leaving  two  daughters. 

3.  Elizabeth  or  Eliza,  born  March  8,  1721, 
married  Hendrick  Fine,  of  Bedford. 

4.  Neltye,  born  November  3,  1723,  mar- 
ried Jacobus  Vanderbilt. 

5.  Lefifert,  born  March  14,  1727.  (See 
below. ) 

6.  Jannetje,  born  June  25,  1729,  married 
Jeronemus  Rapalje. 

7.  Jacobus,  born  November  26,  1731,  be- 
came a  merchant  in  New  York,  and  died  July 
20,    1792,   leaving  several   children. 

8.  Barent,  born  November  2,  1736,  mar- 
ried Femmetje,  daughter  of  Rem  Remsen,  and 
lived  at  Bedford  Corners.  He  owned  before 
his  death,  June  21,  1819,  much  land  on  Jamaica 
and  Cripplebush  Roads. 

LeiTert,  through  whom  the  family  name 
was  handed  down  to  another  generation,  mar- 
ried, August  5,  1756,  Dorothy,  daughter  of 
John  Cowenhoven.  As  County  Clerk  he  had 
charge  of  the  county  and  the  town  records 
which  v/ere  afterward  taken  from  his  house 
by  his  assistant,  John  Rapalye,  and  the  house 
itself  was  tenanted  by  General  Gray  during 
the  British  occupation.  He  left  a  large  family, 
but  it  is  needless  to  follow  their  fortunes  with 
the  minuteness  given  to  the  earlier  branches. 
We  must  need  refer  to  two,  however.  Of  these 
Catryna,  born  in  1759,  was  killed  accidentally 
April  17,  1783,  in  a  curious -manner.  A  local 
paper  said  that  "having  observed  to  her  mother 
that  a  loaded  pistol  left  by  a  drover,  who  had 
been  watching  his  cattle  with  it  the  preceding- 
night,  upon  a  chest  of  drawers,  was  rather 
dangerously  placed  and  that  some  of  the  chil- 
dren might  get  hurt  by  it,  proceeded  to  re- 
move and  put  it  in  a  holster  that  hung  close 
by;  but  in  the  operation  the  pistol  was  dis- 
charged, the  shot  went  through  her  body  and 
she  expired  immediately."  Having  told  the 
story,  thus  succinctly,   the  paper  then  prints 

an  elaborate  "Elegy,"  of  which  the  following, 
are  the  closing  lines: 

"Then  pray  descend,   fair  Catharina's  shade,. 
Into  my  dreams  and  visions  of  the  night;. 
Put  rapturous  illusions  in  my  head 
That  sad  realties  may  have  respite. 

Too  much  an  angel  for  a  world  of  woe. 
Eternal  Wisdom  hath  conceived  it  best 

On  her  a  crown  of  glory  to  bestow. 

Among  the  saints  in  her  Redeemer's  rest." 

One  of  the  brothers  of  this  young  lady, 
Judge  Leffert  Lefferts,  deserves  more  than  a 
mere  passing  notice.  He  was  born  April  12, 
1774.  On  May  7,  1794,  he  was  graduated 
from  Columbia  College,  and  then  studied  law 
in  the  office  of  Judge  Egbert  Benson.  In  1798 
he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and  in  the  following 
year  was  appointed  Clerk  of  Kings  County,  an 
appointment  which  had  been  held  by  his  father. 
On  February  10,  1823,  he  was  appointed  Judge 
of  Kings  County  in  succession  to  Judge  Will- 
iam Furman,  but  he  held  the  office  only  a 
short  time.  His  recognized  probity  and  busi- 
ness aptitude  had  opened  up  other  avenues  of 
usefulness.  In  1822,  recognizing  the  great 
need  in  Brooklyn  of  a  banking  institution,  in- 
stituted on  the  firmest  basis,  and  which  should 
be  directed  so  as  to  aid  very  materially  in  the 
development  of  the  place,  he  was  the  leader  in 
the  movement  which  resulted  in  a  charter  be- 
ing obtained  for  the  Long  Island  Bank  in 
1824,  and  he  was  elected  its  first  president. 
This  office  he  continued  to  hold  until  1846, 
w!ipn  the  infirmities  of  age  impelled  him  to  re- 
sign. The  success  of  the  bank  and  the  great 
influence  it  exerted  upon  the  prosperity  of 
Brooklyn  wer?  due  in  great  measure  to  his 
progressive  yet  conservative  methods,  while 
his  courtesy,  shrewd  common  sense  and  unerr- 
ing judgment  made  him  personally  popular 
with  all  those  f'.ssociated  with  it  in  any  way. 
Fle  died  March  22,  1847.  On  April  21,  1823, 
he   had   mnrried   Maria,   daughter  of  Robert 



Benson.  Their  only  child,  Elizabeth,  mar- 
ried J.  Carson  Brevort  (born  in  New  York 
City,  1818,  died  in  Brooklyn,  December  7, 
1887),  afterward  superintendent  of  the  Astor 
Library,  New  York,  president  of  the  Long 
Island  Historical  Society,  and  a  Regent  of  the 
University  of  New  York. 

Another  scion  of  the  family,  one  whose 
fame  extended  far  beyond  the  confines  of  Long 
Island,  was  Marshall  Lefiferts.  He  was  born 
at  Bedford  Corners  January  15,  1821,  and  after 
various  experiences  as  a  civil  engineer  became 
a  partner  in  the  firm  of  Morewood  &  Co.,  im- 
porters. New  York.  In  1849  he  became  presi- 
dent of  the  New  York,  New  England,  and 
New  York  State  Telegraph  Companies,  and 
left  that  office  in  i860  to  perfect  some  tele- 
graphic improvements  which  were  afterward 
patented  and  put  into  successful  operation. 
His  electrical  researches  were,  however,  in- 
terrupted by  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  war. 
In  185 1  he  had  joined  the  Seventh  Regiment, 
National  Guard,  New  York,  as  a  private,  and 
became  its  lieutenant  colonel  the  following 
year  and  colonel  in  1859.  In  1861  the  regi- 
ment, under  his  command,  left  for  the  front. 
It  volunteered  again  in  1862  and  1863.  In  the 
latter  year  it  was  stationed  in  ^Maryland,  and 
returned  to  New  York  for  duty  in  the  draft 
riots  of  July  in  that  year.  Leflferts  became 
connected  with  the  Western  L^nion  Telegraph 
Company,  which  had  purchased  most  of  his 
patents  aiid  put  them  in  full  operation.  In  1867 
he  organized  its  commercial  news  department, 
and  in  1869  became  president  of  the  Gold  and 
Stock  Telegraph  Company.  He  died  suddenly 
July  3,  1876,  on  a  railway  train  while  en  route 
with  the  veteran  corps  of  the  Seventh  Regi- 
ment, of  which  he  was  commander,  to  attend 
the  Centennial  Fourth  of  July  parade  in  Phil- 

His  son,  Dr.  George  Morewood  Lefiferts, 
who  was  born  in  Brooklyn  February  24,  1846, 
was  educated  for  the  medical  profession,  grad- 

uating from  the  New  York  College  of  Physi- 
cians and  Surgeons  in  1870,  and  thereafter 
studying  in  Vienna.  In  1873  he  settled  in 
practice  in  New  York,  making  a  specialty  of 
diseases  of  the  throat  and  chest.  He  became 
Professor  of  Laryngoscopy  in  the  New  York 
College  of  Physicians  and  Surgeons,  and  in 
1875  president  of  the  New  York  Laryngolog- 
ical  Society.  In  his  own  branch  he  stands  at 
the  head  of  American  specialists,  while  his 
many  contributions  to  medical  literature  have 
won  for  him  a  widespread  recognition  in  med- 
ical circles  all  over  the  world. 

We  must  here  bring  these  notes  regarding 
the  old  families  of  Long  Island  to  a  close. 
They  could  easily  be  continued  almost  indef- 
initely, for  the  study  of  genealogy,  rightly  fol- 
lowed, is  a  most  interesting  one,  and  the  suc- 
cession of  such  families  as  those  bearing  the 
names  of  Hewlett,  Remsen,  \'an  Bruntj 
Strycker,  Cowenhoven,  Ten  Eyck,  Sulphen, 
Polhemus,  Middaugh,  Lawrence,  Cortelyou, 
Hegeman,  Duryea,  De  Bevoise,  Denyse,  Sea- 
man, Halleth,  Riker,  Youngs,  Horton  and  a 
score  of  others  present  us,  with  many  and 
varied  features  of  interest  in  the  story  of 
Long  Island.  We  will  refer  to  many  of  these 
in  the  course  of  this  work,  to  all  in  fact  more 
or  less  particularly;  but  the  study  itself  is 
hardly  one  which  can  be  fully  carried  out  in  a 
general  history  such  as  this.  We  have,  how- 
ever, presented  sufficient  of  the  subject  to  dem- 
onstrate what  an  interesting  field  awaits  the 
genealogical  student  who  devotes  himself  to 
it.  Genealogy  as  a  general  rule,  except  in 
dealing  with  princely  families,  is  generally 
voted  an  uninteresting  study;  but  in  tracing 
the  descent  of  the  famous  names  of  Long 
Island  we  are  constantly  brought  to  the  con- 
sideration of  historical  details,  showing,  if  the 
study  shows  anything  clearly,  that  under  our 
republican  form  of  government  the  history  of 
the  township,  city  or  nation  is  by  the 



HETHER  English  or  Dutch,  the 
early  setlers  on  Long  Island  car- 
ried there  with  them  the  manners 
and  customs  of  their  respective 
niuther  lands,  and  in  their  daily  lives  and  in 
their  homes  endeavored  to  reproduce  what 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  before  crossing 
the  Atlantic.  The  line  of  separation  which 
for  long  politically  divided  the  island  kept 
the  two  pioneer  races  from  mingling  and 
adopting  each  other's  ways  and  habits  even 
to  the  extent  noticeable  on  Manhattan  Island ; 
and  the  fact  that  Long  Island  was  so  thor- 
oughly cut  off  from  the  main  land  that  even 
a  trip  across  the  East  River  was  an  event  so 
full  of  delay  and  danger  that  men  often  put 
their  affairs  in  order  and  made  their  wills  be- 
fore attempting  it,  led  to  a  maintenance  of 
primitive  customs  and  the  primitive  order  of 
things  long  after  the  pioneers  had  passed  from 
the  cares  and  troubles  and  toils  of  life  and 
their  sons  and  grandsons  reigned  in  their 

But,  unlike  as  they  were  in  most  things, 
and  diff'erent  as  were  their  habits  of  thought 
and  their  notions  of  domestic  comfort,  the 
pioneers,  both  Dutch  and  English,  were  alike 
in  at  least  one  respect — they  were  essentially 
religious  communities.  The  first  thing  done 
in  any  settlement,  whether  Southold  or  Flat- 
bush,  was  to  provide  for  a  place  of  worship — 
a  house  in  which  they  might  unite  in  the  praise 
of  God  and  meditate  on  His  goodness  and  His 
commands,  and  around  which  their  bones 
might  be  laid  while  waiting  for  the  resurrection 

and  the  finaTjudgment.  They  were  each  a  relig- 
ious people,  and  though  dift'ering  very  widely, 
very  radically,  on  their  views  as  to  church 
government  and  on  many  non-essentials,  they 
united  in  a  complete  acceptance  of  the  Bible 
as  the  sole  Book  of  the  Law,  as  the  guide  for 
this  life  and  the  only  sure  guide  to  the  life 
that  is  to  come.  They  interpreted  the  Bible 
and  its  promises  literally,  had  no  worriment 
over  doubt,  no  conception  of  the  perplexities 
of  the  higher  criticism.  The  Dutch  version 
was  an  inspired  Book  to  the  Dutch ;  the  Eng- 
lish version  was  equally  regarded  as  inspired 
by  the  English.  Verbal  criticism  they  never 
paltered  over:  translators'  errors,  if  they  could 
have  conceived  them,  they  would  have  deemed 
an  impossibility.  The  Bible  said  so,  and  so 
it  was :  and  this  implicit  faith,  this  firm  re- 
liance, this  complete  subservience  of  their  daily 
lives  and  inmost  thought  to  the  Book  of  the 
Law  made  them  even  in  their  own  day  stand 
out  in  bold  relief  as  honest,  God-fearing  men 
and  women, — people  whose  word  could  be  im- 
plicitly relied  upon,  people  who  would  have 
willingly  wironged  no  man ;  and  while  they 
strove  hard  to  acquire  a  share,  perhaps  more 
than  a  share,  of  this  world's  goods,  while  they 
treated  the  Indians  as  irresponsible  children 
and  gave  them  sugar  plums  for  land,  they  a  I 
least  treated  them  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 
of  the  age.  Each  community  was  a  moral 
one ;  the  laws  were  implicitly  obeyed  and  as  a 
result  the  history  of  Long  Island  as  a  whole 
presents,  so  far  as  its  own  land-owning  settlers 
were   concerned,   a  much   more  peaceful   pic- 



ture  than  is  furnished  by  most  of  the  early 
settlements  of  Europeans  in  America. 

In  another  respect  both  the  Dutch  and 
English  settlers  were  alike — in  their  love  and 
reverence  for  their  home  land.  This  is  seen 
most  conclusively  in  the  names  they  gave  their 
settlements.  Thus,  in  the  section  over  which 
the  Dutch  predominated  there  was  Breukelen 


?rom  '■  I-lathiisli,  Past  and  Present."     By  permiEsion  of 

the  Flatbush  Trust  Company. 

and  Amersforte  and  Vlissingen  and  Midwout, 
after  places  bearing  the  same  name  in  Holland, 
and  New  Utrecht,  like  New  Amsterdam,  dif- 
fered only  in  the  prefix  from  the  original 
Dutch  towns.  On  the  eastern  division  there 
is  no  room  for  argument  as  to  the  originals 
of  Southampton,  or  Huntington,  or  "The 
Island  of  Patmos,"  or  Smithtown,,  or  Oyster 
Bay.     But  in  one  important  respect  there  was 

a  wide  difference  between  the  two  national- 
ities. While  the  Dutch  at  least  professed  the 
deepest  awe  at  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
States  General  and  revered  the  very  name  of 
"their  High  Mightinesses,"  permitting  the 
Governors  set  over  them  almost  unlimited  sway 
and  accepting, — although  not  without  grum- 
bling,— 'the  laws  made  and  provided  far  them, 
each  English  community  aspired  to  be  an  in- 
dependent government,  to  make  and  enact  its 
own  laws,  to  assess  and  collect  its  own  taxes, 
and  to  say  who  should  and  who  should  not  be 
accepted  into  citizenship.  Both  talked  of  re- 
ligious freedom,  but  the  religious  freedom  of 
the  Dutch  was  bounded  by  the  spectacles  of 
the  local  classis  and  in  matters  of  extraor- 
dinary difficulty  by  the  classis  of  New  Am- 
sterdam; and  Governor  Stuyvesant,  among 
his  other  prerogatives,  assumed  that  of  Defend- 
er of  the  Faith.  The  English  were  as  pro- 
iiouncedly  in  favor  of  freedom  and  toleration, 
but  they  judged  the  boundary  line  by  their 
own  views,  and  whatever  turned  up  that  did 
not  square  with  those  views  was  deemed 
unworthy  of  freedom  and  toleration.  But 
both  had,  to  a  certain  extent  at  least,  a  sym- 
pathy with  the  churches  each  set  up  and  both 
harassed  and  persecuted  the  Quakers  and  other 
malcontents  with  ec|ual  zeal.  Still  there  is 
no  doubt  that  even  in  such  excesses  as  made 
martyrs  of  the  early  Quakers  and  Baptists, 
they  acted  conscientiously.  Dififerent  as  they 
were  in  so  many  things  pertaining  to  religion, 
they  were  alike  in  the  rigidness  of  their  ac- 
ceptance of  Calvinism,  and  the  authority  of 
the  company  in  Holland  over  religious  as  well 
as  over  secular  matters  was  not  one  whit 
stronger  than  that  wielded  in  the  eastern 
settlements  by  the  local  church  authorities  and 
the  town  meeting.  They  both  hated  dissenters 
as  much  as  did  the  most  obdurate  high  church- 
man in  old  England,  had  an  equal  hatred  of 
unauthorized  religious  meetings  —  meetings 
which  they  contemptuously  called  "conven- 
ticles" ;  and  such  gatherings  were  ruthlessly 
broken  up  and  the  attendants  punished  by  fine 
and    imprisonment,    or    whipping    or    by    the 



easier  process  of  ordering  their  instant  removal 
from  the  neighborhood.  As  an  instance,  take 
the  following  from  Fiske's  "Quaker  and  Dutch 
Colonies"  (vol.  i,  page  232)  : 

The  heavy  hand  of  the  law  was  also  laid 
upon  a  few  humble  Baptists  at  Flushing. 
William  Hallett,  the  sheriff,  had  the  audacity 
to  hold  conventicles  in  his  own  house  and 
there  "to  permit  one  William  Wickendam  to 
explain  and  comment  on  God's  Holy  Word, 
and  to  administer  sacraments  though  not 
called  thereto  by  any  civil  or  clerical  author- 
ity." For  this  heinous  offence  Hallet  was 
removed  from  office  and  fined  500  guilders, 
while  Wickendam,  "who  maintained  that  he 
was  commissioned  by  Christ  and  dipped  peo- 
ple in  the  river,"  was  fined  1,000  guilders 
and  ordered  to  quit  the  country.  On  inquiry 
it  appeared  that  he  was  "a  poor  cobbler  from 
Rhode  Island,"  without  a  stiver  in  the  world ; 
so  the  fine  was  perforce  remitted;  but  the 
Baptist  was  not  allowed  to  stay  in  New 

The  wealth  of  the  people  consisted  prin- 
cipally of  land  and  live  stock,  since  these  things 
naturally  were  the  most  convenient  and  im- 
portant to  a  pioneer  people.  To  be  a  land- 
holder was  of  course  a  great  attraction  and  in- 
centive to  the  average  citizen  of  the  old  coun- 
try, like  Holland  and  other  densely  populated 
portions  of  Europe,  where  no  hopes  of  being 
the  possessor  of  land  and  a  "landlord"  could 
be  entertained  by  the  masses ;  and  the  most  of 
them,  having  been  brought  up  to  agricultural 
and  horticultural  pursuits,  were  well  versed 
in  the  faithful  tilling  of  the  soil  and  also  in 
the  care  of  live  stock,  especially  cattle. 

The  residences  were  necessarily  simple 
and  the  furnishing  of  the  same  was  meager, 
since  it  was  altogether  too  expensive  to 
import  furniture  across  the  great  Atlantic 
in  sailing  vessels.  The  home  of  the  Dutch 
settler,  was  a  square,  built  with  a  high,  slop- 
ing roof,  with  overhanging  eaves  that 
formed  a  shade  from  the  sun  and  a  shelter 
from  the  rain.  The  first  settlers  probably 
were  content  with  a  dug-out,  but  not  for 
long,    for   as    soon   as    timber    could   be   cut 

and  saplings  gathered  a  more  pretentious 
dwelling  would  arise  over  the  cellar,  a  dwelling 
which  could  easily  be  added  to  as  the  family 
increased  in  numbers  or  wealth.  In  the  eastern 
end  of  Long  Island,  which  was  settled  prin- 
cipally by  people  from  New  England  and  old 
England,  the  dwelling-houses  were  simply 
huge  wooden  boxes,  so  to  speak,  divided  off 
into  rooms  at  regular  intervals  by  partitions 
or  windows  or  both.  Many  of  them  were 
similar  to  the  primitive  structures  of  the  early 
English  settlers  in  Australia, — first  a  "shack" 
or  rough-board  shanty,  such  as  are  conmion  to 
camps  in  the  wilds,  and  afterward  something 
more  elaborate,  from  time  to  time,  as  the 
owner  had  means  and  time  for  improve- 
ment and  expansion.  Whatever  architectural 
beauty  existed  was  at  first  bestowed  on  the 
church,  and  after  its  adornment  was  completed 
then  something  was  attempted  in  the  way  of 
adding  to  the  attractiveness  of  the  homes  of 
the  people,  a  weathercock  being  a  mark  of 
gentilitv  in  Flatlands,  while  a  garden  was 
deemed  a  token  of  advancing  civilization  and 
comfort  in  Southampton.  A  stone  house, 
however,  was  the  height  of  perfection,  after 
which  most  of  the  well-to-do  strived;  and  as 
early  as  1690  we  read  of  dwellings  built  of 
brick,  but  by  that  time  people  had  begun  to 
wax  wealthy  and  the  importation  of  brick  was 
a  luxury.  Stone  was  more  easily  made  useful, 
as  the  pioneer  farmers  could  have  told  with  a 
sigh.  It  was  a  rare  thing  to  see  a  house 
more  than  a  single  story  high  in  the  Dutch 
settlements;  and  even  in  the  English  end  a 
story  and  a  half  or  two  stories,  though  more 
common,  was  at  first  regarded  as  wonderful 
work.  The  real  pioneers,  or  first  settlers  in  a 
country,  are  generally  so  well  behaved  as  to 
need  little  or  no  law ;  they  are  temperate,  hon- 
est, social,  neighborly,  and  such  a  period  of 
simplicity  generally  endures  until  burglars  and 
dishonest  people  begin  to  infest  the  country. 
Therefore,  east  or  west,  locks  were  unknown, 
until  after  civilization  had  considerably  ad- 
vanced, and  in  summer  the  Dutch  family  was 
sure  to  gather  outside  of  the  house,  beneath 



the  shade  of  the  caves,  and  there  exchange 
greetings  or  discuss  the  events  of  the  day; 
while  the  English  settlers  were  wont  to  gather 
in  the  town  square  and  the  women  gossiped 
in  the  gardens  and  the  children  played  in  the 
little  bit  of  lawn,  a  feature  as  inseparable  from 
an  Englishman's  notion  of  domestic  comfort 
as  was  the  long  pipe  of  the  Dutchman. 

In  the  interior  of  the  house  the  general 
sitting-room  and  the  kitchen  were  the  im- 
portant features.  Bed-rooms  were  small,  and 
sleeping  bunks  were  common  where  the  family 
was  large :  but  improvements  in  this  respect 
came  with  the  extension  of  the  dwelling. 
Sanitary  arrangements  there  were  none,  east 
or  west,  but  cleanliness  and  good  order  were 
everywhere  apparent.  The  Dutch  housewife 
scrubbed  everything  that  would  bear  scrubbing 
and  polished  her  treasures  of  pewter  or  brass 
with  unfailing  regularity.  Carpets  were  un- 
known, a  sanded  floor  was  deemed  the  per- 
fection of  cleanliness  and  comfort  and  the 
ashes  from  the  wood  fires  were  zealously  swept 
up  with  feather  brushes  and  carefully  gath- 
ered. In  a  Dutch  farm-house  the  fireplace  in 
the  sitting-room  was  the  family  hig'h  altar. 
It  was  almost  a  compartment  in  itself ;  and  its 
imported  tiles,  with  their  scriptural  or  his- 
torical picture;,  formed  a  basis  for  a  post- 
graduate educational  course  following  the  in- 
structions of  the  schoolmaster  and  were  re- 
garded as  works  of  art  of  the  highest  order. 

The  furniture  at  first  naturally  was  of  the 
most  primitive  kind ;  and  as  each  house  was 
a  little  community  of  its  own,  making  its  own 
bread,  curing  its  own  meats,  preparing  its  own 
cloth  and  manufacturing  its  own  furnishings 
and  household  utensils,  the  aim  was  strength 
and  usefulness  rather  than  beauty.  After  a 
while  this  primitive  simplicity  gave  way  to 
more  ornate  effort.  Furniture  was  imported 
from  Holland  and  the  Dutch  artificers  in  New- 
Amsterdam  found  a  ready  market  for  their 
wares  in  the  farm-houses  on  Long  Island. 
Very  possibly,  too,  the  pioneer  families 
brought  with  them  from  Holland  many  house- 
hold  articles    which    they   deemed    especially 

valuable  or  beautiful,  and  these  were  accorded 
a  place  of  honor  among  the  lares  et  pcnatcs 
of  the  new  home.  There  was  much  more  of 
old-world  furniture  to  be  found  among  the 
pioneer  homes  on  the  western  end  of  the  island 
than  among  those  of  the  eastern;  if  we  may 
judge  by  the  old  inventories  still  extant  and 
the  pieces  which  have  survived  to  his  day; 
but  then  we  must  remember  that  the  eastern 
settlements  were  not  people  directly  from 
old  England  but  from  New  England;  and 
that  two  or  three  removals  from  one  strange 
land  to  another  were  not  conducive  to  the 
life  of  family  relics  or  even  of  articles  of  do- 
mestic usefulness  which  could  be  reproduced 
by  hammer,  saw  and  chisel. 

Such  of  these  old  structures  as  are  still 
remaining  serve  as  mementoes  of  a  simple  life, 
and  the  memories  of  the  time  become  more  and 
more  sacred  with  the  lapse  of  years.  Even 
poetry  of  an  inspiring  kind  seems  to  gather 
around  the  scenes  and  experiences  of  that  pio- 
neer age,  while  only  "prose"  is  connected  with 
the  present-day  changes  and  customs.  Hence 
relics  of  that  pioneer  time,  including  even  the 
domiciles  themselves,  are  often  the  most  in- 
teresting exhibits  at  fairs  and  museums,  and 
still  serve  as  centers  of  eloquence  in  fervid 

Even  in  1679,  after  several  years  of  pros- 
])crity  and  thrift,  the  Labadist  fathers  who 
visited  Long  Island  in  that  year  found  very 
little  in  'the  way  of  interior  decoration  or 
domestic  elegance  in  the  homes  they  visited 
as  honored  guests.  Of  their  reception  at  the 
home  of  Simon  de  Hart,  which  stood  close 
to  the  present  ferry  houEe  of  the  Thirty- 
ninth  street  ferry  and  was  only  removed  a 
few  years  ago.  to  make  way  for  that  structure, 
they  wrote : 

We  proceeded  on  to  Gouanes,  a  place  so 
called,  where  we  arrived  in  the  evening  at  one 
of  the  best  friends  of  Gerret  named  Symon 
[de  Hart].  He  was  very  glad  to  see  us,  and  so 
was  his  wife.  They  took  us  into  the  house 
and    entertained    us    exceedingly    well.     We 



found  a  good  fire,  half  way  up  the  chimney, 
of  clean  oak  and  hickory,  of  which  they  made 
not  the  least  scruple  of  burning  profusely. 
We  let  it  penetrate  us  thoroughly.  There 
had  been  already  thrown  upon  it,  to  be  roasted, 
a  pail  full  of  Gowanus  oysters,  which  are  the 
best  in  the  country.  They  are  fully  as  good 
as  those  of  England,  and  better  than  those  we 
eat  at  Falmouth.  I  had  to  try  some  of  them 
raw.  They  are  large  and  full,  some  of  them 
not    k'ss    than    a    foot    long,    and    they    grow 

key,  which  was  also  fat  and  of  a  good  flavor, 
and  a  wild  goose,  but  that  was  rather  dry. 
Every  thing  we  had  was  the  natural  pro- 
duction of  the  country.  We  saw  here,  lying- 
in  a  heap,  a  whole  hill  of  watermelons,  which 
were  as  large  as  pumpkins,  and  which  Simon 
was  going  to  take  to  the  city  to  sell.  They 
were  very  good,  though  there  is  a  diflference 
between  them  and  those  of  the  Carribby 
islands ;  but  this  may  be  due  to  lateness  in  the 
season :  these  were  the  last  pulling. 

THE    CORTEL'lOL     HOl  SE 


sometimes  ten,  twelve  and  si.xteen  together, 
and  are  then  like  a  piece  of  rock.  Others 
are  young  and  small.  In  consequence  of  the 
great  quantities  of  them,  everybody  keeps  the 
shells  for  the  purpose  of  burning  them  into 
lime.  They  pickle  the  oysters  in  small  casks, 
and  send  them  to  Barbadoes  and  the  other 
islands.  We  had  for  supper  a  roasted  haunch 
of  venison,  which  he  had  bought  of  the  Indians 
for  three  guilders  and  a  half  of  "seewant,"' 
that  is,  fifteen  stivers  of  Dutch  money  (15 
cents),  and  which  weighed  thirty  pounds. 
The  meat  was  exceedingly  tender  and  good, 
and  also  quite  fat.  It  had  a  slight  aromatic 
flavor.     We  were  also  served  with  wild  tur- 

It  was  very  late  at  night  when  we  went  to 
rest  in  a  Kermis  bed,  as  it  is  called,  in  the 
corner  of  the  hearth,  alongside  of  a  good  fire. 

In  New  Utrecht  the  Labadists  met  with  an 
equally  hearty  reception  at  the  home  of 
Jacques  Cortelyou,  about  which  they  wrote: 

This  village  [New  Utreclii]  was  burned 
down  some  time  ago,  with  everything  about 
it,  including  the  house  of  this  man  [Jacques], 
which  was  about  half  an  hour  distant  from 
it.  Many  persons  were  impoverished  by  the 
fire.  It  was  now  about  all, rebuilt  and  many 
good    stone    houses    were    erected    of    which 



Jacques's  was  one,  where  we  returned  by  an- 
other road  to  spend  the  night.  After  supper 
we  went  to  sleep  in  the  barn  upon  some 
straw  spread  with  sheepskins,  in  the  midst 
of  the  continuous  grunting  of  hogs,  squeahng 
of  pigs,  bleating  and  coughing  of  sheep,  bark- 
ing of  dogs,  crowing  of  cocks,  cackling  of 
hens,  and  especially'  a  goodly  quantity  of  fleas 
and  vermin,  of  no  small  portion  of  which  we 
were  participants,  and  all  with  an  open  barn- 
door, through  which  a  fresh  north  wind  was 
blowing.  *  *  *  We  could  not  complain, 
since  we  had  the  same  quarters  and  kind  of 
bed  that  their  own  son  usually  had,  who  now, 
on  our  arrival,  crept  in  the  straw  behind  us. 

In  his  History  of  Brooklyn,  Dr.  Stiles  wrote 
so  fully  and  so  graphically  of  the  early  home 
of  the  Dutch  settlers  that  I  cannot  forbear 
making  use  of  his  words,  even  although  the 
quotation  is  a  lengthy  one: 

Before  the  English  conquest  of  the  Nether- 
lands, the  domestic  habits  and  customs  of 
the  Dutch  were  simple  and  democratic  in  their 
character.  All  had  come  hither  in  search  of 
fortune,  and  had  brought  little  with  them  in 
the  beginning.  Some,  indeed,  through  in- 
dustry or  peculiar  sagacity,  had  attained  posi- 
tions of  wealth,  and  of  increased  influence, 
yet  it  might  justly  be  said  of  the  Dutch,  that 
their  social  circles  were  open  to  all  of  good 
character,  without  regard  to  business  pur- 
suits, or  any  factitious  considerations.  Rich 
and  poor  mingled  together  with  a  freedom 
and  a  heartiness  of  enjoyment  which  can 
hardly  be  expected  to  exist,  except  in  the  form- 
ative stage  of  society.  The  advent  of  the 
English,  many  of  whom  had  high  social  con- 
nections at  home,  and  corresponding  habits, 
etc.,  brought  change  into  the  social  life  of  the 
colony,  and  necessarily  developed  an  aristo- 
cratic state  of  society  previously  unknown. 

In  the  "best  room"  of  every  house,  whether 
of  the  wealthy  or  humbler  class,  the  high- 
posted,  corded,  and  unwieldly  bedstead  was  a 
principal  object,  and,  with  its  furniture  and 
hangings,  formed  the  index  of  the  social 
standing  of  its  owner.  Upon  it,  according  to 
the  old  Dutch  fashion,  were  two  feather  beds — 
one  for  the  sleeper  to  lie  upon,  and  another, 
of  a  lighter  weight,  to  be  used  as  a  covering. 
The  pillow-cases  were  generally  of  check  pat- 
terns ;  and  the  curtains  and  valance  were  of  as 
expensive  materials  as  its  owner  could  afford ; 
while  in  front  of  the  bed  a  rug  was  laid,  for 
■  carpets  were  not  then  in  common  use.     Among 

the  Dutch,  the  only  article  of  that  sort,  even 
up  to  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  was  a 
drugget  cloth,  which  was  spread  under  the 
table  during  meal-time,  when,  upon  "extra 
occasions,"  the  table  was  set  in  the  parlor. 
But  even  these  were  unknown  among  the  in- 
habitants of  the  neighboring  Long  Island 
towns.  The  uniform  practice,  after  scrub- 
bing the  floor  well  on  certain  days,  was  to 
place  upon  the  damp  boards  the  fine  white 
beach  sand  (of  which  every  family  kept  a 
supply  on  hand,  renewing  it  by  trips  to  the 
seashore  twice  a  year),  arranged  in  small 
heaps,  which  the  members  of  the  family  were 
careful  not  to  disturb  by  treading  upon ;  and, 
on  the  following  day,  when  it  had  become  dry, 
it  was  swept,  by  the  light  and  skillful  touch 
of  the  housewive's  broom,  into  waves  or  other 
fanciful  figures.  Rag  carpets  were  unknown 
in  Kings  county  until  about  the  middle  of  the 
present  century. 

The  capacious  chest,  brought  from  Holland, 
occupied  a  prominent  place  in  the  house,  for 
several  generations ;  as  was  also  the  trundle 
(or  "kermis")  bed  concealed  under  the  bed 
by  day,  to  be  drawn  out  for  the  children's 
couch  at  night.  Chairs,  straight  and  high 
backed,  were  mostly  of  wood,  sometimes  cov- 
ered with  leather  and  studded  with  brass 
nails,  but  more  frequently  seated  simply  with 
matted  rushes.  Tables,  except  for  kitchen 
use,  were  unknown  to  the  earlier  Dutch,  and 
for  many  years  to  their  successors.  In  the 
principal  room,  which  held  the  fine  bed,  and 
was,  also,  tea  and  dining  room  on  special 
occasions,  was  generally  a  round  tea-table, 
with  a  leaf  which  could  be  dropped  perpen- 
dicularly when  not  in  use,  and  a  large  square 
table,  with  leaves,  for  use  at  tea-parties. 
Looking-glasses,  in  the  early  days,  were  gen- 
erally small,  with  narrow,  black  frames ;  and 
window-curtains  were  of  the  simplest  and 
cheapest  description,  being  no  better  in  the 
best  apartments  than  a  strip  of  ordinary  cloth 
run  upon  a  string.  Clocks  were  rare,  and 
most  families  marked  their  time  by  the  hour- 
glass, the  great  eight-day  clock,  which  we 
sometimes  see  as  heir-looms  in  our  oldest 
families,  being  first  introduced  in  this  country 
about  1720.  Earthenware,  until  about  1700, 
was  but  little  used  in  ordinary  table  service, 
wooden  and  pewter  being  then  universally  in 
use  by  all  classes  and  preferred  because  it 
did  not  dull  the  knives.  The  few  articles  of 
china,  kept  by  some  for  display  upon  the  cup- 
board, were  rarely  used ;  and,  though  earthen- 
ware came  into  partial  use  about  1680,  pewter 


was  still  the  most  common  up  to  the  period 
of  the  Revolution.  Among  the  wealthy,  blue 
and  white  china  and  porcelain,  curiously  orna- 
mented with  Chinese  pictures,  were  used  "for 
company."  The  teacups  were  very  diminutive 
in  size,  for  tea  was  then  an  article  of  the 
highest  luxury,  and  was  sipped  in  small  quan- 
tities, alternately  with  a  bite  from  the  lump 
of  loaf-sugar,  which  was  laid  beside  each 
guest's  plate.  Sometimes  china  plates  were 
used  as  wall-ornaments,  suspended  by  a  strong 
ribbon  passed  through  a  hole  drilled  in  their 
edges.  Silverware,  in  the  form  of  tankards, 
beakers,  porringers,  spoons,  snuffers,  candle- 
sticks, etc.,  was  a  favorite  form  of  display 
among  the  Dutch,  inasmuch  as  it  served  as 
an  index  of  the  owner's  wealth,  and  was  the 
safest  and  most  convenient  form  of  investment 
for  any  surplus  funds. 

Of  books  our  ancestors  had  but  few,  and 
these  were  mostly  Bibles,  Testaments  and 
psalm-books.  These  Bibles  were  quaint  speci- 
mens of  early  Dutch  printing,  with  thick 
covers,  massive  brass  and  sometimes  silver 
corner-pieces  and  clasps.  The  psalm-books 
were  also  adorned  with  silver  edgings  and 
clasps,  and  on  Sabbaths,  hung  by  chains  of 
the  same  material  to  the  girdle  of  matrons 
and  maidens.  Merchants  who  kept  school- 
books,  psalm-books,  etc.,  as  a  part  of  their 
stock,  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century, 
were  provided  with  an  equal  number  of  books 
in  the  Dutch  and  English  language ;  showing 
that,  even  at  that  late  period  after  the  ter- 
mination of  the  Dutch  power,  the  greater 
part  of  the  children  of  Dutch  descent  con- 
tinued to  be  educated  in  the  language  of  the 
Fatherland.  Spinning-wheels  were  to  be 
found  in  every  family,  many  having  four  or 
five — some  for  spinning  flax  and  others  for 
wool.  A  Dutch  matron,  indeed,  took  great 
pride  in  her  large  stock  of  household  linen 
(then  cheaper  than  cotton)  ;  and  it  was  the 
ambition  of  every  maiden  to  'take  ito  her 
husband's  house  a  full  and  complete  stock  of 
domestic  articles.  Light  was  furnished  only 
by  home-made  tallow  "dips." 

Marrying  and  giving  in  marriage  were  the 
occasion  of  many  merry-makings  and  cere- 
monies and  seemed  to  engage  the  attention  of 
wide  circles  in  the  western  end,  although  prob- 
ably the  Puritan  influence  divested  such  occa- 
sions in  the  eastern  settlements  of  everything 
except  their  religious  character.     In  the  west- 

ern section  all  the  marriages  were  first  sanc- 
tioned or  licensed  by  the  Governor,  and  that 
department  of  the  government  was  managed 
by  an  official  styled  the  First  Commissary  of 
Marriage  Affairs.  Whether  the  marriage  was 
a  civil  or  a  religious  one  it  could  not  be  re- 
garded as  legal  without  this  formality,  and  in 
the  Calendar  of  Historical  Manuscripts  (Al- 
bany, 1865)  we  read  that  on  April  3,  1648, 
"William  Harck,  sheriff  of  Flushing,  was  fined 
600  Carolus  guilders  and  deprived  of  his  of- 
fice for  solemnizing  the  marriage  of  Thomas 
Nuton,  widower,  and  Joan,  the  daughter  of 
Richard  Smith,  without  the  consent  of  the 
bride's  parents  and  contrary  to  the  law  of  the 
Province."  The  parties  thus  married  had  to 
go  through  a  legal  ceremonial  shortly  after. 
In  the  English  settlements  people  intending 
to  get  married  had  to  have  their  names  read 
in  public  on  three  successive  Sundays  in  the 
church  of  the  town  in  which  they  resided,  and 
so  secure  an  official  license  (which  in  these 
circumstances  cost  little  or  nothing),  and  then 
the  marriage  could  legally  be  performed  as  a 
civil  or  religious  service.  But  the  law  indeed 
seems  to  have  called  for  the  publication  of 
the  banns  three  times  all  over  the  island; 
but  in  the  western  section,  under  the  early 
Dutch  rule,  it  was  not  considered  among  the 
fashionables  as  "correct  form,"  and  the  Gov- 
ernor's license  was  held  to  be  all  that  was 
necessary.  The  law  seems  to  have  provided 
for  this  and  doubtless  the  Governors  en- 
couraged it  as  it  swelled  their  revenues.  But 
in  the  eastern  settlements,  such  marriages 
were  at  a  discount,  the  banns  were  cried,  and 
the  minister  was  the  necessary  official  at  the 
solemnization.  At  the  same  time  he  did  so 
under  heavy  penalties  should  he  fail  to  ob- 
serve the  law,  for  one  record  tells  in  that 
"any  minister  or  justice  who  married  any 
daughter,  maid,  or  servant  without  the  con- 
sent of  her  father,  master  or  dame,  or  witliout 
publishing  the  banns,  was  subject  to  a  penalty 
of  £20  and  a  forfeiture  of  his  office."  That 
this  was  borne  out  in  actual  life  and  no  mere 
ornament  on  the  statute  book,  is  abundantly 



borne  out  by  the  various  town  records.  Thus 
we  find  that  in  Huntington,  June  19,  1690, 
a  court  was  held  to  Hsten  to  the  complaint  of 
her  father  that  Sarah  Ketchani  had  heen 
wooed  by  Joseph  Whitman  "contrary  to  her 
mother's  mind."  Evidence  was  led  in  the 
case,  and  Sarah  was  ordered  to  appear  and 
tell  her  story.  How  the  case  terminated  does 
not  appear:  very  likely  the  marriage  was  not 
permitted,  for  no  record  of  its  having  taken 
place  remains,  but  the  fact  that  such  an  action 
was  begun  and  carried  out  shows  that  the 
statute  was  enforced  and  held  iin  general 

^^'e  are  in  the  habit  of  decrying  the  present 
age  as  too  entirely  a  practical  one,  too  ob- 
livious to  sentiment,  and  speak  of  money  as 
one  of  the  main  factors  in  matrimon_\-.  But 
there  were  the  same  elements  of  dollars  and 
cents  in  the  matrimonial  market  even  in  the 
Arcadian  days  of  Long  Island.  Thus  on  June 
g,  1760,  the  following  ante-nuptial  contract 
was  filed  on  record  at  Huntington  : 

The  conditions  of  this  obligation  between 
me,  Rueben  Arter,  and  Sarah  Jarvis  is  such 
that  if  we  marry,  I,  Rueben  Arter.  do  quit 
her  estate  of  all  but  five  and  twenty  pounds. 
I,  Sarah  Jarvis,  do  allow  out  of  the  rent  of 
the  farme  for  the  child's  bringing  up,  and  if  I, 
Sarah  Jarvis,  don't  have  no  other  Darter, 
Ruth  Jarvis  shall  have  my  wearing  cloaths ; 
but  if  I  have  other  Darters  then  the  cloaths 
to  be  Divided  between  them — the  wearing 
cloaths,  and  I,  Rueben  Arter,  do  hereby  bind 
myself  in  the  sum  of  fifty  pounds  current 
money  to  stand  to  these  Articles  by  my  hand 
and  seal  before  these  witnesses  I  have  chosen. 

Reuben  Arthur. 
John  Bunce. 

In  some  cases  the  bride  had  an  inventory 
made  of  the  goods  she  brought  with  her  to 
her  new  home,  and  for  some  reason  it  was  at 
times  deemed  necessary,  or  in  keeping  with 
the  fitness  of  things,  to  have  such  inventory 
recorded.  Here  is  one  recorded  in  Kings 
County  in  1691,  which  is  printed  in  Gabriel 
Furman's  "Notes  on  the  Town  of  Brooklyn" : 

"A  half  worn  bed,  pillow,  2  cushions  of  tick- 
ing with  feathers,  one  rug.  4  sheets,  4  cushion 
covers,  2  iron  pots,  3  pewter  dishes,  i  pewter 
basin,  i  iron  roaster,  i  schuryn  spoon,  2 
cowes  about  5  years  old,  i  case  or  cupboard,  i 

Furman  also  notes  that  in  the  Dutch 
churches  the  fees  paid  the  officiating  clergy- 
man on  such  occasions  were  not  his  personal 
perquisites  but  had  to  be  handed  over  to  the 
classis ;  and  Mrs.  Vanderbilt,  in  her  "Social 
History  of  Flatlnish,"  notes  that  in  1660  mar- 
riage fees  amounting  to  43  guilders  were  ap- 
plied to  the  building  fund  of  the  church.  In 
the  east,  such  fees  were  part  of  the  Dominie's 

Funerals,  however,  were  the  occasions  on 
which  the  Dutch  settlers  spread  themselves. 
It  was  made  an  occasion  for  solemn  rejoicing 
— so  to  speak — and  the  quantity  of  liquor 
consumed  on  tlie  occasion  of  the  funeral  of  a 
well  known  and  wealthy  farmer  was  extra- 
ordinary. Airs.  \"anderbilt  preserves  in  print 
the  following  bill  of  expenses  at  the  funeral 
in   1789  of  a  citizen  of  Flatbush: 

20  gallons  good  wine. 

2  gallons  spirits. 

I  large  loaf  of  lump  sugar. 

1/  doz.  nutmegs. 

lA  gross  long  pipes. 

4  lbs.  tobacco. 

1 14   dozen  black   silk  handkerchiefs. 

6  loaves  of  bread. 

Furman  tells  us  that  "formerly  the  funerals 
upon  this  island  were  of  a  very  expensive 
character,  and  it  was  a  custom  in  the  old 
families  to  lay  up  a  stock  of  superior  wine 
to  be  used  on  such  occasions ;  and  frequently 
at  those  funerals  you  would  meet  with  wine 
so  choice  and  excellent  that  it  could  scarcely 
be  equalled  by  any  in  the  land,  although  our 
(  ountry  ha.s  always  been  celebrated  throughout 
the  world  for  its  excellent  Madeira  wine. 
Christopher  Smith  of  Jamaica,  on  this  island, 
who  died  about  half  a  century  since  [about 
1780],  had  stored  away  a  large  quantity  of 



the  most  superior  wines  in  the  country  which 
were  used  at  his  funeral."  The  funeral  ser- 
vices were  condiicted  at  the  house,  not  in  the 
church,  and  the  body  was  generally  carried 
to  the  grave,  which  in  most  cases,  any  dis- 
tance from  the  church,  was  in  a  corner  of  the 
private  grounds  of  the  family. 

The  Rev.  P.  Van  Pelt  thus  describes  a  Dutch 
funeral  conducted  in  the  olden  style  in  1819 
by  the  Rev.  W.  Schoonmaker,  then  in  his 
own  eighty-second  year: 

THE    CHURCH    ON    THE    HILL. 

It  was  in  1819  that  I  last  heard,  or  recollect 
to  have  seen,  the  venerable  old  dominie.  It 
was  at  the  funeral  of  one  of  his  old  friends 
and  associates.  A  custom  had  very  generally 
prevailed,  which,  though  then  very  rarely  ob- 
served, yet  in  this  instance  was  literally  ad- 
hered to.  The  deceased  had,  many  years  be- 
fore, provided  and  laid  away  the  materials 
for  his  own  coffin.  This  was  one  of  the  best 
seasoned  and  smoothest  boards,  and  beautifully 
grained.  Other  customs  and  ceremonies  then 
existed,  now  almost  forgotten.  As  I  entered 
the  room  I  observed  the  coffin  elevated  on 
a  table  in  one  corner.  The  dominie,  abstracted 
and  grave,  was  seated  at  the  upper  end ;  and 

around,  in  solemn  silence,  the  venerable  and 
hoary-headed  friends  of  the  deceased.  All 
was  still  and  serious.  A  simple  recognition 
or  a  half-audible  inquiry,  as  one  after  another 
arrived,  was  all  that  passed.  Directly,  the 
sexton,  followed  by  a  servant,  made  his  ap- 
pearance, with  glasses  and  decanters.  Wine 
was  handed  to  each.  Some  declined;  others 
drank  a  solitary  glass.  This  ended,  and  again 
the  sexton  presented  himself  with  pipes  and 
tobacco.  The  dominie  smoked  his  pipe,  and 
a  few  followed  his  example.  The  custom  has 
become  obsolete,  and  it  is  well  that  it  has. 
When  the  whififs  of  smoke  had  ceased  to  curl 
around  the  head  of  the  dominie,  he  arose  with 
evident  feeling,  and  in  a  quiet,  subdued  tone, 
made  a  short  but  apparently  impressive  ad- 
dress. I  judged  solely  by  his  appearance  and 
manner ;  for,  although  boasting  a  Holland  de- 
scent, it  was  to  me  speaking  in  an  unknown 
tongue.  A  short  prayer  concluded  the  service  ; 
and  then  the  sexton,  taking  the  lead,  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  dominie,  the  doctor,  and  the  pall- 
bearers, with  white  scarfs  and  black  gloves. 
The  corpse,  and  a  long  procession  of  friends 
and  neighbors,  proceeded  to  the  churchyard, 
where  all  that  was  mortal  was  committed  to 
the  earth  till  the  last  trump  shall  sound  and 
the  graves  shall  give  up  the  dead.  No  bustle, 
no  confusion,  no  noise  nor  indecent  haste,  at- 
tended that  funeral. 

The  Dutch  seemed  to  have  carefully  en- 
closed their  burial  grounds,  whether  public  or 
private,  and,  in  the  earlier  times  especially,  to 
have  raised  no  commemorative  stones,  the 
grave  being  often  simply  marked  by  an  unlet- 
tered headstone.  In  the  eastern  end,  however, 
whether  in  private  ground  or  in  the  God's- 
acre  surrounding  the  meeting  house,  a  stone 
was  invariably  set  up,  even  although  the  sacred 
grounds  were  unenclosed.  In  1640  and  again 
in  1684  the  Governor  and  Council  ordered  all 
interments  in  private  burial  grounds  to  cease ; 
but  the  orders  were  not  obeyed,  and  Furmaii 
mentions  that  private  burial  grounds  were  used 
even  in  his  own  day  "to  a  considerable  ex- 

From  funerals  to  wills  is  an  easy  and  nat- 
ural transition,  and  by  studying  some  of  the 
old  "testaments"  left  by  the  early  dwellers  on 
Long  Island  we  get  many  a  glimpse  into  mat- 



ters  illustrative  of  their  characteristics  which 
could  not  otherwise  be  had. 

Thus  we  find  the  Dutch  were  no  believers 
in  widows  "throwing  off  their  caps"  and  en- 
tering upon  a  second  matrimonial  experiment, 
for  we  have  frequent  instances  in  the  wills 
still  extant  of  property  bequeathed  to  widows 
only  so  long  as  they  remain  in  that  condition. 
Thus  in  1726  Cornelis  Van  Catts  left  the  bulk 
of  his  estate  to  his  wife;  "but  if  she  happen 
to  marry  then  I  geff  her  nothing  of  my  es- 
tate, neither  real  or  personal.  I  geff  to  my 
well  beloved  son,  Cornelius,  the  best  horse  that 
I  have,  or  else  £7  los.,  for  his  good  as  my 
eldest  son.  And  then  my  two  children,  Cor- 
nelius Catts  and  David  Catts,  all  heef  of  my 
whole  effects,  land  and  movables,  that  is  to 
say,  Cornelius  Catts  heef  of  all,  and  David 
Catts  heeft'  of  all.  But  my  wife  can  be  master 
of  all,  for  bringing  up  to  good  learning  my 
two  children   {offcttcn)   school  to  learn." 

But  in  this  respect  the  English  residents 
were  equally  prohibitive,  for  in  the  will  of  Ben- 
jamin Conkling,  of  Huntington,  1758,  he  gave 
his  wife  "one  equal  half  of  all  my  household 
goods  and  ye  3d  third  of  my  estate  as  long 
as  she  remains  my  widow."  Perhaps  the  best 
authority  on  the  wills  made  by  Long  Islanders 
is  Mr.  William  S.  Pelletreau,  whose  "Abstract 
of  Wills  on  File  in  the  Surrogate's  Office,  City 
of  New  York,  1695,  1707,"  published  in  1901, 
is  a  mine  of  information  on  the  subject.  From 
that  invaluable  volume  we  glean  as  follows  : 

The  first  will  printed  in  the  work  is  that  of 
William  Ludlam,  of  Southampton,  1665. 
Among  his  legacies  he  leaves  to  his  son  An- 
thony "all  my  housing  and  lands  at  the  old 
ground,"  and  a  £50  right  of  communage  in  the 
town  of  Southampton.  In  a  note  appended  to 
this  will  Mr.  Pelletreau  writes  that  William 
Ludlam  came  from  Matlock,  in  Derbyshire, 
England,  and  was  in  Southampton  as  early  as 
1653.  All  through  the  volume,  notes  of  this 
•character  give  information  of  the  greatest  in- 
terest. The  use  of  the  word  "alias"  is  fre- 
quent, but  not  in  the  sense  of  to-day.  For  in- 
stance, Daniel  Denton  is  an  executor.    He  lives 

at  Rustdorp,  "alias  Jamaica,  Long  Island." 
Alice  Goodspeede  is  declared  to  be  the  next 
heir  of  John  Layton,  "late  of  Middleborough, 
alias  New  Towne,  upon  Long  Island."  David 
Carwith  (Corwith  to-day)  in  1665,  "being 
weake  in  body,  but  in  perfect  memory,"  leaves 
to  his  son  Caleb  "my  best  suit  of  clothes  and  a 
bed  blanket."  Mary,  his  daughter,  becomes 
possessed  of  a  scythe  and  a  Bible.  John  Mars- 
ton,  of  Flushing,  leaves  to  one  daughter  a 
gold  ring,  and  to  another  a  silver  thimble. 
Thomas  Sayre,  of  Southampton,  whose  will  is 
dated  September,  1669,  leaves  many  acres  of 
land,  and  besides  much  pewter.  'His  son  is 
to  receive  "a  Pewter  flagon,  a  Pewter  bowl, 
and  a  Great  Pewter  Platter."  Here  is  a  curi- 
ous bequest  to  another  son:  £10  a  year,  "to 
begin  five  years  after  my  decease,  to  be  paid 
in  good  merchantable  shoes,  or  other  pay  that 
will  procure  hides  toward  his  setting  up  a 

Mr.  Pelletreau  informs  the  reader  that  the 
Thomas  Sayres  house  is  still  standing  at 
Southampton,  "and  is  now  the  oldest  dwelling 
in  the  State." 

John  Foster,  of  Rustdorp,  L.  I.,  whose  will 
was  made  in  1663,  is  anxious  as  to  the  educa- 
tion of  his  children.  So  he  orders,  "My  Chil- 
dren are  to  be  tought  to  read  English  well,  and 
my  son  to  write,  when  they  come  of  age." 

John  Hart,  of  Maspeth  Kills,  gives  one  of 
his  sons  a  shilling,  and  to  another  "one  Hog." 
John  Hart  discriminated,  for  to  his  other  two 
sons  he  left  his  plantation.  Thomas  Terry,  of 
Southold,  does  not  forget  his  wife.  She  is  to 
have  "15  bushels  of  corn  yearly  during  her 

Ralph  Hunt,  of  Newtown,  had  not  a  great 
deal  to  give.  To  his  daughter  Mary  he  leaves 
"two  cows,  six  sheep,  and  the  feather  bed  I 
now  lye  on."  To  Ann,  she  "now  having  my 
red  coat  in  her  possession,  she  is  to  have  it 
valued,  and  one-half  of  the  proceeds  in  money 
is  to  be  given  to  my  daughter  Mary."  Thomas 
Halsey,  of  Southampton,  whose  will  is  of  1677, 
is  possessed  of  a  fair  landed  property.  An  in- 
ventory shows  that  the  estate  was  worth  £672, 


a  great  deal  of  money  in  those  days.  Among 
the  bequests  of  Thomas  Halsey  is  one  to  his 
wife  of  "one  woolen  wheele,  my  little  Iron 
Pott,  and  a  Yellow  Rugg,  and  one  Dutch 
blanket,  and  four  bushels  of  wheate  to  be  paid 
yarly,  as  long  as  she  liveth,  and  4  sheep."  In 
the  will  of  Balthazar  De  Hart  slaves  appear. 
De  Hart  leaves  "a  negro  woman  with  her  3 
children."  The  date  is  1672.  Mary  Jansen, 
in  a  codicil  to  her  will  (1677),  leaves  her  son 
Cornelius  a  negro  boy.  Among  Mary  Jansen's 
other  legacies  there  are  golden  earrings  and  a 
diamond  rose  ring,  "the  Great  Bible,"  a  silver 
spoon,  a  silver  bodkin,  and  a  silver  chain  with 

Until  the  promulgation  of  "The  Duke's 
Laws,"  in  1665,  it  cannot  be  said  that  Long 
Island  was  governed  by  any  general  code  of 
regulations.  The  Dutch  system,  as  interpreted 
by  the  Director  or  Governor  and  his  generally 
complaisant  Council,  was  the  authority  west 
of  Oyster  Bay,  and  to  the  east  was  the  town 
governments,  making  their  own  laws,  but  in  a 
general  way  basing  their  legislation  upon  the 
code  which  regulated  affairs  in  Connecticut. 
These  laws  are  worthy  of  a  little  study,  as  they 
show  that  for  many  of  what  were  deemed  their 
extravagances,  the  Puritan  settlers  on  Long 
Island  had  full  legislative  authority  and  were 
simply  following  established  and  confirmed 

In  a  now  rare  volume  printed  at  New  Lon- 
don in  1750  and  entitled  "Acts  and  Laws 
Passed  by  the  General  Court  or  Assembly  of 
His  Majesty's  English  Colony  of  Connecticut 
in  New  England  in  America,"  we  get  a  thor- 
ough knowledge  of  what  these  laws  were.  The 
statute  covering  the  Sabbath  is  entitled  "An  act 
for  the  due  observance  and  keeping  the  Sab- 
bath, the  Lord's  Day,  and  for  preventing  and 
punishing  disorders  and  prophaneness  on  the 

The  act  provides  that  all  persons  on 
the  Lord's  Day  must  apply  themselves  to  the 
duties  of  religion,  both  in  public  and  in  private, 
imposing  a  fine  of  3s.  on  any  one  who  neglects 
to  attend  public  worship.    Any  one  who  assem- 

bles in  a  meeting  house  and  has  a  meeting 
without  first  getting  leave  from  the  minister 
is  subject  to  a  fine  of  los.  No  person  shall 
neglect  the  public  worship  of  God  in  some 
lawful  congregation  and  assemble  in  separate 
companies  in  private  houses  under  penalty  of 
a  fine  of  los.  Any  one  who  has  worked  or 
played  on  the  Sabbath  was  subject  to  a  fine  of 
IDS.,  and  the  penalty  for  rude  or  profane  con- 
duct was  40s.,  and  it  cost  20s.  to  travel  on  Siin- 
day.  Drinking  was  not  allowed  on  Sunday, 
and  a  ship  could  not  sail  out  of  the  harbor, 
fines  being  the  penalty  for  violations.  In  the 
event  that  the  person  fined  refused  to  pay,  he 
was  to  be  "publickly  whipt,"  and  no  appeal 
was  allowed. 

Concerning  swearing,  which  was  prohib- 
ited every  day  in  the  week,  the  law  reads :  "Be 
it  enacted  by  the  Governor,  Council,  and  Rep- 
resentatives in  General  Court  assembled,  and 
by  the  authority  of  the  same,  that  if  any  per- 
son within  this  colony  shall  swear  rashly,  vain- 
ly, or  profanely,  either  by  the  Holy  Name  of 
God  or  any  other  oath,  or  shall  sinfully  and 
wickedly  curse  any  person,  or  persons,  such 
person  so  ofl;ending,  shall  upon  conviction 
thereof,  before  any  one,  assistant,  or  Justice 
of  the  Peace,  forfeit  and  pay  for  every  such 
offense-  the  sum  of  6s. 

"And  if  such  person,  or  persons  so  con- 
victed, shall  not  be  able  or  shall  refuse  to  pay 
the  aforesaid  fine,  he,  or  they,  shall  be  set  in 
the  stocks,  not  exceeding  three  hours,  and  not 
less  than  one  hour  for  one  ofifense  and  pay 
cost  of  prosecution." 

Gambling,  or  "gaming"  as  it  was  known 
then,  was  prohibited,  the  act  saying  that  no 
tavern  keeper,  ale-house  keeper,  or  victualler 
"shall  have,  or  keep  in,  or  about  their  houses, 
outhouses,  yards,  back  yards,  gardens,  or 
other  places  to  them  belonging,  any  dice,  cards, 
tables,  bowls,  shuffleboard,  billiard,  coytes, 
keils,  logets,  or  any  other  implements  used  in 
gaming,  nor  shall  suffer  any  person  to  exercise 
any  of  the  said  games  within  their  said  houses, 
on  pain  of  forfeiting  the  sum  of  40s."  People 
convicted  of  playing  any  of  the  games  were  to 



be  fined  los.  The  head  of  a  family  who  per- 
mitted gaming  in  his  house  was  subject  to  a 
fine  of  20S. 

Concerninig  the  jails,  they  were  to  be 
kept  in  good  repair,  the  prisoners  were  to  bear 
their  own  charges  and  allowed  to  use  their  own 
bedding  and  send  for  their  own  food.  The 
keepers  who  injured  their  prisoners  were  to  be 
fined,  a  poor  prisoner  was  to  be  allowed  to  take 
the  oath  and  the  creditor  notified  and  required 
to  pay  for  his  weekly  maintenance  if  he  insisted 
on  keeping  the  prisoner  in  jail. 

The  offenses  against  society  were  liberally 
provided  for,  the  punishments  being  fines  and 
imprisonment,  and  there  were  all  sorts  of  laws 
the  same  as  now,  some  being  more  stringent 
and  somewhat  peculiar,  viewed  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  present  century. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  here  to  review  the 
Dutch  laws  or  the  town  laws,  but  siin- 
ply  to  present  a  few  specimens  of  the  working 
of  these  regulations  with  the  view  of  throwing 
some  additional  light  upon  the  manners  of  the 

In  Bushwick  there  seems  to  have  been  more 
of  a  fighting  disposition  among  the  people 
than  its  old  Dutch  name  should  have  war- 
ranted. Witness  the  following,  mentioned  by 
Dr.  Stiles: 

On  the  20th  of  August,  i(x)^,  Jurian  Na- 
gell,  of  Bushwick,  together  with  two  others  of 
Brooklyn,  endeavored  to  stir  up  sedition  among 
the  crowd,  who  had  assembled  at  a  general 
training  of  the  Kings  County  militia,  on  Flat- 
land  plains.  Captain  James  Cortelyou  deposed 
before  the  Court  of  Sessions  that,  "being  in 
arms  at  the  head  of  his  company,"  he  heard 
Nagell  say  to  the  people  then  in  arms  on  said 
plains,  in  Dutch,  these  mutinous,  factious  and 
seditious  words,  following,  viz. :  "Slaen  zvij- 
dcr  ondcr,  zvij  scijn  dric  &  egcn  ecu;"  in  Eng- 
lish :  "Let  us  knock  them  down,  we  are  three 
to  their  one."  Nagell  subsequently  confessed 
his  error,  and  was  released  with  a  fine. 

The  women,  also,  participated  in  the  disor- 
ders of  the  times,  for  on  the  8th  of  May,  1694, 
Rachel,  the  wife  of  John  Luquer,  and  the  wid- 
ow of  Jonica  Schamp,  both  of  Bushwick,  were 
presented  before  the  Court  of  Sessions  for  hav- 

ing, on  the  24th  of  January  previous,  assaulted 
Captain  Peter  Praa,  and  "tcare  him  by  the  hair 
as  he  stood  at  the  head  of  his  company,  at  Bos- 
wyck."  They,  too,  were  heavily  fined,  and  re- 
leased after  making  due  confession  of  their 

In  1648  the  town  of  Southold  agreed  to 
conform  faithfully  to  the  New  Haven  law  of 
1643  that  "none  shall  be  admitted  to  be  free 
burgesses  in  any  of  the  pltntations  within  tbis 
jurisdiction  for- the  future,  but  such  planters 
as  are  members  of  some  or  other  of  the  ap- 
proved churches  in  New  England ;  nor  shall 
any  but  such  free  burgesses  have  any  vote  in 
any  election.  *  *  *  Nor  shall  any  power 
or  trust  in  the  ordering  of  any  Civil  Affayres 
be  att  any  time  put  into  the  hands  of  any  other 
than  such  church  members."  An  appropriate 
oath,  binding  the  subject  to  the  faithful  observ- 
ance of  all  regulations  made  under  this  rule 
was  required  of  everyone.  Southold  also  or- 
dained that  "it  was  moreover  then  also  or- 
dered, that  everie  such  person  as  inhabiteth 
amongst  us  as  shall  bee  found  to  bee  a  comon 
tale  carriere,  tatler  or  busie  bodie  in  idle  mat- 
ter, forger  or  coyner  of  reports,  untruths,  or 
leys,  or  frequently  provokeinge  rude  unsa- 
vorie  words,  tendeinge  to  disturbe  the  peace, 
shall  forfeite  and  pay  for  everie  default  10s." 

The  town  of  Easthampton  in  1656  ordered 
that  "whoever  shall  raise  up  a  false  witness 
against  any  man,  to  testify  that  which  is  wrong- 
it  shall  be  done  unto  him  as  he  had  thought  to 
have  done  unto  his  neighbor,  whatever  it  be, 
even  unto  the  taking  away  of  life,  limb  or 
member.  And  whosoever  shall  slander  an- 
other, shall  be  liable  to  pay  a  fine  of  five 
pounds."  In  165 1  the  same  town  enacted  that 
"Noe  Indian  shall  travel  up  and  down,  or  carry 
any  burthen  in  or  through  our  town  on  the 
Sabbath  day,  and  whosoever  is  found  soe  do- 
ing shall  be  liable  to  corporall  punishment." 
In  1656  a  woman  was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine 
of  £3,  or  stand  one  hour  with  a  cleft  stick  upon 
her  tongue,  for  saying  that  her  husband  had 
brought  her  to  a  place  where  there  was  neither 
gospel  nor  magistracy." 



The  Sunday  laws  were  rigorously  enforced. 
Daniel  Baker  of  Easthampton  in  1682  lost  an 
ox,  found  it  on  a  Sabbath  morning  and  drove 
it  to  his  barn.  For  this  desecration  of  the  Sab- 
bath he  was  brought  before  the  Court  of  Ses- 
sions, which  was  held  at  Southold  in  June, 
and  by  that  tribunal  was  fined  forty  shillings 
and  costs  of  court,  which  all  amounted  to  nine 
pounds,  three  shillings  and  three  pence.  In  ad- 
dition to  this  he  was  obliged  to  give  bonds  in 
the  penal  sum  of  twenty  pounds  sterling,  for 
his  good  behaviour  until  the  following  March ! 

The  early  records  of  Flatbush  contain  the 
following  entry,  dated  1659:  Schout  vs.  Jan 
Klaesen,  in  Scheppens  Court.  Schout  com- 
plained against  the  defendant  for  carting  in 
buckwheat  with  his  wagon  and  oxen  on  Sun- 
day, contrary  to  the  placards.  Condemned  to 
pay  costs. 

The  town  of  Hempstead  in  1650  passed  an 
order  imposing  a  fine  upon  every  person  who, 
"without  just  and  necessary  cause,"  should 
neglect  to  attend  "public  meetings  on  the 
Lord's  Day,  and  public  days  of  fasting,  .and 
thanksgiving,  both   forenoon-  and  afternoon." 

In  1674  it  was  enacted  in  Brookhaven  "that 
Whereais,  there  have  been  much,  abuse  pro- 
faning of  the  Lord's  Day  by  the  younger  sort 
of  people  in  discoursing  of  vain  things  and 
running  races  ;  therefore  we  make  an  order  that 
whosoever  shall  do  the  like  again,  notice  shail 
be  taken  of  them  and  be  presented  to  the  next 
court,  there  to  answer  for  their  faults  and  to 
receive  such  punishment  as  they  deserve; 
whereas,  it  have  been  too  common  in  this  town 
for  young  men  and  maids  to  be  out  of  their 
father's  and  mother's  house  at  unseasonable 
times  of  night;,  it  is  therefore  ordered  that 
whosoever  of  the  younger  sort  shall  be  out  of 
their  father's  or  mother's  house  past  nine  of 
the  clock  at  night  shall  be  summonsed  into  the 
next  court  and  there  to  pay  court  charges,  with 
what  punishment  the  court  shall  see  cause  to 
lay  upon  them  except  they  can  give  sufficient 
reason  for  their  being  out  late." 

About  1699  the  town  of  Brooklyn  decreed 
"that  no  people  shall  pass  on  the  Sabbath  day, 

unless  it  be  to  or  from  church,  or  other  urgent 
and  lawful  occasions  according  to  act  of  assem- 
bly, upon  penalty  aforesaid  of  fine  and  impris- 
onment." In  the  town  of  Flatlands  the  civil 
magistrates  were  required  to  be  of  the  Re^ 
formed  religion,  and  officers  of  the  church  were 
ex  officio  officers  of  the  town. 

In  1654  at  Southampton,  according  to 
Prime,  it  was  ordered  that"if  any  person  abov^ 
the  age  of  fourteen  shall  be  convicted  of  lying, 
by  two  sufficient  witnesses,  such  person  soe 
oft'ending  shall  pay  5s.  for  every  such  default ; 
and  if  bee  have  not  to  paye  hee  shall  cit  in  the 
stox  5  hours."  That  the  stocks  were  already 
provided  is  evidenced  by  an  entry  in  1648,  as 
follows :  "The  14th  daye  of  November,  or- 
dered that  there  shall  hereby  be  provided  a 
sufficient  payre  of  Stokes,  John  White  having 
undertaken  to  make  them."  In  1651  a  woman 
in  that  town  was  "sentenced  by  the  magistrates 
for  exorbitant  words  of  imprecation  to  stand 
with  her  tongue  in  a  cleft  stick  so  long  as  the 
offense  committed  is  read  and  declared,  "hi 
the  system  of  alarms  for  calling  the  militia  to- 
gether in  case  of  invasion  in  that  town,  it  was 
ordered  in  1667,  that  "if  any  pson  soever  shall 
psume  to  make  any  ffalse  alarum  shall  for  his 
or  there  Default  pay  twenty  shillings  or  be 
severely  whipt,  and  noe  person  pretend  ignor- 

One  of  the  most  humorous  outcomes  of  the 
Dutch  laws  is  to  be  found  in  the  following  ex- 
tract from  Dr.  Stiles.  Denton's  pond,  it  may 
be  premised,  has  long  been  obliterated  in 

Denton's  pond  was  the  subject  of  a  curi- 
ous contract  about  1709,  between  its  original 
proprietors,  Abram  and  Nicholas  Brower,  and 
Nicholas  \'echte,  the  builder  and  occupant  of 
the  old  1699,  or  Cortelyou,  house.  With  the 
strong  predilection  of  his  race  for  canals  and 
dikes  and  water-communications,  old  A'echte 
added  the  traits  of  eccentricity  and  independ- 
ence. His  house  stood  on  a  bank  a  few  feet 
above  the  salt-meadow,  at  a  distance  of  a  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  navigable  waters  of  the 
creek.  To  secure  access  to  them,  from  his 
kitchen  door,  Vechte  dug  a  narrow  canal  to  the 



creek,  but  the  ebb-tide  often  left  his  boat  firmly 
sunk  in  the  mud,  when  he  wished  to  reach  the 
city  market  with  the  produce  of  his  farm.  He 
therefore  contracted  with  the  Browers  to  sup- 
ply him  with  water  from  their  pond ;  and  a 
channel  was  dug,  in  furtherance  of  his  scheme,  ■ 
to  a  water  gate,  through  which  his  canal  was 
to  be  flooded.  The  old  Dutch  farmer  was  ac- 
customed to  seat  himself  in  his  loaded  boat, 
while  it  was  resting  in  the  mud  of  the  empty 
channel,  and  hoist  his  paddle  as  a  signal  to  his 
negro  servant  to  raise  the  gate.  The  flood  soon 
floated  his  boat,  and  bore  him  out  to  the  creek, 
exulting  with  great  glee  over  his  neighbors, 
whose  stranded  boats  must  await  the  next 
flood.  The  contract  for  this  privilege,  as  well 
as  another,  by  which  Vechte  leased  the  right 
to  plant  the  ponds  with  oysters,  are  in  posses- 
sion of  Mr.  Arthur  Benson. 

In  1661  Easthampton  passed  a  curious  law 
that  "'No  man  shall  sell  his  accommodation  to 
another  without  consent  of  the  town,  and  if 
any  purchase  he  made  without  such  consent 
he  shall  not  enjoy  the  same."  This  seems  to 
have  been  intended  to  prevent  unwelcome 
strangers  from  getting  even  a  night's  lodging. 
On  this  question  of  the  settlement  of  strangers 
all  the  eastern  towns  were  decidedly  careful 
and  conservative.  In  1648  Southampton  de- 
creed that  '.'Thomas  Robinson  shall  be  ac- 
cepted as   an   inhabitant   and   have   a   £50  lot 

granted  unto  him;  provided  the  said  Thomas 
be  not  under  any  scandalous  crime,  which  may 
be  laid  to  his  change,  within  six  months,  and 
that  he  carry  himself  and  behave  as  becometh 
an  honest  man."  Again,  Samuel  Dayton  was 
given  similar  consideration  provided  "that  the 
said  Samuel  (being  a  stranger  to  us)  were  of 
good  approbation  in  the  colony  he  last  lived  in, 
and  do  demean  himself  well  here  for  the  time 
of  approbation,  namely,  six  months." 

But  these  wanderings  among  these  ancient 
by-paths  of  the  laws  of  the  island  must  cease. 
We  may  smile  at  some  of  them,  and  feel  in- 
clined to  ridicule  most  of  them ;  but  they  were 
all  the  honest  outcome  of  a  people's  desire  to 
so  frame  their  daily  lives  as  to  win  the  most 
exact  justice,  man  to  man,  and  to  bring  about 
peace,  order  and  the  greatest  amount  of  hap- 
piness and  prosperity  to  each  community. 
Early  Dutchmen  and  pioneer  Englishmen 
were  alike  in  this,  that  they  believed  in  law 
and  order,  that  they  loved  God  and  kept  His 
commandments,  and  they  tried  to  shape  their 
legislation  by  the  Book  which  was  a  light  unto 
their  feet  and  a  guide  unto  their  path,  and 
which  was  a  much  more  potent  and  active  fac- 
tor in  the  .daily  life  and  thought  and  purpose 
of  each  community  than  it  is  in  these  passing 
davs  of  ours. 


i^^^^M,        — = 




HERE  is  no  doubt  that  the  "insti- 
tution," as  they  used  to  call  it  in 
the  old  ante-bellum  days  of  negro 
slavery,  was  introduced  into  the 
New  Netherland  by  the  Dutch.  Among 
the  "freedoms  and  exemptions"  granted 
by  the  West  India  Company  in  1629 
to  whoever  planted  colonies  in  New  Neth- 
erland was  a  clause  stipulating  that  "the 
company  will  use  their  endeavors  to  sup- 
ply the  colonists  with  as  many  blacks  as  they 
conveniently  can."  Negro  slaves  were  em- 
ployed on  the  construction  of  Fort  Amster- 
dam by  Wouter  Van  Twiller,  and  in  an  ap- 
praisal of  the  company's  property  in  1639  the 
value  of  a  negro  slave  was  placed  at  40  guild- 
ers, or  about  $16  in  modern  currency.  In 
1650  it  was  decreed  "that  the  inhabitants  of 
New  Netherland  shall  be  at  liberty  to  purchase 
negroes  wheresoever  they  may  think  necessary, 
except  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  bring  them 
to  work  on. their  bouweries,"  paying  a  small 
duty  on  each  importation.  In  165 1  the  average 
value  of  a  negro  slave  was  about  $100,  and 
that  price  was  paid  at  public  auction  in  New 
Amsterdam.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Polhemus  paid 
$176  for  a  negro  slave  at  an  auction  in  1664. 
So  far  as  can  be  seen  the  slaves  held  by 
the  Dutch  were  humanely  treated,  although 
now  and  again  we  come  across  evidences  of 
the  existence  of  cruelty.  Even  as  early  as 
1644  we  read  of  laws  being  passed  for  the 
emancipation  of  negroes  who  by  long  service 
and  good  behavior  had  earned  some  mitigation 
of  their  terrible  lot. 

Under  the  English  domination  slavery  not 
only  flourished,  but  the  laws  against  the  ne- 
groes were  made  more  stringent  than  ever. 
In  1683  it  was  enacted  that  "No  servant  or 
slave,  either  Male  or  Female  shall  either  give, 
sell  or  trust  any  Commodity  whatsoever  dur- 
ing the  time  of  their  Service  under  the  pen- 
alty of  such  Corporal  Punishment  as  shall  be 
ordered  to  be  inflicted  by  warrant  under  the 
Hands  of  two  Justices  of  the  Peace  of  the 
County  where  the  said  Servant  or  Slave  doth 
reside.  And  if  any  Person  whatsoever  shall 
buy  of,  receive  from  or  trust  with  any  Ser- 
vant or  Slave  contrary  to  this  Law,  they  shall 
be  com.pelled  by  Warrant,  as  aforesaid,  to  re- 
store the  said  commodity  so  bought,  received 
or  trusted  for  to  the  Master  of  such  Servant 
or  Slave  and  forfeit  for  every  such  oflfence 
the  sum  of  £5.  And  if  any  Person  whatsoever 
shall  credit  or  trust  any  Servant  or  Slave  for 
Clothes,  Drink:  or  any  other  Commodity  what- 
soever the  said  Person  shall  lose  his  Debt  & 
be  forever  debarred  from  maintaining  any 
writ  at  Law  against  the  said  Servant  or  Slave 
for  any  matter  or  thing  so  trusted  as  afore- 
said. If  any  Servant  or  Slave  shall  run  away 
from  their  Master  or  Dame,  every  Justice  of 
Peace  in  this  Province  is  hereby  authorized 
&  impowered  to  grant  Hue  &  Cry  after  the 
said  Servant  or  Slave,  the  Master  or  Dame 
having  first  given  in  Security  for  the  payment 
of  the  Charges  that  shall  thereby  attend.  And 
all  Constables  &  inferior  Officers  are  hereby 
strictly  required  &  commanded  authorized  and 
empowered  to  press  Men,  Horses,  Boats  or 



Pinnaces  to  pursue  such  persons  by  Sea  or 
Land,  and  to  make  diligent  Hue  and  Cry  as 
by  the  Law  required." 

In  1730  another  law  concerning  slavery 
was  passed,  which  made  the  lot  of  the  blacks 
peculiarly  hard,  their  punishment  for  trivial 
offenses  exceptionally  severe,  and  even  put 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  their  emancipation  by 
kind-hearted  owners.  This  law  was  one  of  the 
results  of  the  so-called  plot  of  1712, — it  is 
not  certain  that  any  plot  really  existed, — which 
developed  a  race  riot  wherein  several  whites 
were  killed  and  the  subsequent  trial  and  exe- 
cution of  nineteen  unfortunate  negroes. 

But  that  plot  was  as  nothing  compared  to 
that  of  1 741,  which  has  been  classed  as  among 
the  most  noted  of  the  popular  delusions  of 
America.  On  the  14th  of  March  in  that  year 
some  goods  were  stolen  from  the  house  of 
a  merchant.  i\Iary  Burton,  a  girl  of  loose  char- 
acter, or  rather  of  no  character  at  all,  an  in- 
dentured servant  of  John  Hughson,  keeper 
of  a  tavern  of  poor  repute  on  the  East  River 
opposite  Brooklyn,  told  some  one  confidentially 
that  the  stolen  goods  were  hidden  in  her  em- 
ployer's house.  The  news  was  soon  carried 
to  the  authorities,  and  Mary  was  at  once  ar- 
rested and  offered  her  complete  liberty  if  she 
would  confess  all.  She  certainly  confessed, 
and  the  prospect  of  liberty  inspired  her  poor 
imagination  to  great  efforts.  Some  at  least 
of  the  stolen  property  was  recovered,  and 
Hughson  and  several  others,  black  and  white, 
were  fully  charged  with  the  robbery.  So  far 
Mary's  confessions  did  good  service  to  the 
community.  On  March  i8th,  however,  the 
Governor's  house  was  found  to  be  on  fire,  and 
then  followed  a  series  of  conflagrations,  each 
petty  in  itself,  but  with  such  steady  recur- 
rence that  the  fears  of  a  negro  plot,  slumber- 
ing since  1712,  became  again  aroused,  and  as 
usual  vague  and  wild  rumors  soon  fanned  fear 
into  desperation,  and  once  this  gained  posses- 
sion of  the  people  all  sense  of  justice  was 
thrown  to  the  winds.  So  it  always  has  been 
in  the  history  of  the  world.  ]\Iary  Burton 
became  a  prime  agent  in  the  persecution  of  the 

negroes  which  at  once  set  in,  and  her  out- 
rageous stories  were  blindly  accepted  as  evi- 
dence. The  wild  confessions  of  some  of  the 
white  refuse  of  New  York,  and  of  negroes 
crazed  by  fear,  added  strength  to  her  stories, 
and  with  the  aid  of  the  law  a  blind  and  cruel 
race  war  set  in  the  details  of  which  form  one 
of  the  most  revolting  passages  in  the  history 
of  New  York.  Fortunately  the  story  belongs 
to  the  annals  of  that  borough  and  need  not 
be  gone  into  here.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  while 
the  delusion  lasted,  from  May  to  the  end  of 
August,  154  negroes  were  sent  to  prison,  and 
of  these  14  were  burned,  18  hanged  and  71 
transported.  In  the  same  period  24  white 
people  were  arrested,  four  of  whom  were  exe- 
cuted. For  all  this  Alary  received  her  free- 
dom and  £100  and  was  sent  adrift  on  the 
world,  so  disappearing  from  our  ken ;  and  the 
good  citizens,  when  they  considered  the  work 
done,  set  apart  the  24th  of  September  as  a 
day  of  thanksgiving  for  their  escape  from  de- 
struction. The  result  of  all  this  was  that  the 
laws  anent  slavery  were  more  rigorously  en- 
forced than  ever  and  severe  measures  were 
adopted  restraining  still  further  the  personal 
liberty  of  those  unfortunate  victims  of  col- 
ored skin  and  ignorant  credulity. 

Writing  on  the  subject  of  "Slavery  in  New 
York,"  in  the  American  Magazine  of  History, 
Mr.  F.  G.  IMartin  said: 

As  colonists  the  English  did  not  to  any 
great  extent  follow  in  the  lead  of  Sir  John 
Hawkins,  the  great  negro  importer  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Still  we  find  many  allusions 
to  the  traffic  in  the  manuscript  records  of  the 
Province  of  New  York.  Complaint  was  made 
by  the  Royal  African  Company,  in  1687,  that 
their  charter  had  been  infringed  upon  by  the 
importing  of  negroes  and  elephants'  teeth  from 
Africa.  It  was  announced,  in  1720,  that  Cap- 
tain Van  Burgh  had  arrived  from  Barbadoes 
with  four  negroes;  but  that  "Simon  the  Jew 
don't  expect  his  ship  from  Guinea  before  late 
in  the  fall."  "Negroes  are  scarce,"  says  an- 
other informant,  "but  Captain  Hopkins  will 
sell  one  for  £50,  cash."  Between  1701  and 
1725  an  annual  average  of  less  than  100  ne- 
groes was  imported.     The  total  number  was 



2,395,  of  which  1,573  were  from  the  West 
Indies  and  822  from  the  coast  of  Africa.  In 
1712  the  list  for  Kings  county  showed  1,699 
"Christians"  and  298  slaves;  Orange  county, 
439  whites  and  4I  salves  ;  Albany,  2,879  whites 
and  450  slaves ;  New  York,  4,846  whites  and 
970  slaves.  In  1723  here  were  6,171  slaves  in 
the  Province  in  a  total  population  of  40,564; 
in  1746,  slaves  9,717,  total  61,589;  in  1774, 
slaves  21,149,  total  182,247.  A'irginia,  at  this 
time,  had  about  250,000  slaves,  or  forty  per 
cent,  of  the  whole  number  in  the  colonies. 

During  the  Revolutionary  conflict  ?lavery 
as  an  institution  gave  rise  to  considerable 
trouble  on  both  sides.  Both  recognized  the 
"institution,"  but  the  negroes  seemed  to  see 
in  the  condition  of  affairs  a  chance  for  a 
change  of  masters,  if  not  for  entire  freedom. 
As  a  result  the  newspapers  of  the  time  pre- 
sent us  with  many  advertisements  concerning 
runaway  negroes  both  from  the  service  of 
British  officers  and  from  civilians,  and  a  num- 
ber of  these  will  be  found'  in  Onderdonk's 
"Revolutionary  Incidents."  Almost  as  soon  as 
independence  was  accomplished  a  movement 
for  abolition  set  in,  and  it  was  with  reluctance 
that  New  York  agreed  to  the  continuance  of 
the  slave  traffic  until  1808.  In  1794  the  abo- 
lition societies  of  many  of  the  States  sent  dele- 
gates to  a  convention  in  Philadelphia,  and  one 
of  its  results  was  the  passage  of  an  act  in  1799 
by  the  New  York  Legislature  for  the  gradual 
abolition  of  the  "black  curse."  It  provided 
that  any  child  born  in  the  State  after  July  4 
of  that  year  should  be  free;  but,  if  a  boy, 
should  remain  in  the  service  of  his  mother's 
owner  until  he  was  twenty-eight  years  old;  if 
a  girl,  she  was  to  remain  in  servitude  until 
she  was  twenty-five.  If  the  motl:er's  owner 
did  not  care  for  this  arrangement  the  child 
could  be  handed  over  to  the  Overseer  of  the 
Poor  and  treated  by  them  in  the  same  way  as 
pauper  children.  It  was  also  declared  "law- 
ful for  the  owner  of  any  slaves  immediately 
after  the  passing  of  this  act  to  manumit  such 
slave  by  a  certificate  to  that  purpose  under  his 
hand  and  seal."  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  end,  and  by  slow  stages  and  various  en- 

actments the  institution  was  steadily  legislated 
against  in  New  York  until  in  1827  it  had  no 
legal  standing  in  the  Empire  State  at  all,  and 
within  her  boundaries  negro  slavery  was  wiped 

So  far  as  Long  Island  is  concerned,  it  is  im' 
possible  to  discover  accurately  the  extent  to 
which,  in  its  beginning,  the  institution  pre- 
vailed. On  broad  lines  it  may  be  asserted  that 
each  owner  of  the  soil,  as  soon  as  he  was 
wealthy  enough,  in  early  times  bought  at  least 
one  slave  to  aid  in  its  cultivation,  and  that  as 
wealth  increased  it  became  quite  fashionable 
to  have  one  or  more  negroes  as  domestic  ser- 
vants as  well  as  farm  hands.  But  we  read  at 
no  time  of  entire  dependence  being  placed, 
either  for  domestic  or  farm  services,  on  slave 
labor ;  nor  do  we  meet  with  the  slightest  signs 
of  the  existence  of  any  of  the  great  aggrega- 
tions of  slaves  on  the  lands  of  individual  land- 
owners which  marked  the  institution  further 
to  the  south.  An  idea  of  this  is  given  in  the 
following  list  of  slaves  in  Long  Island,  from 
a  census  of  the  Siate,  which  was  taken  in 


A  list  taken  by  Captain  Francis  Titus,  of 
Bushwyck  in  Kings  County,  of  the  Slaves  be- 
longing to  the  Inhabitants  of  his  District,  viz. : 

Owners'  Namss.                                    Males.  Females. 

John  MisroU 1  l-^;-- 

John  Liequare   —  1 

George  Durje 1  1 

Abraham  Liequare   1  — 

Folkert  Folkertsen ■>  2 

William  Bramebosch 2  1 

John  Kcsiveldt 1  — 

Jacob  Misroll    —  1 

"Nicholas  Lefierts '.  .  1  — 

Catherine  Lefferts —  — 

Abraham  Miller  -^ —  1^^ 

Marritje  Woertman —  1 

David  Van  Cots 1  — 

Theodoras  Polhemus 1  1 

Daniel  Burdett 2  2 

Jacob  Durve 1  1 

Peter  Lot —  1 

Abraham  Schenck 4  1 

Evert  Van  Ge  der —  1 

Neclos  Folkertsen  . 1  1 

Andris  Stucholm —  1 

Peter  Ccnselye —  1 

Capt.  Francis  Titus 1  2 

Capt  Frans  Titus. 



A  list  taken  from  the  Negro's  belonging  to 
the  Inhabitance,  under  the  Command  of  Saml 
Hopson  Captn  of  the  West  Company  of  Brook- 
land  in  King;;  County : 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Francis  ...    1 

Do  Sambo • 

One  Do  Wench  Judy \ 

One  Negro  Man  Cald  Roger ~1 

Do  Harry .... 

Do  Peter  .... 

Do  Josey   ....    , 

Do  Esquire  . .    | 

One  Negro  Wench  cald  Mary 

Do  pegg. . . 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Will  . . 

Do     Cezer 

One  Negro  Man  cald  prince 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Ceser 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Dick i 

Do  Prince • 

One  Do  Wench  Dine 1 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Robin 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Tight / 

One  Do  Wench  Dine ( 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Thorn ... 

Do  Jack 

Do     Wench  Bett 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Toney. . . 

Do     Wench  cald  Mary. 

Do  Tracey 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Tobey. . . 

Do     Wench  cald  Flora . , 
One  Negro  Man  cald  Ceaser  . . 

Do     Wench  Jane \ 

One  Negro  Man  cald  James / 

Do     Wench  Bett S 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Sam t 

Do  Thom • 

Do     Wench  Jane ) 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Clos 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Chalsey. .  . 
One  Negro  Man  cald  Thom. . 

Do     Wench  Jane 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Harry . . 

Do     Wench  Libe 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Frank J 

Do  Thom - 

Do     Wench  Anne ' 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Harrv ( 

Do     Wench  Phillis  '. \ 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Cofie / 

Do     Wench  Judy ) 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Tight 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Willing. . .  . 
One  Negro  Man  cald  France. ...    / 

Do     Wench  Elizabeth  ...    i 
One  Negro  Man  cald  Sam ; 

Do     Wench      Dine 

Do  Deyon 1 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Prime 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Ceaser. ...    / 

Do     Wench       Lil \ 

One  Negro  Man  cald  Isaac 

To  Whom  Belonting 
Isaac  Sebring 

Derk  Bargay 

Simon  Booram 
Cornel  Sebring 

Saml  Hopson 
Peter  Van  Pelt 
Micael  Bargan 

Chrispr  Seehar 
John  Carpenter 

John  Middagh 
John  Vandike 
Clos  Vanvaughty 

John  Griggs 
Israel  Hosfield  Junr 
Peter  Stots 
Sam:  De  Bevoice 

Jacob  Sebring 
Abrm  Brewer 
Israel  Hosfield 
Jacob  De  Bevoice 
Jacob  Bennett 

Jery  Bruer 
George  De  Bevoice 
Jury  Bloue 
Winant  Bennet 

Negroes  Names.  To  Whom  Belonging. 

)ne  Negro  Man  cald  Jo /    j^j      yandike 

Do     Wench      Jane (   ^''^^  vanaike 

)ne  Negro  Wench  cald  Jane.  . .  .        Earsh  Middagh 

)ne  Negro  Man  cald  Harry ] 

Do  Nease [ 

Do  Dick !■  Jacob  Bruington 

Do  Charles...    j 

Do     Wench       Peg J 

43  Negro  Men 
24     Do      Women 

Total,         66 
The  above  is  a  just  account  of  Negroes  to  the  Best  of 
ly  knowledge  belonging  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  West 
Company  of  Brookland  S.iml  Hopson. 

The  list  of  the  Negroes  both  male  and  fe- 
male Who  Reside  In  the  District  of  Capt. 
John  Lott  In  Kings  County  in  brucklen  To 
Every  Person  belonging  by  name  as  foloing: 

Christopher  Codwise 

John  Cowenhoven 

Martin  Reyerse 

Jeremias  Remse 

Laramert  Sudani 

John  Lott 

Jacobus  Degraew 

Barent   Jansen 

Jan  Ryerse 

Rem  Rerasen 

Hendrik  Sudani 

Abram,  Remsen 

Tuenes  Bogaert 

DW  Sara  Rapelie 

Benjamin  Waldron 

Joost  Debavois 

Jakes  Durje 

Jan  Noorstrant 

Jeronemus  Rapelie 

Jacobus  Lefierse 

Jacob  bergen  

Pieter  V  D  Voort 

Karel  Debavois 

Johanis  Debavois 

Jacobus  Debavois 

Cornelis  V  D  hoef 

.\rsus  Remsen 

.\driaen  Hegeman 

DW  Dina  Rapalje 

John  Rapalje 3 

A  true  Leist  of  the  negroes  male 

ir.M.-Vpril  11. 

•-'  female 

1  female 

2  female 
1  .female 
1  female 

1  female 

1  female 

2  female 
1  female 

1  female 

2  female 
1  female 

1  female 

2  female 

1  female 
.      2  female 
and  female  by  me 
Capt  John   Lott. 


A  true  List  of  all  the  Slaves  Both  male 
and  female  of  fourteen  years  old  and  above  in. 
the  township  of  flatbush  in  Kings  County  on 
Nassaw  Island  in  the  Province  of  New  Yorke 
this  Eighteenth  Day  of  April,  anog  Dom  1755. 



Dominie  Van  Sindere 

Peter  Stryker 

John  Stryker 

Johannes  V:  Sickelen  . 

John  Waldron 

Doctor  V;  beuren. ... 
Barent  V:  Def enter  . . , 

Barent  Andriese 

Widdow  Clarkson 

hendrick  Suydam .... 

David  Sprong 

henry  Cruger 

Engelbart  Lott 

Jacobus  Lott 

Cornelis  Van  D;  Veer 
Johannes  Ditmarss.  .  . 

Laurens  Ditmars 

Adriaen  Voorhees. . . . 

Rem  Martense 

Phillip  Nagel 

Phillip  Nagel  Junr.  . . 

Seytje  V:  D  Bill 

Leffert  Martense 

Rem  Hegeman 

Evert  hegeman 

Peter  Lefferts 

John  Lefferts 

Jeremyes  V;  D:  bill  . . 

Adrian  Martense 

Antje  Ver  Kerck 

Cornelis  V;  Duyn. ... 
John  V.  Der  Veer.... 

Gerret  Cozyn 

Jeromus  V:  D;  Veer. . 
Steven  Williamse. . . . 
Johannes  Lott  Junr.  .  . 

Isaac  Snediker 

Jacob  Snediker 

Gerret  boerem 

Cornelis  Wykhoff  .... 

Abraham  Bloom 

Jan  boerem 

Karel  boerem 

Maurits  Lott 

Douwe  Ditmarss 

Johannes  Elderts 

thomas  Batts 

hendrick  Lott 

Joseph  houward 

harmpje  Lefferts 

Rem  V:   D:  bilt 

1  Tack I 

2  Minck  lS:  torn 1 

1  Sambo — 

—  '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'...'.'.'.  1 
.3     jack :  hence  &  Ben 1 

—     1 

.3     Jaffa  Jacob  &  herry 3 

—     1 

P>     Isack:   John  &  hammell 1 

2  Jan  and  Batt 2 

3  Sam  cS:  Jaffa 1 

1  Roos 2 

2  frank  and  f rans 1 

1  Claes 3 

—     1 

2  Sam  &  herry 2 

1     Doll — 

1     Libb 1 

1     Sam 1 

1  Sam 1 

2  Dick  &  herry 1 

1     Sesor — 

1      herrv — 

1  Minbk 1 

2  Nienus  &  Lans 1 

3  Adam:  Jack  &  Jaffa 4 

1     herry 1 

1     herry — 

1      '.'.'.'.'.'..'.'...'.'.. 1 

1     Andrew   1 

1     toon '.'..'.'. — 

1     Comraenie 1 

1     Sesor 1 . .  1 

1     Claes 1 

1     Will — 

—     1 

1     Minck 1 

1      Primus 1 

1      Yorke   2 

1     Prins 1 

1     Julus ^ 

53  o^ 





Bass,  and  Saar 




Syne  &  Bett 


fillis  &  Saar 


Eva;  Bett  &  Wyntje 


Emme  &  Susan 


Dyne  &  Isabel 



Jane:   Kouba:  Mare  &  Diane 











Moryn  &   Lill 





the  total  number  108 

Peter   Stryker  Captn  of  ffatbush. 


A  true  Hat  of  all  the  Slaves  both  tnale  and 
female  from  fourteen  Years  and  upwards  ac- 
cording to  an  act  of  assembly: 

Male.  Fem.-ile. 

John  Schenck  Captain  of  the  said  town. ..  .  1  1 

John  V.  Der  Bilt 1  1 

Wilhelmus  Stoothof  Jur 1  1 

harmanis  hooglant 1  " 

Roelif  Van  Voorhees  Esqr 0  1 

■  Wilhelmus  Stoothof    <•  1 

Abraham  Vcorhees 1  1 

Cornelius  Voorhees 1  1 

Steve  Schenck I 

John  Ditmars " 

Willem  Kouwenhoven  Esqr 1 

Gerrit  Kouwenhoven " 

John  Amerman •  2 

Gerrit  Wykof '.  1 

Marten  M.  Schenck •' 

Johannis  Lott 2 

Derrick  Remsen 1 

Johannis  W.  Wykof 2 

Pieter  Wykof 1 

Joost  Vannuis J^ 

17  IS 

J.\N  Schenck,  Capt, 




A  List  of  the  Negroes  In  the  township 
of  Gravesend  Male  and  Female  from  the  age 
of  fourteen  years  and  upward  May  i,  1755: 

Richard  Stillwell 

John  Grigg 

John  Voahears 

Nicholas  Stillwell 

Roeliff  terhunen 

Isaac  Denyce 

Samuel  Garritson 

Neeltj'e  Voorhears 

Farnandus  Van  Sicklen. 
Nicholas  Williamsen .  . . 

James  Hubbard 

Daniel  Lake 

Cornelious  Stryker   . . . . 
Fernandus  van  Sicklen. 

William  Johnson 

Peter  Williamson 

Bengaman  Steiraets. .  .  . 
Con  Johnson 

The  totle  Number  of  Males  Seuenteen 
The  totle  Number  of  Females  Seuenteen 

Names  of  Masters.  Man. 

Petrus  Van  Pelt 3 

Jacobus  Van  Nuys 2 

Hendrick  Johnsen 1 

Heart  Van  foerhees ;i 

Jaques  Cortelyou 2 

Jaques  Cortelyou  Junior 2 

Pieter  Cortelyou .• 4 

Deneys  Deneys 8 

Saartje  Barkeloo 2 

Thomas  Van  Dyck 1 

John  Laan 1 

Casper  Crapster 2 

Gerrit  Kounover 2 

Gerrit  Van  Duyn 2 

WiUem  Van  Nuys :! 

Willem  Van  Nuys  Junr 1 

Rutgert  Van  Brunt  Junior Ill 

Evert  Suydam 1 

John  Johnson 1 

Rutgert  Van  Brunt :! 

.\ndries  Emans 2 

Wilhelrais  Van  Brunt 1 

Thomas  Pollock ;! 

Roelof  Van  Brunt 1 

Joris  Lot    4 

Neeltye  Pietersen 1 

Rebecca  Emans 1 


A  true  list  of  all  the  Slaves  of  the  Town- 
■ship  of  Xewuytreght  in  Kings  County: 

the  whole 

Petrus  Van  Pelt  Captn. 

Hempsted  in  Queens  County  on  Niss 
to  George  Everit  Capt.  within  hi 

Georg  Rierson 

Cornelius  Rierson 

Beniamin   Dvsenbere 

William  Cornell 

Hendrick  Hendricksen 

Thomas  hendricksen 

John  ffoster 

John  ;   Montonye 

Jacob  Vollintine 

Beniaman   Downing 

William   Lines. 

Thomas  Seamons 

Jonathan  Vollintine 

San vel  Searing 

Daniel  Searing 

Jacob  Searing 

Jeams  Smith 

Timothy  Smith 

Ellixander  Davorson 

John  Cornell 

David  AUgoe. 

Sarah    Seamons 

Robbard  Marvil 

John  Smith 

peter  titvs 

John   Combs 

beniamin  Smith  Teams        / 

Smith  and  Richard  Smith  \ 

Richard  Titvs 

Vriah  plat 


iland  and  in  the  province  of  New  Yorck;  accompt  of  the  slaves  brought  in 
tricts.  April  ye  2.S — anno.  17.').3. 

."i  mals  Seasor  adorn.  Jack 1   famale,  Diannah 

— 1   famale — bet 

1    male — mike 2  famals,  bess,  pen 

:i  raals  been,  Charls.  Sam 1   famale — nan 

1   male   savl 1   famale — Gin 

— 1   famale — J  vde 

— 1   famale— Gin 

1   male  Jack 

— 1    famale  Greech 

— 1   famale  Elly 

.'i  mals  Dick,  prince  Eliiah 1   famale  peg 

1   male — Jack 

— 1   famale  Sarah 

1   male  franck 1   famale  Cate 

1  male  tie 

2  males— Stephen— Lew 

1   male   Yorck 

1  male  Robbin 1   famale — nan 

2  mals — torn — robbin 

1  male  Lew 2  famals.    hannah,    Diannah 

.'i  mals.  David,  pero  Jack 2  famals  Janna  nanot 

2  mals  Jack — peter 2  famals — Dinah  post 

:i  mals  Ciah  lonnon.  hithro 1   famale  Dosh 

— 1   famale  mander 

3  mals  will  Jefro) — bob 2  famals  sib  pendor 

— 1   famale — nan 

3  males  Corso  oxford  John 1   famale  pendor 

1   male  Jeffre 1   famale — bet 

1   male  waterford 1   famale  Gin 



John  Townsand.  .  . 
Richard  townsand. 

phebe  mot 

John  Petors. 
Epenetos  pla 

2  mals  Jack 
1  male  Lew. 
1  maleCiah. 
1  male  York 
1   male  Lve. 

Ambros  fish 2  mals   Jack — bendo 

Samvel   willis 2  male  tie 

Richard   Williams 1   male  sam 

John   Williams 1   male  savl 

William  Titvs 1   male  Jeams 

mary   titvs 1   male    Cato 

Stephen  titvs 1  male — ben 

Josiah  Martin 3  mals — papav    Jack    sackoe    above 

George  hvHt 1  male  Jacob 

John  Smith 2  mals   Dick — Stephen 

John  Searing — 

Samvel  Rowland 1   male  harre 

John  hicks 1   male  Chails 

Jacob   Smith 2  males — will — torn 

Isaac  Smith 1   male   seasor 

Ephraim  VoUingtine 1   male  petor 

Elisabath   titvs 1   male   Gem 

Charls    petors 2  mals  petor — tie 

famale  Gin 
famale  pendor 

famale — ame 
famale — hagor 

famale — francis 
famale  Nancy 
famale  Gin 
famals  present,  Jemina  ; 

famale  Jvdc 
famale — hannah 
famale  Chat 

famale — Gin 
famals.  biblor — bet 
famale — peg 

A  List  of  the  Negro  Indian  and  Mullatta 
Slaves  witiiin  the  District  whereof  Benjamin 
Smith  is  Captain  at  Hempstead  in  Queens 
County  taken  the  first  Day  of  April  1755: 

Jacob  Hicks  Esqr.  .  . 
Jacob  Hicks  Junr.  .  . 

Thomas  Hicks 

Phebe   Hicks 

James   Mott 

Daniel  Hewlet  Junr. 

John   Cornell 

Joseph  Scidmore.  .  . . 
Thos  Cornell  Esqr. . 

Capt  Brown 

Richard  Cornell 

Benja  Lewes 

Henry  Mott 

Vail  :  Hewlet  peters. 

Elias  Durlum 

Eldard  Lucas 

jacobus  Lawrence.  . 
Elias  Durlum  ye  :!d . 
Abraham  Bond 

P  ;  Beniamin  Smith  Capt 

A  List  of  the  Slaves  Male  and  Female 
above  14  years  of  Age  An  Account  of  which 
has  laeen  brol  in  to  Capt.  John  Birdsall,  for 
his  District  in  the  Township  of  Hempstead 
in  Queens  County,  according  to  the  late  Act 
of  Assembly : 

Owners  Names.  Males.  Females. 

The  Revd  Mr  Seabury 1  1 

Benjn  Lester 2  (I 

J  erm  Bedell 1  1 

Owners  Names.  Male: 

Benjn    Hewlett 1 

•Josh;  Birdsall 1 

Soln  Seaman 2 

James  Pine 1 

Benjn  Smith 3 

Leffurt    Haugewout 1 

Wid  :   Lininton 1 

Elias  Durland  Junr 1 

Richard  Jackson H 

Joseph  Petit  Junr 1 

Thos   Tredwell 2 

J  no  Carman 1 

Saml  Jackson 3 

John   Rowland 1 

Thos    Seaman 0 

Thos  Seaman  Junr 0 

James  Smith 1 

Jacob  Seaman   Esqr 2 

Cornell  Smith 1 

Patrick  Mott 1 

Danl   Hewlett 0 

Thos   Carman 2 

Jno  Jackson 1 

J  ames  Seaman 1 

Jno  Hall 1 

James  Smith  Junr 1 

Danl   Smith 1 

Daniel  Smith 1 

John   Grissman 1 

Anthony  Semans 1 

Daniel  Pine 1 

Benj  ;  Carmon 0 

Richard  Suthard 1 

Males 43 

Females 20 

May  i 

please  yr  Hour 

is  a  true  account  of  what  has  been  brout. 

Sr  yr  most  hi; 
Hempstead       ( 

ible  &  obedient  Servt 

John  Birds.^ll. 


Newtown,  May  ist,  1755. 
A  List  of  Negroes  Male  and  Female  Ac- 
cording to  the  Act  of  Assembly  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  New  York  taken  by  me 

Jeromes  Rapelye. 

Jeromes  Rapelye 

Cornelius  Rapelye  Esqr 

Jacobus  Lent 

John  Rapelye 

John  De  Bevoyce 

Jacob  Rapelye 

Daniel  Rapelye  Senr.  . . 
Joseph  Moore  Esqr  . .  . . 

Bernardis  Bloom 

Daniel  Rapelye  Junr. . . 

Nathaniel  Fish 

John  Levirich 

William  Furman 

Samuel  Waldron 

PhiHp  Edsal 

Elizabeth  Pumroy 

Robert  Coo 

Robert  Field  Senr 

Abraham  Brinkerhoff  .  . 
Hendrick  Brinkerhoff  . . 

Samuel  Fish  Junr 

Dow  Sidam 

Joseph  Morrel 

Edward  Titus 

Nathaniel  Baily 

Abraham  Rapelye 

Samuel  Fish  Senr 

Abraham  Polhemus.... 

Gabriel  Furman 

Revd  Simon  Horton  .  .  . 

John  White 

Widow  Titus 

William  Sackett  Esqr  .  . 

Joseph  Woodard 

Samuel  Moore  Esqr.  .  . 
Samuel  Moore  Lieut  .  .  . 

John  Moore 

Samuel  Moore  son  of  Jo 

Benjamin  Waters 

Sarah  Burrows :  . 

Cornelius  Berrian  Esqr. 
Jeromes  Ramsen. .    ...  . 

Rem  Ramsen 

sph  Moore  Esqr. 

26th  May  1755. 
List  of  Negroes  in  Queens  County  sent  by 
Jacob  Blackwell. 

Jacob  Blackwell 2  Male 

Joseph  Sacket .3  Det 

Samwell  Hallett 2  Det 

George  Vannolst 1  Deto 

Nathon  More 1  Det 

Samwell  More 1  Det 

Richard  Hallett 1  Det 




Richard  Hallett  Jen 1  Det        

Jacob  Hallett 1  Det  1  Det 

kobort  Hallett 1  Det        

Necolos  parsel 2  Det  1  Det 

John  parsel 1  Det        

Samwell  Hallett  Jen 1  Det        

Tunus  Brinkkerhouf 1  Det       ; 

Georg  Brinkkerhouf — : —  1  Det 

Samwell  Hallett  minor 1  Det        

Peter  Borgow 1  Det 

Isack  Borgow 1  Det  3  Det 

Isack  Borgow  jen 2  Det  1  Det 

Richard  Alsup 3  Det  3  Det 

Beniamin  Skillman 1  Det        

Abraham  Skillman 1  Det       

Isack  Lott 1  Det  1  Det 

Samwell  AUburtes 1  Det        

Samwell  Goslen 1  Det       

Dannel  Bets 1  Det        

Richard  penfold 2  Det       

Jacob  Bennet 1  Det 

Samwell  Sender ■ 1  Det       

Johnnathon  Hont 1  Det  1  Det 

Whillem  Bets 1  Det  1  Det 

Samwell  Way 1  Det  2  Det 

Tunus  Skank.  .i 1  Det  2  Det 

Richard  Bets 2  Det  3  Det 

Jeams  Way 2  Det  1  Det 

Joseph  Bets 2  Det       

Andros  Reiker 2  Det  1  Dt 


A  List  of  ye  Slaves  Delivered  unto  me,  of 
the  Eastern  District  of  Oisterbay,  Pursuant  to 
the  Direction  of  an  act  of  his  Honour  the  Lieu- 
tenant Governour  the  Council  and  General 
Assembly  of  the  Colony  of  New  York. 
Oisterbay  April  24th,  1755. 

Jacob  Townsend. 

Masters  &  Mistresses  N 

George  Townsend 

Obediah  Seaman 

Thomas  Seaman 

John  Powell 

James  Tillott 

Melanthon  Taylor  Woolsey. 

Benjamin  Birdsall 

Metice  Lane 

George  Weekes 

Samuel  MacCoune 

William  Hawxhurst 

Simon  Cooper 

Henry  Whitson 

John  Cock 

Cornelius  Hogland 

Daniel  Duryea 

Joseph  Cooper 

George  Youngs 

John  Woatman 

Thomas  Smith 

Sarah  Ludlam 

Ezekel  Shadbolt 

John  Townsend 

Samuel  Townsend 

Silas  Carman 


Masters  &  Mistresses  Names  — ; 

Thomas  Youngs 2 

Daniel  Birdsall 1 

John  Schank — 

William  Jones 2 

Isaac  Powell 1 

Isaac  Doty — 

Nathaniel  Townsend  Estate 1 

Richard  Willits — 

Samuel  Waters — 

Samuel  Willis 2 

Minard  Vansyckley 1 

Wright  Coles 1 

Charles  Ludlam — 

Richard  Alsop 1 

Zuroiah  Wright 1 

William  Movies 2 

Henry  Townsend 1 

Sarah  Wright 1 

John  Robbins 1 

David  Jones  Esqr (i 

Henry  Lloyd  Esqr  of  Queens  Village 5 

Total 53 

William  Kerby 1  Female 

Daniel  Coles 1  Male       

John  Anderson 1  Female 

Timothy  Townsend 2  Males  1  Female 

Hannah  Frost 1  Male        

may  it  please  your  Honnourin  Compliance  with  an 
act  of  the  Generall  Assembly  &  in  obedience  to  your 
Honnours  Command  I  transmit  an  accompt  of  ye  ne- 
groes in  that  part  of  ye  Town  that  is  Aderest  to  me  I 
wait  your  Honnours  further  Commands  and  shall  with 
the  utmost  pleasure  obey  &  I  remain  your  Honnours 
most  Humble  and  obedient  servant 

Wright  Frost 

Oysterbay  April  20 

A  List  of  the  Slaves  Delivered  in  unto  me 
by  Virtue  of  An  Act  of  ye  Legislature  of  the 
Province  of  New  York  By  the  persons  here- 
after named   (viz. :) 

Capt.    Wright    Frost's    List    of    Slaves 
Oyster  Bay; 

Wright  Frost    1 

Micajah  Townsend 2 

Amos  Underbill 

Henry  Cock 1 1 

Thomas  Rushmore 1 

Daniel  Underbill 2 

James  Sands 3 

Thomas  Bound 1 

Jacob  Bound 

ThomsKirbe 1 

George  Townsend 1 

Silvenus  Townsend ; 1 

HezekiasCock 1 

Adrian  Hagaman 1 

Willm  Frost 1 

Meribah  Townsend 1 

John  Seraicon 

Willm  Larence 1 

Benjamin  Wolsey 2 

Daniel  Cock 2 

Jacob  Frost 2 

Joseph  Frost 1 

Deborah  Cock 1 

Derick  Alderson 1 

John  Striker 1 

Joseph  Hagaman 1 

Joseph  Coles 

Joseph  Lattin 1 

Willm  Walton ."> 

Peter  Hagaman 1 

Abraham   Underbill 1 

Samll  Underbill 1 

Thorns  Underbill 1 

Henry  Dickenson  1 

Townsend   Dickensen 1 

Jacob  Volingtine 1 

Thoms  Parsall 2 

Joseph  Wood 1 

Benjamin  Wolsey  Junr 3 

JeinCaverly 1 

Male  1 
Male  2 
males  1 
Males  1 


Male    1 
Male   1 
Male   1 
Male   1 



males  1 
Male  1 
Male  1 
Male  1 









Males  2  Females 


male   1 


Males  1 


Males  1  Female 

David  Seaman  at  Jericho  within  ve  Township 

of  Oyster  bay , " —  2 

Obediah  Vallentine  at  ye  North  Side  In  ye 

Township  of  Hempsted 2  — 

Samuel  Seaman  at  Westbury  in  Oyster  Bay.  —  1 

William  Crooker  at  Wheatly  in  Oyster  bay. .  1  — 

William  Willis  at  Cederswamp  In  Oyster  Bay  2  — 

Jonathan  Seaman  at  Tericho  in  Oyster  Bay. .  —  1 

Sarah  Titus  at  Wheatly  in  Oyster  Bay 1  — 

Phebe  Townsend  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  Bay. .  .  —  1 

James  Townsend  at  Tericho  in  Oyster  bay.  .  .  2  — 

Jacob  Titus  at  Wheatly  in  Oyster  Bay 1  I 

Silas  Rushmore  near  Jericho  in  Oyster  Bay. .  1 

Daniel  Youngs  near  Oysterbay 1  — 

Thomas  Vallentine  Junr  at  ye  East  Woods  In 

Oyster  Bay —  1 

Robert  Seaman  at  Jericho  In  Oyster  bay.  ...  1  1 
Zebulun  Seaman  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  bay. . .  1  1 
William  Seaman  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  bay. . .  1  1 
Thomas  Jackson  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  Bay. . .  1  — 
John  Hagewout  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  Bay.  ...  1  — 
Jown  Hewlet  at  ye  East  Woods  in  Oysterbay  —  1 
John  Hewlet  Jur  at  ye  East  Woods  in  Oyster- 
bay  ' —  1 

Robert  Crooker  at  Wheatly  in  Oysterbay. ..  .  —  1 
Jericho  in  Oysterbay  April  ye  2.')th  17o.i. 

To  the  Honorable  James  Delancee  Esqr  his  Majesties 
Lievtenant  Governour  and  Commander  in  Chief  In 
and  Over  ye  province  of  New  York  and  Teritorys 
Thereon  Depending  In  America  &c: 

May  it  please  Your   Honor 

Whereas  there  is  Sundry  free  Negroes  Melattoes  and 
Mustees  Residing  within  ye  Township  of  Oysterbay  that 
may  probably  Be  Likely  In  case  of  Insurrections  To  be 
as  Mischievous  as  ye  Slaves,  Therefore  I  Thought  it  my 
Duty  to  Acquaint  Your  Honor  Therewith;  The  following 
is  a  List  of  them  Resideing  in  and  about  ye  Village  of 
Jericho,  and  I  Do  Expect  that  ye  Other  Captains  in  Oys- 
terbay will  acquaint  your  Honour  of  Those  Resideing  in 
ye  Other  parts  of  ye  Township;  from  Your  Very  Hum- 
ble Servant 

April  ye  2oth  1755. 

Zebulun  Seaman. 



A  List  of  ye  Free  Negroes  Mustees  &c: 
Residing  at  ye  Severall  places  hereafter  Dis- 
cribed  (viz.:) 

Males.  Females. 

David  Seaman  at  Jericho  In  Ov.ster  Bay. .  .      1  — 
Obediah  Vallentine  at  ye  North  Side  in 

Hempsted 1  1 

John  Willis  Junr  at  Westbury  in  Hempsted.      1  — 

Elizabeth  Titus  at  Westbury  in  Hempsted.      1  — 

John  Williams  at  North  Side  in  Hempsted.   —  1 

Richard  Willets  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  bay. .      1  — 

Jeremiah  Robbins  at  Jericho  in  Oyster  bay.      1  — 

Total G  2 


Aprill  the   12th   1755   Negroes   Belonging 
to  Huntington  male  &  Female : 

Capt  Isaac  Piatt one  female 

Capt  Piatt  Conklin one  male  and  one  female 

Doctor  Zopher  Piatt four  males  and  two  females 

Mr  Ebenezer  Prime two  males  and  one  female 

Justice  Eliphilet  Wickes. . .      two  males  and  two  females 

Just  Jonas  Williams 

Lievt  thomas  Jervis one  female 

Nathan  Volentine one  female 

Solomon  Ketcham one  male 

Thomas  Brush one  male  and  one  female 

David  Rogers one  male 

Widow  hanah  Wood one  female 

Nathaniel  Ketcham one  male 

Philip  Ketcham one  male 

Samuel  Brush one  male 

Joseph  Ridgeway one  male  and  one  female 

Denis  Right one  male  and  two  females 

Benijah  Jervis one  male  and  one  female 

Doctor  Gilbert  Potter one  male 

Nathll  Williams one  male  and  one  female 

azariah  Wickes one  male  and  one  female 

thomas  Bunce one  male 

Joseph  Freland one  male 

Benjamin  Right one  male 

Philip  Vdle one  male 

Josiah  Smith one  female 

Just  Moses  Scudder one  female 

John  Samis one  female 

Israel  Wood one  female 

Robert  Brush one  male 

Epenetus  Conklin one  male  and  one  female 

John  Wood  Levth one  male 

Capt  Alexander  Br one  male 

Epeceius  Piatt one  female 

Timothy  Scudder one  male  and  one  female 

Joseph  Smith one  male  and  one  female 

Isaac  Ketcham one  male 

James  Smith two  males 

Philip  Wickes one  male  and  one  female 

Alexander  Smith one  male 

timothy  Carl  Jr one  female 

Daniel  Blackly one  male 

Jesse  Carl two  males  and  one  female 

thomas  Rogers one  male  and  one  female 

Bridget  Scudder one  male 

Timothy  Carle  Sen one    male    &    one   female 

Zopher  Rogers one  male 

Augustin  Bryan one  male 

Macy  Lewis 

Mary  Piatt 

Simon  fleet 

William  Hawxhi] 
Cap  John  Davis. 
Livt  Joseph  Luis 
Thomas  Denis. . 











A  Tr 

Isaac  Platt 
Platt  Concklin 
Alexr  Bryant. 


A  List  of  Slaves  Within  the  District  of 
Captain  Job  Smith  or  In  the  Townships  of 
Smith  Town  and  Islip: 

George  Norton one  1 

lohn  Mobrev one  0 

"Charles  Floyd five  4 

Obadiah  Smith  Junr one  1 

Edmund  Smith six  4 

Richard  Smith seven  4 

Obadiah  Smith  .sener three  2 

Lemuel  Smith one  1 

Richard  Smith  Stonebrook one  1 

Otheniel  Smith one  1 

Isaac  Mills one  1 

Jonas  Platt one  1 

Zephaniah  Platt four  1 

Jonas  Mills one  1 

William  Sexton one  0 

Solomon  Smith five  :i 

Floyd  Smith three  2 

Mary  Tredwell six  ."> 

Robert  Arter one  1 

Richard  Blidenburge two  1 

Stephen  Smith one  I » 

George  Phillips ....  <• 

Job  Smith six  .'i 

Joseph  Vondel two  1 

Andrew  Tid one  0 

Thomas  Smith three  2 

Anna  WiUis two  1 

Rebeckah  Willis two  1 

Richard  Willis two  1 

Obadiah  Smith •   two  1 

Daniel  Smith  Juner one  0 

Daniel  Smith four  2 

Epenetus  Smith one  1 

David  Bruester one  1 

Wiliam  Nicols six  .t 

Elnathan  Wicks one  0 

Caleb  Smith one  1 

Jonathan  Mills two  1 

The  aboue  Account  Is  a  true  List  of  all  the  Slaves 
Came  to  my  knowledge. 

Job  Smith  Captain. 

In  1698,  according  to  returns  then  made, 
there  were  113  negro  slaves  in  Flushing,  83 
in  Southampton  and  41  in  Southold;  in  1723 
there  were  444  slaves  in  Kings  county,  1,123 
in  Queens  and  975  in  Suffolk.     In  1727  the 


numbers  were:  Kings,  563;  Queens,  1,311; 
Suffolk,  1,090.  In  1 77 1  a  return  issued  by 
Governor  Tr)^on  shows  the  following:  Kings, 
1,162  blacks;  Queens,  2,236;  Suffolk,  1,452. 
These  figures  are  very  likely  only  approxi- 
mately correct,  and  are  more  likely  to  be  under 
rather  than  over  estimates.  They  are  near 
enough  to  absolute  correctness  to  enable  us  to 
see  that  the  ''institution"  was  steadily  increas- 
ing in  number ;  but  the  proportion  to  the  white 
population  remained  about  the  same  all 

It  would  appear  that  from  the  passage  of 
the  act  of  1799  the  manumission  of  slaves  on 
Long  Island  became  a  matter  of  comparatively 
common  occurrence.  The  following  is  copied 
from  the  Corporation  Manual  of  1864: 

From  the  manner  in  which  manumission 
was  effected,  it  would  seem  that  precautions 
were  taken  by  the  local  authorities  against  the 
slaves  liberated  under  the  act  from  becoming 
paupers  and  chargeable  upon  the  public,  be- 
yond any  prescribed  in  the  act  itself.  Thus 
the  manumission  of  any  slave  must  be  ap- 
proved by  the  Overseers  of  the  Poor,  who 
specified  in  their  certificate  that  the  slave  was 
under  fifty  years  of  age,  and  was  likely  to  be 
self-supporting.  It  is  to  be  inferred,  therefore, 
that  the  manumission  of  slaves  over  that  age, 
or  such  as  were  decrepid  or  incapable  of  pro- 
viding for  themselves,  wajs  not  permitted.  The 
following  instrument,  whereby  the  well-known 
brothers  John  and  Jacob  Hicks  (after  whom 
Hicks  street  has  been  designated),  manumit 
a  female  negro,  is  nearly  identical  in  form 
with  all  the  deeds  of  manumission  which  were 
executed  by  the  citizens  of  Brooklyn,  and  the 
originals  of  which  are  still  on  file  in  the  offi- 
cial archives  of  the  City  Hall : — 

Be  it  remembered,  this  twentieth  day  of 
May,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eleven, 
I,  Jacob  JNI.  Hicks,  of  Brooklyn,  in  Kings 
County  and  State  of  New  York,  owner  of  a 
female  slave  named  Gin  or  Jane,  do  in  con- 
formity to  the  benevolent  act  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  this  State,  passed  the  twenty-ninth 
day  of  March,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
ninety-nine,  manumit  and  set  free  the  said 
female  slave  named  Gin  or  Jane,  and  do  hereby 
relinquish  all  right,  title,  claim  and  demand 
to  her  person  and  her  services.     In  witness 

whereof,   I   have   hereunto   set  my  hand  and 
seal  the  day  and  date  first  written. 

Tacob  M.  Hicks,  [L.  S.] 
John  M.  Hicks,  [L.  S.l 
In  the  presence  of 
John  Cole, 
William  Foster. 

We,  the  subscribers,  overseers  of  the  poor 
for  the  town  of  Brooklyn,  in  the  County  of 
Kings,  havd  examined  the  said  Jane  or  Gin, 
and  find  her  under  fifty  years  of  age  and  of 
sufficient  ability  to  gain  a  livelihood,  and  we 
do  approve  of  said  manumission,  and  do  allow 
the  same  to  be  recorded. 

Brooklyn,  28  May,   1811. 

Andrew   Mercein, 
William  Henry. 

Subjoined  is  a  list  of  some  of  the  persons 
who  liberated  slaves  owned  by  them,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  law  above  quoted,  with  the 
date  and  the  witnesses  who  attested  the  act. 
It  by  no  means  includes  all  who  had  been 
held  and  who  then  manumitted  slaves,  but  it 
will  be  found  to  contain  very  many  representa- 
tives of  the  leading  families  'of  the  city,  and- 
some  of  the  signers  of  these  grants  of  Eman- 
cipation are  yet  living  among  us.  Under  the 
provisions  of  the  act,  as  carried  out  without 
any  apparent  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the 
citizens  interested,  the  institution  gradually 
and  almost  imperceptibly  disappeared.  The 
following  is  the  list: 

On  the  4th  of  September,  1820,  Anna  Van- 
derbilt  manumits  and  sets  free  her  female  slave 
named  Margaret,  aged  about  16  years.  Wit- 
nesses, John  Spader,  John  Sutphine. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  1821,  John  Ryerson, 
Jun'r.,  Tunis  Johnson  and  Isaac  Cornell,  Jun'r, 
Ex'rs.  of  Leffert  Rj'erson,  deceased,  manumits 
and  sets  free  a  colored  male  slave  of  the  late 
Leffert  Ryerson  named  Samuel,  aged  about 
25  years. 

bn  the  loth  of  May,  1821,  Agnes  Rap- 
pelyea  manumits  and  sets  free  her  colored  male 
slave  named  Anthony,  aged  about  30  years. 
Witness,  Chas.  F.  Rappelyea. 

On  the  28th  of  May,  1821,  Leffert  Lefferts 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored  male  slave 
Henrv,  aged  33  years.  Witness,  Marie 

On  the  7th  of  July,  1821,  Adriance  Van 
Brunt  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave 



named  Sude,  aged  about  35  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Teunis  S.  Barkelow,  Gabriel  Leverich. 

On  the  7th  of  July,  1821,  Adriance  Van 
Brunt  also  manumits  and  sets  free  his  male 
slave  named  Jack,  aged  about  44  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Tennis  S.  Barkeloo,  Gabriel  Leverich. 

On  the  1 2th  of  September,  1821,  Jacob 
Ryerson  manumits  and  sets  free  his  male  slave 
named  William,  aged  about  33  years.  Wit- 
nesses, James  Degraw,  Teunis  S.  Barkeloo. 

On  the  22d  of  March,  1820,  John  Ryerson, 
Jun'r.,  manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  Fran- 
cis Thompson,  aged  under  fifty  years.  Wit- 
ness, Clarence  Sackett. 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1820,  Jeremiah  Rem- 
sen  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave 
named  Nancy,  aged  about  31  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Wni.  R.  Dean,  Fulkert  Bennet. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1820,  Selah  S. 
WoodhuU  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female 
slave  named  Fanny,  aged  about  28  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Sarah  Maria  Van  Brunt,  Mary  Herry. 

On  the  29lh  oi  August,  1820,  Garreta  Pol- 
hemus,  single  woman,  manumits  and  sets  free 
her  female  slave  named  Betsey,  aged  about  24 
years.     Witnesses,  Joseph  Dean,  Henry  Dean. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  1820,  Theodorus 
Polhemus  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female 
slave  named  Hannah,  aged  about  40  years. 
Witnesses,  William  R.  Dean,  Henry  Dean. 

On  the  14th  of  May,  1820,  Jacob  M.  Hicks 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave  named 
Hannah,  aged  about  23  years.  Witnesses, 
Henrietta  Hicks,  John  Dean. 

On  the  30th  day  of  June,  1820,  Jeremiah 
Remsen  manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored 
female  slave  named  Nancy,  aged  about  31 
years.  Witnesses,  Wm.  R.  Dean,  Fulkert 

On  the  1st  of  May,  18 18,  Jeremiah  A. 
Remsen  rnanumits  and  sets  free  his  slave 
named  Susan  Dean,  agd  about  24  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Clarence  D.  Sacket,  Grenville  A. 

On  the  13th  of  April.  1819,  Richard  Berry 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Peter 
Cornelison,  under  forty-five  years  of  age.  Wit- 
ness, Clarence  D.  Sacket. 

On  the  30th  of  April,  1819,  Margaretta 
Duffield  manumits  and  sets  free  a  slave  named 
Hamilton  Smith,  aged  under  40  years.  Wit- 
ness, William  Wager. 

On  the  2d  of  July,  1819,  Thorne  Carpen- 
ter manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  Phillis 
Simmons,  aged  under  45  years.  \\' itness,  F.  C. 

On  the  i6th  of  May,  1820,  Cornelia  Cornell 
manumits  and  sets  free  her  slave  named  Harry, 
aged  about  36  years.  Witnesses,  Catherin  A. 
Cluser,  Samuel  P.  Dunbar. 

On  the  i6th  of  May,  1820,  John  C.  Freeke 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Titus, 
aged  about  21  years.  Witnesses,  William  R. 
Dean,  John  Dean. 

On  the  2ist  of  May,  1819,  George  Towrers 
Junior  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave 
named  Abigail  Porter,  aged  under  45  years. 
Witnesses,  John  Lawrence,  Grenville  A. 

On  the  22d  of  September,  181 7,  Jacob  Cow- 
enhoven  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female 
slave  Elizabeth  Anderson,  aged  about  28  years. 
Witnesses,  Clarence  D.  Sacket,  Grenville  A. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1817,  Leffert 
Lefferts  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female 
slave  named  Mary  McDennis,  aged  under  45 
years.    Witnesses,  James  Foster,  Jacob  Smith. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  1818,  Hezekiah  B. 
Pierpont  manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave 
named  John  Lubin,  aged  about  21  years.  Wit- 
ness, Richard  Lyon. 

On  the  i6th  of  April,  1818,  Jacob  M.  Hicks 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Harry, 
aged  21  vears.    Witness,  Alexd'r.  Birkbeck. 

On  tile  i8th  of  April,  1818,  John  Doughty 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  James, 
aged  about  25  years.  Witness,  Thomas  J. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  1818,  Selah  Strong 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Su- 
sannah, aged  about  31  years,  and  her  daugh- 
ters Susan,  about  4  years  old,  and  Louisa,  one 
and  one-half  years  old.  Witness,  James 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1817,  John  Bedell 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man  slave 
named  Harrv,  aged  about  21  years.  Witness, 
Wm.  W.  Barre. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  1817,  Nicholas  Lu- 
queer  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave 
named  Marv,  aged  about  22  vears.  Witness, 
Wm.  W.  Barre. 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1817,  Christopher 
Codwise  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man 
named  John  Moore,  aged  about  38  years.  Wit- 
nesses, James  B.  Clarke,  Aimi  J.  Barbarin. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1817,  William  Berry 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man  named 
Anthony,  aged  about  23  years.  Witness,  Clar- 
ence D.  Sackett. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  18 17,  John  Cowen- 



hoven  manumits  and  sets  free  his  male  slave 
Fortune,  aged  about  25  years.  Witness,  Clar- 
ence D.  Sackett. 

On  the  15th  of  July,  1817,  Teunis  J.  John- 
son manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  slave 
named  Andrew  Hicks,  aged  about  34  years. 
Witness,  Clarence  D.  Sackett. 

On  the  9th  of  September,  1817,  Phebe  Fox 
manumits  and  sets  free  her  female  slave  named 
Betsey  Phillips,  about  18  years  old.  Witnesses, 
Stephen  S.  Voris  and  Erastus  Washington. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  18 14,  James  Thomp- 
son manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named 
Betsey,  about  35  years  old.  Witness,  P.  H. 

On  the  2d  day  of  July,  1814.  Phebe  Fox 
manumits  and  sets  free  her  slave  George  Ben- 
son, aged  about  20  years. 

On  the  15th  of  December,  1815,  Theod's. 
Polhemus,  Ex'r.,  manumits  and  sets  free  a 
black  slave  of  John  B.  Johnson,  deceased, 
about  40  years  of  age,  named  Harry.  Witness, 
Charles  J.  Doughty. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  1816,  John  M. 
Hicks  manumits  and  sets  free  his  black  slave 
named  Phillis,  aged  about  26  years.  Witness, 
John  Duer. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1817,  Nich's.  Lu- 
queer  manumits  and  sets  free  his  black  slave 
named  Samuel,  aged  about  30  years.  Wit- 
ness, J.  Harmer. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1817,  Garret  Bergen 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  black  man  named 
Briss,  aged  about  40  years.  Witness,  William 
R.  Dean. 

On  the  loth  of  February,  1817,  Jacob 
Hicks  manumits  and  sets  free  his  male  slave 
named  Benjamin  Mott,  aged  about  27  years. 
Witness,  William  R.  Dean. 

On  the  loth  of  September,  1813,  Gideon 
Kemberly  manumits  and  sets  free  his  'slave 
named  Hannah  Davis,  aged  about  25  years. 
Witness,  John  Garrison. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  1813,  Phcebe  Fox 
manumits  and  sets  ire^  her  slave  named  Abra- 
ham Benson,  aged  about  21  years.  Witnesses, 
Itheill  Imrad,  James  B.  V.  Winkle. 

On  the  2d  of  April,  1814,  Nehemiah  Den- 
ton manumits  and  sets  free  his  male  slave 
named  Townsend  Cornelison,  aged  about  26 
years.    Witness,  Elizabeth  H.  Sackett. 

On  the  13th  of  April,  1814,  Teunis  Tiebcut 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Han- 
ah  Bristoll,  aged  about  44  years.  Witnesses, 
Teunis  T.  Johnson,  Maria  Cowenhoven. 

On  the  23d  of  April,  1814,  Elizabeth  Field 

manumits  and  sets  free  her  slave  named  Simon 
Hicks,  aged  29  years.     Witness,  Ann  Osborn. 

On  the  25th  of  April,  1814,  John  Jackson 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Joseph 
Smith,  aged  about  34  years.  Witness,  James 
B.  Clarke. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1814,  John  Jackson 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Sarah 
Miller,  aged  about  30  years.  Witness,  James 
n.  Clarke. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1812,  Jacob  Cowen- 
hoven manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named 
Hager  Hendrickson.  Witness,  Peter  Coven- 

On  the  6th  of  June,  18 12,  Nicholas  Luqueer 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Han- 
nah Titus.  Witnesses,  R.  Barber,  G.  A. 

On  the  loth  of  May,  1812,  Margaret  Els- 
wnrth  manumits  and  sets  free  her  slave  named 
Ik-tsey,  aged  24  years.  Witness,  John 

On  the  6th  of  August,  1812,  Henry  Hew- 
lett manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named 
Jarvis  Jackson,  aged  about  24  years.  Wit- 
ness, John  Doughty. 

On  the  nth  of  July,  1812,  Joseph  Fox 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Phittis 
Benson,  aged  about  39  years.  Witness,  Ste- 
phen S.  Voris. 

On  the  I2th  of  April,  1813,  Nich's.  Boerum 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Diann"' 
Orange,  aged  about  40  years.  Witness,  Will- 
iam Furman. 

On  the  13th  of  April,  1813,  Andrew  Mer- 
cier  manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named 
Cornelia  Brown,  aged  about  30  years.  Wit- 
ness, John  Cole. 

(Jn  the  30th  of  June,  1806,  Benj'n.  Bird- 
sail  also  liberates  and  sets  free  his  female 
slaves  named  Cornelia  and  Jane.  Witness, 
Rol)crt  Rhoads. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1807,  John  Middagh 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  male  slave  named 
Harry.     Witness,  John  Doughty. 

C)n  the  29th  of  October,  ,  James   B. 

Clarke  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female 
slave  named  Bett.     Witness,  Daniel  Rhoads. 

C)n  the  27th  of  January,  1810,  Nicholas  R. 
Cowenhoven  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro 
man  named  Nero;  his  negro  woman  named 
Susannah,  his  negro  boys  Harry  and  James, 
and  his  negro  girl  named  Sarah.  Witness, 
Mathew  Wendell. 

On  the  9th  of  October,  1809,  Peter  Clarke 
manumits  and  sets    free    his  servant  woman 



named  Hannah,  ten  }-ears  thereafter,  on  con- 
dition of  her  faithful  services  to  himself  and 
family  during  that  time. 

On  the  20th  of  May.  1811.  Jacob  M.  Hicks 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave  named 
Gin  or  Jane.  Witnesses,  John  Cole,  William 
Foster.  ' 

On  the  20th  of  July,  1802,  Joseph  Fox 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man  named 
Jack.     Witnesses,  John  Harmer,  John  Hicks. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  1806,  John  Wilson 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  girl  Hannah, 
aged  12  years,  at  the  expiration  of  14  years 
from  the  1st  of  Alay  next.  Witness,  John 

On  the  22d  of  July,  1805,  Samuel  Bouton 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Sam- 
uel Estell.     Witness,  John  Doughty. 

On  the  27th  of  July,  1805,  George  Bennett 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named  Jacob 
Lucas.     Witness.  John  Doughty. 

On  the  3d  of  May,  1806,  Cornelius  Van- 
brunt  manumits  and  sets  free  his  slave  named 
Henry  Hendrickson.  Witnesses,  Nichl's  Lu- 
queer,  Wm.  Cornwell. 

On  the  13th  of  June,  1806,  Benj'n  Birdsall 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave  named 
Sarah.  Witnesses,  Adrian  Van  Brunt,  John 

On  the  1st  of  .\ugust,  1799,  Charles 
Doughty  manumits  and  sets  free  his  man  slave 
named  Nicholas  Doughty.  Witness,  John 
Doughty,  Clerk. 

On  the  same  day  Charles  Doughty  also 
liberates  and  sets  free  his  female  slave  named 
Lucrecia  Doughtv.  Witness,  John  Doughtv, 

On  the  i8th  of  April,  1808,  Joshua  Sands 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  servant  girl  called 
Bet,  aged  18  years. 

On  the  28th  of  September,  1808,  Benjamin 
Carpenter  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro 
woman  named  Isabella  Dimand.  Witness, 
John  Doughty. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  1808,  John  Lef- 
ferts  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man 
EsoD.     Witness,  John  Doughty,  Clerk. 

On  the  5th  of  December,  1808,  Lewis 
Sands  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man 
named   Ceasar.     Witness,  John   Doughty. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1802,  Gilbert  Van 
Mater  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  wo- 
man named  Dinah.  Witness,  John  Van  D. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1797,  John  Doughty 

manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored  slave  named 
Ceasar  Foster,  aged  about  23  years. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  1798,  Robert  Hodge 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  boy  named 
Robert  Hodge,  aged  about  16  years. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1798,  Jacob  Hicks 
mar.umits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man  named 
William,  aged  about  37  years. 

On  the  28th  of  February,  1799,  Major  John 
Cowenhoven  manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro 
man  named  Jacob,  aged  about  40  years. 

On  the  loth  of  April,  1799,  John  Van  Nos- 
trand  manumits  his  negro  woman  named  Syl- 
via, aged  about  2"/  years. 

On  the  30th  of  September,  1799,  John 
Jackson  manumits  and  sets  free  forever  his 
slave  Titus. 

On  the  same  day  John  Jackson  also  lib- 
erates and  sets  free  forever  his  slave  Rachell. 

On  the  27th  of  July,  1882,  Jacob  W.  Ben- 
net  manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored  male 
slave  named  Sharpe  Miller,  aged  about  44 
years.  Witnesses,  George  Carpenter  and 
David  Carpenter. 

On  the  26th  dav  of  April,  1822,  Ann  Smith 
Robert  Groman,  aged  38  years.  Witnesses, 
John  J.  Albirt,  Tennis  Barkeloo.- 

On  the  2ist  of  September,  1822,  Jeremiah 
Johnson  manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored 
female  slave  Betty,  aged  26  years.  Witnesses, 
Peter  Stockholm,  Tennis  Barkeloo. 

On  the  nth  of  April,  1822,  Peter  Wyckofif 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored  man  named 
Henry  Hendrickson,  aged  about  28  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Burdet  Stryker,  Teunis  Birkeloo. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1817,  John  Bedell 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  negro  man  named 
Harrv,  now  aged  about  21  vears.  ^^'itness, 
Willi'am  W.  Barre. 

On  the  4th  day  of  September,  1823,  Martin 
Schenck,  Jr.,  manumits  and  sets  free  his  col- 
ored man  Amos  Thompson,  who  was  thirty- 
one  years  of  age.  The  witnesses  to  the  inden- 
ture of  manumission  are  John  Garrison  and 
George  Smith,  Jun'r. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  1824,  Henry  Pope 
manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored  female  slave 
Isabella  Dennis,  aged  about  30  years.  Wit- 
ness. Richard  Cornwell. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  1823,  Samuel 
Ellis  manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored  male 
slave  Peter  Franklin,  aged  about  30  years. 
Witnesses,  A.  B.  Sclover,  Mary  Brower. 

"On  the  31st  of  August,  1822,  Richard  V. 
W.  Thorne  manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored 



female  slave  Hannah,  aged  about  34  years. 
AVitnesses,  John  Van  Dyke,  Tennis  fearkeloo. 

On  the  28th  day  of  Decembir.  1821,  John 
Ryerson,  Jr.,  manumits  and  sets  free  his  col- 
ored female  slave  named  Bet,  aged  about  TiT, 
years.  Witnesses,  Teunis  Barkeloo,  Peter 

On  the  1 2th  of  September,  1821,  Jacob 
Ryerson  also  manumits  and  sets  free  his*  male 
slave  named  Thomas,  aged  about  36  years. 
Witnesses,  James  DeGraw,  Teunis  S.  Bar- 

On  the  22d  of  September,  1821,  Jacobus 
Lott  manumits  and  sets  free  his  male  slave 
named  Sam  Johnson,  aged  about  32  years. 
Witnesses,  Stephen  S.  A'ooris,  Teunis  S.  Bar- 

On  the  28th  of  July,  1821,  Jacob  Cowen- 
hoven  manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave 
Mary  Hendricksen,  aged  about  29  years.  Wit- 
nesses, Peter  Conover,  W.  W.  Jackson. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  182 1.  John  Ryer- 
son manumits  and  sets  free  his  female  slave 
named  Bet,  aged  about  33  years.  Witnesses, 
Teunis  Barkeloo,  Peter  Stockholm. 

On  the  30th  of  January,  1822,  Abraham 
D.  Bevois  manumits  and  sets  free  his  colored 
female  slave  named  Nell,  aged  abo-it  30  years. 
Witnesses,  Jeromus  R.  Cropey,  Joshua  Tal- 

The  foregoing  manumissions — and  there 
Avere  no  doubt  many  others,  the  records  of 
which  are  lost — removed  the  last  traces  of  the 
institution  from  the  City  of  Brooklyn. 

While  there  is  no  doubt  that  slaves  were 
bought  and  sold  in  the  open  market  in  Brook- 
h'n  in  the  early  times,  in  the  eig-hteenth  cen- 

tury the  traffic  in  human  chattels  was  so  gen- 
erally transacted  in  private  that  public  sales, 
and  especially  sales  at  auction,  became  of  such 
seldom  occurrence  as  to  be  matters  of  com- 
ment. The  last  of  these  auction  sales,  so  far 
as  known,  was  that  of  four  negroes  belong- 
ing to  the  estate  of  the  widow  Haltje  Rap- 
pelje  of  the  Wallabout.  The  first  of  the  re- 
corded manumissions,  before  the  passage  of 
the  act  of  1799,  was  that  of  Caesar  Foster,  a 
slave  belonging  to  John  Doughty.  The  deed 
was  signed  March  4,  1797,  when  Ciesar  was 
twenty-eight  years  of  age.  Doughty  was  a 
member  of  the  Society  of  Friends  and  in  early 
life  was  associated  with  his  father  as  a  butcher 
in  the  Fly  Market.  In  1785  he  helped  to  or- 
ganize a  fire  company  in  Brooklyn  and  through 
that,  like  so  many  local  "statesmen"  after- 
ward, seems  to  have  made  his  entree  into 
local  politics.  In  1790  he  was  one  of  the  as- 
sessors of  the  town  and  six  years  later  be- 
came town  clerk,  retaining  that  position  for 
thirty-four  years.  In  1816,  when  the  village 
of  Brooklyn  was  incorporated.  Doughty  was 
named  one  of  the  trustees,  and  he  continued  to 
hold  public  office  of  one  sort  or  another  up  to 
his  death.  May  16,  1832.  He  was  a  faithful 
and  honest  public  servant,  and  it  is  said  that 
while  he  was  town  clerk  he  recorded  more 
manumissions  than  any  other  official.  He 
lived  to  see  the  nefarious  institution  become 
completely  a  thing  of  the  past  in  his  home 

^y*  "*/*  ^y*  ^y* 



HE  early  Dutch  colonists  may  be  said 
to  have  brought  their  church  with 
them  when  they  settled  in  New  Neth- 
erland.  To  these  good,  pious  wan- 
derers a  place  of  worship  was  as  necessary  as 
a  house;  and  we  never  find  any  settlement 
without  also  discovering  some  arrangement 
there  for  divine  services,  either  the  setting 
aside  of  a  sufficient  amount  for  a  clergyman's 
ministrations  or  for  the  employment  of  a  teach- 
er and  reader,  or  at  least  for  securing  the 
services  of  an  authorized  visitor  to  the  sick, 
whose  duty  it  also  was  to  read  the  Scriptures 
to  the  people  on  Sundays. 

The  first  church  in  the  New  Netherland 
was  built  in  the  fort  at  New  Amsterdam  by 
Governor  Van  Twiller  in  1633.  The  credit  of 
building  the  first  church  and  also  the  second 
church  on  Long  Island,  however,  belongs  not 
to  the  Dutch  but  to  the  English  settlers :  not 
to  the  west  end  but  to  the  east. 

It  is  difficult  with  the  evidence  before  us 
to  determine  beyond  question  whether  the 
honor  of  building  the  first  structure  on  the 
island  for  the  worship  of  God  belongs  to 
Southold  or  Southampton.  In  a  measure  both 
these  congregations  were  actually  formed  be- 
fore their  members  left  New  England,  and  in 
their  migration  they  simply  brought  with  them 
their  church  organization  and  set  it  up,  with 
their  homes,  as  soon  as  they  found  an  abiding 
place.  Both  towns  were  settled  in  1640,  both 
had  a  clergyman  as  a  leader,  both  church 
buildings  were  authorized  to  be  built  in  the 
same  year.  Southampton  seems  to  have  had 
its  edifice  completed  first.     But  the  organiza- 

tion of  the  congregation  at  Southold  can  be 
dated  a  little  further  back  and  was  apparently 
maintained  intact  during  the  migration.  As 
the  late  Dr.  John  Hall,  of  New  York,  used  to 
declare,  a  Presbyterian  (or  Congregational) 
church  could  meet  equally  in  a  garret  as  in  a 
cathedral,  could  conduct  its  services  with  equal 
solemnity  at  the  roadside  or  in  a  kitchen  as 
in  the  grandest  house  made  with  human  hand. 
This  being  true,  the  credit  of  primacy  might 
be  given  to  Southold.  But  it  is  a  delicate 
question  at  the  best,  one  which  has  exhausted 
the  research,  acumen  and  ingenuity  of  the 
local  antiquaries  and  historians;  and  we  may 
be  pardoned  from  indicating  any  decided  pref- 
erence in  this  place.  The  subject  will  again 
be  referred  to  in  more  detail  in  treating  of  the 
local  story  of  these  two  ancient  settlements. 
The  ventilation  of  such  knotty  points  in  a 
general  history  is  never  conclusive,  or  satis- 
fying, or  profitable,  .and  had  best  always  be 
left  as  a  pleasant  theme  for  local  discussion. 
On  October  21,  1640,  the  Rev.  John 
Youngs  organized  a  congregation  at  New 
Haven  and  at  once  with  his  flock  passed  over 
to  Long  Island,  settling  in  Southold.  Very 
likely  Mr.  Youngs  had  previously  visited  Long 
Island  and  made  a  selection  of  the  territory 
on  which  little  colony  was  to  locate.  It 
was  to  be  a  patriarchial  community,  a  little 
State  ruled  by  the  Church,  for  the  voice  of 
the  Church  was  to  be  pre-eminent  in  all  things 
and  the  Bible  was  to  rule  over  civil  as  over 
spiritual  affairs.  No  one  was  to  be  admitted 
to  full  citizenship,  if  admitted  even  to  resi- 
dential privileges,  who  was  not  a  member  "of 



some  one  or  other  of  the  approved  churches 
in  New  England."  It  was  also  thus  decided 
at  a  General  Court  in  1643:  "Nor  shall  any 
power  or  trust  in  the  ordering  of  any  civil 
affairs  be  at  any  time  put  into  the  hands  of 
any  other  than  such  church  members,  though 
as  free  planters  all  have  right  to  their  in- 
heritance and  to  commerce  according  to  such 
grants,  orders  and  laws  as  shall  be  made  con- 
cerning same." 

The  first  church  was  built  upon  a  corner 
of  an  acre  lot  in  the  north  end  of  the  present 
Southold  cemetery.  We  have  no  description 
of  it,  and  doubtless  it  was  a  plain  frame  struc- 
ture, with  seats  on  either  side  of  a  central 
aisle  for  men  and  women,  with  cross  seats  at 
the  rear  for  those  who  might  wander  that  way, 
for  those,  in  short,  who  had  not  attained  the 
dignity  of  membership.  The  floor  would  be 
the  natural  soil,  and  the  pulpit  a  box-like  ar- 
rangement placed  at  the  further  end  in  the 
centre.  The  clerk  or  precentor  had  his  seat 
at  the  bottom  of  the  pulpit  structure  and  in 
front  was  a  long  table  around  which  sat  the 
elders  and  from  which  the  communion  was 
dispensed.  The  building  was  not  heated,  even 
in  the  dead  of  winter, — at  first,  at  all  events; 
and  from  the  nature  of  the  town's  constitution 
it  was  at  once  a  town  hall,  and  possibly  a 
school-house,  as  well  as  sanctuary.  There 
was  apparently  nothing  fanciful  or  pretty 
about  the  architecture,  or  the  internal  ar- 
rangements, nothing  in  the  way  of  interior  or 
exterior  decoration;  but  everything  about  it 
was  substantial  and  honest  as  befitted  its  pur- 
pose, and  the  settlers  put  into  it  the  very  best 
material  they  had.  We  read  that  its  four 
windows  were  made  of  cedar,  an  expensive 
and  highly  prized  wood  in  those  days,  and 
which,  when  in  course  of  time  they  were  to 
be  removed,  were  sold  for  no  less  than  £3. 
In  1684  the  primitive  meeting-house  was  aban- 
doned and  a  structure  erected  close  by.  The 
old  church  was  not  torn  down,  but  at  an  ap- 
praised valuation  of  £30  (minus  the  cedar- 
wood  windows)  was  turned  over  to  the  town 
and  altered  to  the  extent  of  having  a  sub- 

terranean cell  dug  out  in  its  centre.  Very 
likely  the  entire  internal  fittings  of  the  old 
meeting-house  were  transferred  to  the  new. 
In  1699  the  population  of  the  town  had  so 
increased  that  it  was  necessary  to  furnish  more 
seating  capacity  in  the  church,  and  the  internal 
arrangements  were  altered  somewhat  so  as  to 
permit  the  erection  of  a  gallery  which  would 
be  devoted  mainly  to  the  occupancy  of  hired 
help,  negro  servants  and  children.  The  erec- 
tion of  this  gallery  cost  the  good  people  £17 
IDS  gd.  As  an  evidence  of  the  method  and 
economy  of  those  days  it  may  be  stated  that 
when  the  work  was  completed  the  church  au- 
thorities received  from  Samuel  Clark,  the  con- 
tractor, four  shillings  for  nails  and  lumber 
provided  for  him  and  which  he  had  not  found 
it  necessary  to  use! 

The  second  church  was  pulled  down  in 
1761,  and  a  larger  and  more  commodious 
structure  was  erected  on  its  site  and  fitted  up 
in  such  a  way  internally  that  the  various  social 
distinctions  of  wealth  and  official  position 
might  be  fully  preserved  in  the  arrangement 
of  its  pews, — rather  a  queer  proceeding  ac- 
cording to  our  modern  notions  for  a  church 
organization  founded  on  Christian  and  demo- 
cratic lines,  but  perfectly  in  keeping  with  the 
practice  of  all  churches  at  the  time,  not  only 
in  old  communities,  but  in  those  which  had 
survived  the  first  struggle  with  the  wilderness 
and  were  introducing  into  their  dwellings  and 
their  surroundings  some  of  the  features  of 
"modern  civilization."  The  fourth  church  was 
erected  in  1803. 

The  Rev.  John  Youngs,  the  founder  of  this 
religious  community,  and  during  the  last  thirty 
years  of  his  life  its  real  head  and  most  influ- 
ential member,  was  a  native  of  England.  He 
was  born  about  1602  and  is  believed  to  have 
been  a  native  of  Norfolkshire  and  to  have  been 
engaged  as  a  preacher  in  Hingham,  in  that 
county,  where  he  married  and  six  of  his  eight 
children  were  born.  Being  a  noncomformist, 
he  felt  the  effects  of  the  religious  intolerance 
of  his  time  and  made  up  his  mind  to  emigrate 
to  the  shores  of  New  England,  then  the  hope 



of  the  English  Puritan.  According  to  a  pas- 
sage in  Drake's  "Founders  of  New  England," 
Youngs,  with  "Joan,  his  wife,_  aged  thirty- 
four  years,  with  six  children, — John,  Thomas, 
Anne,  Rachel,  Mary  and  Joseph,"— applied  to 
the  proper  ecclesiastical  authorities  for  per- 
mission to  proceed  to  Salem  "to  inhabitt." 
The  rec|uest  was  refused.  This  was  in  May, 
1637 ;  but  about  a  year  later  we  find  him  safely 
located  with  wife  and  children  at  New  Haven 
and  engaged  in  "preaching  the  Word." 

Of  the  personal  history  of  Youngs  little 
has  come  down  to  us.  He  seems  to  have  com- 
bined in  his  make-up  many  of  the  qualities  of 
the  statesman  with  those  of  a  minister.  He 
was  a  Calvinist  of  the  strictest  school,  and  had 
no  toleration  for  the  doctrine  that  the  church 
should  be  separated  from  the  state;  nay,  he 
believed  that  the  church  was  the  staite,  that 
the  two  could  not  be  separated  without  the 
church  failing  in  its  mission  and  the  state  be- 
coming a  Godless  and  an  unwholesome  thing. 
He  believed  in  the  acquisition  of  wealth,  be 
bought  as  largely  as  he  could  of  real  estate 
in  the  township,  and  in  all  his  policy  and  con- 
duct he  was  in  every  way  a  pattern  to  his 
neighbors,  an  exemplary  friend,  a  loyal  mem- 
ber of  a  compact  commonwealth,  and  a  zealous 
and  hard-working  clergyman.  He  was  a  man 
of  considerable  learning  and  possessed  a  fair 
working  library  (valued  after  his  death  at  £5), 
only  one  of  the  treasures  of  which  is  now 
e-xtant, — "the  Writings  of  William  Perkins, 
of  Cambridge,"  the  leading  English  exponent 
of  Calvinism  of  his  time — which  is  now  pre- 
served in  the  stores  of  the  New  Haven  Colony 
Historical  Society.  He  continued  in  the  pas- 
torate of  the  Southold  church  until  his  death, 
in  1672,  and  on  the  stone  over  his  grave  was 
engraved  the   following: 

"Here  lies  the  man  whose  doctrine  life  well 

Did  show  he  sought  Christ's  honour,  not  his 

owen  ; 
In  weakness  sown,  in  power  raised  shall  be 
By  Christ  from  death  to  life  eternally." 

Mr.  Youngs'  descendants  continue  to  the 
present  day  to  loom  up  prominently  in  Suf- 
folk county  history. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Youngs  occurred  in  the 
depth  of  winter  (February  24)  and  it  was  im- 
possible to  begin  in  that  season  a  hunt  for  a 
suitable  successor.  On  the  succeeding  A])ril 
I,  however,  the  people  held  a  meeting  at  which 
it  was  "agreed  that  the  inhabitants  would 
provide  themselves  of  an  honest,  godly  man  ro 
perform  the  ofifice  of  minister  amongst  them, 
and  that  they  would  allow  and  pay  to  the  said 
minister  sixty  pounds  sterling  by  the  year." 

Captain  Jolui  Youngs,  son  of  the  deceased 
minister,  was  intrusted  with  the  task  of  cross- 
ing over  to  New  England  "and  use  his  best 
endeavor  for  the  obtaining  of  such  a  man 
above  mentioned  to  live  amongst  us,"  and  for 
his  trouble  was  to  receive  £5.  His  journey 
was  not  immediately  successful,  but  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  he  brought  to  Southold  the  Rev. 
Joshua  Hobart,  son  of  the  Rev.  Peter  Hobart, 
of  Hingham,  Massachusetts,  the  first  minister 
of  that  town  and  by  whom  it  was  named  in 
honor  of  the  Norfolk  town  from  whence  he 
came.  Very  likely  the  Youngs  and  Hobart  fam" 
ilies  were  neighbors  in  the  old  land.  Joshua 
Hobart  was  bom  in  England  in  1629  and  came 
to  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  with  his  parents  in 
1635.  He  was  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1650. 
After  several  years  in  Barbadoes  he  settled  in 
London,  England,  until  1669,  when  he  re- 
turned to  America.  At  first  he  seems  to  have 
simply  acted  as  "supply,"  possibly  with  the 
conscientious  desire  of  making  sure  that  his 
ministrations  would  be  acceptable  to  the  peo- 
ple before  finally  casting  his  lot  in  their  midst. 
Changes  of  ministers  were  not  then  made  as 
easily  or  as  heartlessly  and  heedlessly  as  now, 
and  an  aged  pastor  w^as  not  expected  to  bow 
gracefully  to  the  inevitable  and  make  way  for 
a  younger  man.  In  October,  1674.  however, 
the  period  of  trial  was  over,  and  Mr.  Hobart 
was  ordained  to  the  charge.  His  salary  was 
fixed  at  £80  a  year,  and  four  years  later  it 
was  advanced  to  £100,  and  in  addition  he  re- 


ceived  a  gift  of  thirty  acres  of  land  "toward 
the  North  Sea"  and  some  other  pieces  of  real 
estate.  He  was  also  lodged  in  a  dwelling 
which  cost  f  lOO,  so  that  altogether  the  good 
man's  lot  must  be  regarded  as  having  fallen  in 
pleasant  places.  So  far  as  we  may  judge  he 
took  up  most  of  the  work  and  wielded  much 
of  the  political  influence  of  Mr.  Youngs,  but 
not  by  any  means  to  the  same  extent,  for  he 
was  not  the  pioneer  patriarch,  the  father  of 
the  colony.  His  ministry  was  a  successful 
one,  however,  and  continued  until  the  end  of 
his  life-long  journey,  February  28,  1716,  and 
then  his  people  summed  up  his  virtvtes  on  his 
tombstone  by  saying  "He  was  a  faithful  min- 
ister, a  skillful  physician,  a  general  scholar,  a 
courageous  patriot,  and,  to  crown  all,  an  emi- 
nent Christian." 

It  was  not  until  1720  that  the  pastorate 
was  again  filled,  when  the  Rev.  Benjamin 
Woolsey  was  installed.  He  was  a  native  of 
Jamaica,  Long  Island,  and  a  graduate  of  Yale. 
For  sixteen  years  he  continued  to  hold  forth 
at  Southold  and  then  he  resigned  and  took 
up  his  abode  on  an  estate  which  had  been  be- 
queathed to  his  wife  by  her  father,  John  Tay- 
lor, at  Glen  Cove  in  Queens  county.  Woolsey 
renamed  the  property  Dos-Oris  (Dos  Uxoris, 
a  wife's  gift),  and  Dosoris  it  has  been  called 
ever  since.  Notwithstanding  his  wealth,  he 
did  not  abandon  entirely  his  work  as  a  min- 
ister, but  continued  to  officiate  in  vacant  pul- 
pits as  general  pulpit  supply  wherever  his 
services  were  needed  until  the  end.  He  seems 
to  have  been  a  most  lovable  man,  and  his 
death,  in  1756,  was  deeply  regretted  over  a 
wide  section  of  Long  Island.  Mr.  Woolsey 
left  Southold  in  1736  and  it  was  nearly  two 
years  later  ere  his  successor,  the  Rev.  John 
Davenport,  was  installed.  The  story  of  this 
man,  which  has  been  h.eld  to  "form  an  im- 
portant element  in  the  history  of  the  Long 
Island  Churches,"  may  be  briefly  summed  up 
by  saying  that  he  was  born  at  Stamford  in 
1710,  was  graduated  from  Yale  in  1732,  or- 
dained minister  of  Southold  in  1738,  dismissed 

in   1746,  and  afterward  settled  at  Hopewell, 
New  Jersey,  where  he  died  in  1755. 

Regarding  his  ministry  and  the  features 
that  made  it  famous,  we  cannot  do  better  than 
copy  the  details  which  are  given  in  Prime's 
"History  of  Long  Island:" 

About  two  years  after  his  settlement  at 
Southold,  Davenport  became  satisfied  that  God 
had  revealed  to  him  that  his  kingdom  was  com~ 
ing  with  great  power,  and  that  he  had  an  ex- 
traordinary call  to  labor  for  its  advancement. 
He  assembled  his  people  on  one  occasion  and 
addressed  them  continuously  for  nearly  twen- 
ty-four hours,  until  he  became  quite  wild. 

After  continuing  for  some  time  in  exerting 
labors  in  his  own  neighborhood,  he  passed 
over  into  Connecticut,  where  the  same  spirit 
has  been  developed  and  was  producing  dis- 
astrous results  in  many  of  the  churches.  "He 
soon  Ix-came  animated  by  a  famous  zeal,"  says 
Dr.  Miller,  in  his  life  of  Edwards,  "and  im- 
agining that  he  was  called  to  take  a  special 
lead  in  the  work,  he  began  to  set  at  naught 
;dl  the  rules  of  Christian  prudence  and  order, 
and  to  give  the  most  unrestrained  liberty  to 
his  fanatical  feelings.  He  raised  his  voice  to 
tile  highest  pitch  in  public  services,  and  ac- 
couipanied  his  unnatural  vehemence  and  can- 
taiory  bawling  with  the  most  vehement  agita- 
tions of  body.  He  encouraged  his  hearers  to 
give  vent,  without  restraint,  both  to  their  dis- 
tress and  thtir  joy,  by  violent  outcries  in  the 
midst  of  public  assemblies.  When  these  things 
prevailed  among  the  people,  accompanied  with 
bodily  agitations,  he  pronounced  them  tokens 
of  the  presence  of  God.  Those  who  passed 
immediately  from  great  distress  to  great  joy, 
he  declared,  after  asking  them  a  few  questions, 
to  be  converts ;  though  numbers  of  such  con- 
verts, in  a  short  time,  returned  to  their  old 
ways  of  living,  and  were  as  carnal,  wicked  and 
void  of  experience  as  ever  they  were.  He 
openly  encouraged  his  new  converts  to  speak 
in  public,  and  brought  forward  many  ignorant 
and  unqualified  persons,  young  and  old,  to 
address  large  assemblies  in  his  own  vehement 
and  magisterial  manner.  He  led  his  followers 
through  the  streets  singing  psalms  and  hymns. 
He  was  a  great  favorite  of  visions,  trances, 
imaginations  and  powerful  impressions,  and 
made  such  impulses  and  inward  feelings  the 
rule  of  duty  for  himself  and  others.  He 
claimed  a  kind  of  prescriptive  right  to  sit  in 



judgment  on  the  characters  of  ministers,  and, 
after  examining  them  as  to  their  spiritual 
right  in  private,  would  often  pronounce  them 
in  his  public  prayers  to  be  unconverted.  Those 
who  refused  to  be  examined  were  sure  to 
suffer  the  same  fate.  He  made  his  prayers  the 
medium  of  harsh  and  often  indecent  attacks 
on  ministers  and  others,  whom  he  felt  dis- 
posed, on  any  account,  to  censure;  and  in  his 
harangues  he  would  inform  the  people  that 
their  ministers  were  unconverted,  and  tell  them 
that  they  had  as  good  eat  ratsbane  as  hear  an 
unconverted  minister.  On  more  than  one  oc- 
casion he  publicly  refused  to  receive  the  sacra- 
mental symbols,  because  he  doubted  the  piety 
of  the  pastors.  Congregations  were  exhorted 
to  eject  their  ministers,  and  dissatisfied  mi- 
norities were  encouraged  to  break  oft'  and  form 
new  churches,  and  in  this  a  number  of  con- 
gregations were  greatly  weakened  and  others 
nearly  destroyed." 

It  is  stated  on  good  authority  that  he  de- 
claimed much  against  pride  of  dress,  which 
he  styled  idolatry ;  and  on  one  occasion,  at  New 
London,  he  kindled  a  large  fire  at  a  place  pre- 
viously designated,  and  calling  upon  his  fol- 
lowers to  come  forward  and  destroy  their 
idols,  and  not  only  many  useless  ornaments 
but  numerous  garments  and  other  valuable 
articles  were  committed  to  the  flames !  In  a 
like  manner,  under  the  guise  of  rooting  out 
heresy,  many  books,  and  some  of  them  of 
sterling  excellence,  such  as  Beveridge's  and 
Flavel's  works,  were  cast  into  the  fire.  (_)f 
his  manner  of  preaching  and  the  extravagant 
measures  he  pursued  the  following  description 
is  given  by  Dr.  Bacon  : 

"He  would  work  upon  the  fancy  until  they 
saw,  as  with  their  eyes,  and  heard,  as  with 
their  ears,  the  groans  of  Calvary,  and  felt  as 
the  Popish  enthusiast  feels  when,  under  the 
spell  of  music,  he  looks  upon  the  canvas 
alive  with  the  agony  of  Jesus.  He  would  so 
describe  the  surprise,  consternation  and  despair 
of  the  damned,  with  looks  and  screams  of  hor- 
ror, that  those  who  were  capable  of  being 
moved  by  such  representations  seemed  to  see 
the  gates  of  hell  set  open  and  felt  as  it  were 
the  hot  and  stifling  breath,  and  the  hell-flames 
flashing  in  their  faces.  And  if  by  such  means 
he  would  cause  any  to  scream  out  he  consid- 
ered that  as  a  sign  of  the  special  presence  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  and  redoubled  his  own  exer- 
tion till  shriek  after  shriek,  bursting  from  one 
quarter  and  another  in  hideous  discord,  swelled 
the  horrors  of  the  scene." 

"Although  this  deluded  man,"  adds  Prime, 
"did  not  enact  his  wildest  extravagances  in  the 
churches  on  this  (Long)  island,  yet  even  here 
his  labors  were  productive  of  many  unhappy 
results.  Dissensions  and  divisions  were  pro- 
duced in  many  congregations,  the  effects  of 
which  are  visible  at  the  present  day  (1845), 
and  although  much  good  was  done  and  souls 
were  hopefully  converted,  yet  many  prejudices 
against  the  work  of  grace  were  exerted  and 
the  enemies  of  the  cross  emboldened  to  blas- 
pheme. It  is  due  to  the  memory  of  Mr. 
Davenport  to  add  that,  after  pursuing  this 
disorderly  course  for  a  few  years,  he  became 
deeply  sensible  of  the  error  of  his  ways  and 
published  to  the  world  an  ingenuous  confes- 
sion in  which  he  acknowledges  that  he  'had 
been  influenced  by  a  false  spirit  in  judging 
ministers,  in  exhorting  their  people  to  forsake 
their  ministry;  in  making  impulses  a  rule  of 
conduct ;  in  encouraging  lay  exhorters,  and  in 
disorderly  singing  in  the  streets.'  " 

It  is  not  likely  that  in  the  present  day  the 
conduct  of  Mr.  Davenport  would  be  regarded 
as  being  so  fully  liable  to  the  censure  which 
Dr.  Prime  and  others  have  passed  upon  it. 
The  Rev.  Dr.  S.  D.  Alexander,  of  New  York, 
in  a  recent  work  describes  him  as  "the  bril- 
liant and  eccentric  pastor  of  Long  Island." 
While  guilty  of  a  few  extravagances,  due  to 
the  time  and  circumstances,  his  course  was 
hardly  different  from  that  of  many  of  our 
modern  evangelists;  and  it  is  easy  to  recall 
conduct  very  similar  to  his  which  has  been  ap- 
plauded in  these  modern  days,  and  by  no 
class  more  heartily  than  by  the  clergy — the 
modern  clergy — themselves.  It  is  no  longer 
the  fashion  to  sneer  at  lay  exhorters  ;  and  while 
we  seldom  hear  of  ministers  sitting  in  judg- 
ment on  their  fellows  the  records  of  almost 
each  presbytery  furnish  evidence  that  the  prac- 
tice has  not  altogether  fallen  into  disuse.  At 
the  same  time,  in  a  settled  community,  in  a 
deeply  religious  community  like  Southold,  a 
community  anchored  to  the  cool  and  merciless 
logic  of  Calvinism,  we  are  not  surprised  to 
find  that  Davenport's  sensational  methods  were 


not  congenial,  and  to  find  that  most  of  his 
wild  work  was  done  elsewhere.  But  even  in 
Southold  his  performances  caused  trouble,  and 
we  learn  that  its  effects  hampered  the  useful- 
ness and  disturbed  the  equanimity  of  his  suc- 
cessor, the  Rev.  William  Throop,  who  was 
installed  September  21,  1748,  and  ministered 
in  Southold  until  his  death,  September  29, 
1756.  A  still  .  shorter  career  was  that  of 
Smith  Stratton,  who  took  up  the  work  which 
Mr.  Throop  laid  down.  He  was  ordained  to 
preach  in  1755  and  died  March  10,  1758.  He 
acted  as  pulpit  supply,  probably  the  state  of 
his  health  preventing  his  assuming  the  full 
duties  of  the  pastorate.  It  was  while  he  oc- 
cupied the  pulpit  that  a  case  of  church  dis- 
cipline arose  which  occasioned  considerable 
comment  then  and  after.  In  the  records  of 
the  Suffolk  County  Presbytery  it  is  stated  as 
follows : 

A  member  of  this  church  married  the  sister 
of  his  deceased  wife,  who  was  likewise  a  mem- 
ber of  said  church,  which  affair  occasioned  an 
uneasiness  and  grievance  in  the  church.  The 
deacons  of  the  church  did  (in  behalf  of  the 
church)  relate  the  case  to  this  Presbytery ,^  and 
desire  the  opinion  of  the  Presbytery  relating 
to  the  case,  both  as  to  their  present  duty  and 
to  the  lawfulness  of  the  marriage.  The  Pres- 
bytery, after  considering  and  conversing  upon 
the  case,  gave  it  as  their  opinion  and  judg- 
ment that  the  aforementioned  marriage  is  un- 
lawful and  sinful ;  and  that  consequently  the 
married  couple  should  be  set  aside  from  the 
sacrament,  when  it  is  administered,  till  satis- 
faction be  made. 

In  the  line  of  pastorates  the  sixth  occupant 
of  the  office  was  the  Rev.  John  Storrs,  who 
when  he  was  inducted  August  15, 1763,  was  the 
first  to  introduce  into  the  ecclesiastical  history 
of  Long  Island  a  name  that  has  since  been 
held  with  peculiar  reverence  by  the  people  of 
every  class  and  creed.  He  was  born  at  Mans- 
field, Connecticut,  December  i,  1735,  and  de- 
scended from  the  old  Nottinghamshire  family 
of  Storrs  of  Sutton.  He  was  graduated  from 
Yale  in  1756.    He  had  married,  soon  after  his 

graduation,  Eunice  Conant,  widow  of  Dr. 
Howe,  of  Mansfield.  She  died  on  March  27, 
1767,  and  was  buried  in  the  churchyard  at 
Southold,  and  in  December  of  the  same  year 
Mr.  Storrs  married  one  of  his  parishioners, 
Hannah  Moore.  In  1776  the  British  troops 
compelled  him  to  leave  his  church  and  Long 
Island,  as  his  sympathies  with  the  Patriot 
cause  were  too  outspoken  to  be  ignored;  but 
he  continued  his  clerical  work  as  a  chaplain 
in  the  Continental  army.  He  was  gazetted  to 
that  office  in  the  Second  Battalion  of  Wads- 
worth's  Connecticut  brigade  in  1776,  and  in 
1 78 1  was  attached  to  Colonel  Waterbury's 
Connecticut  brigade.  On  the  close  of  hos- 
tilities he  returned  to  Southold  and  took  up 
his  old  work  there,  and  so  continued  until 
1787,  when  he  was  dismissed  at  his  own  re- 
quest. He  then  removed  to  Mansfield,  where 
he  died,  October  9,  1799. 

One  of  his  sons,  Richard  Salter  Storrs, 
was  for  a  time  a  teacher  at  Clinton  Academy, 
Easthampton.  He  was  licensed  to  preach  by 
the  Presbytery  of  Suffolk  and  took  charge  of 
the  parishes  of  Islip  and  Smithtown,  but  after- 
ward became  minister  of  the  Congregational 
church  at  Braintree,  Massachusetts.  He  died 
there,  August  11,  1873.  His  son,  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Richard  S.  Storrs,  was  the  famous  pastor 
of  the  Church  of  the  Pilgrims  in  Brooklyn, 
whose  death  in  1900  was  regarded  as  a  loss 
not  only  to  the  ecclesiastical  life  of  Long 
Island  but  to  all  its  best  interests. 

Since  the  resignation  of  the  Rev.  John 
Storrs  the  pulpit  of  the  old  church  at  Southold 
has  been  filled  by  the  following: 

Rev.  Joseph  Hazzard  from  June  7,  1797, 
to  April,  1806;  Rev.  Joseph  Huntting,  from 
June,  1806,  to  August,  1828;  Rev.  Ralph 
Smith,  from  July  15,  1836,  to  December,  1840; 
Rev.  H.  F.  Wiswall,  June  18,  1845,  to  No- 
vember 12,  1850;  Rev.  Epher  Whittaker,  D. 
D.,  from  1856  to  1892,  since  which  time  he 
has  been  pastor  emeritus,  the  active  work  of 
the  pastorate  having  been  since  carried  on  by 
the  Rev.  James  B.  Freeman  and  by  the  present 
pastor,  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Lloyd. 



In  addition  to  these,  many  brilliant  men 
served  the  church  from  time  to  time  as  pulpit 
supply,  and  their  memories  are  yet  precious 
inheritances  in  a  community  which  still  ad- 
heres to  many  of  the  lovable  characteristics 
and  to  much  of  the  devout  and  practical  faith 
of  the  fathers.  Some  of  those  ministers  and 
supplies  will  be  found  spoken  of  at  length  in 
other  parts  of  this  work. 

The  pastor  emeritus  of  the  church.  Dr. 
Whitaker,  was  born  at  Fairfield,  New  Jersey, 
March  27,  1820.  He  was  educated  with  a 
view  to  the  ministry  and  after  his  graduation 
from  Delaware  College,  in  1847,  I'le  continued 
his  studies  in  the  Union  Theological  Seminary, 
.  New  York,  taking  the  full  theological  course. 
On  leaving  there  he  was  licensed  to  preach 
by  the  Presbytery  of  New  York,  April  9,  1851. 
He  was  ordained  the  eleventh  minister  of 
Southold  September  10,  in  the  same  year,  and 
now  after  .almost  half  a  century  of  work  con- 
tinues the  duties  of  his  sacred  office  as  zeal- 
ously as  ever.  Far  beyond  the  confines  of 
.Southold,  however,  the  name  of  Dr.  Whitaker 
has  been  known  as  a  writer,  historian  and 
antiquary.  In  1865  he  published  "New  Fruits 
from  an  Old  Field,"  a  volume  of  essays  and 
discourses;  and  his  later  work,  "History  of 
Southold:  Its  First  Century,  1640  to  1740," 
is  pre-eminently  the  local  authority  on  facts, 
-dates  and  family  history.  It  was  published  in 
1881,  and  in  the  following  year  he  issued  a 
work  of  much  interest  to  the  local  student, 
""Old  Town  Records."  He  has  been  a  con- 
tributor to  magazine  literature  for  over  half 
•a  century  and  his  work  is  invariably  char- 
acterized by  clearness  and  force.  He  never 
writes  without  having  a  story  to  tell  or  a 
point  to  illustrate  or  drive  home,  and  he  pre- 
sents it  to  his  readers  in  plain,  nervous  Eng- 
lish and  in  simple  yet  captivating  and  con- 
vincing fashion.  Some  of  his  pulpit  dis- 
courses are  models  of  their  kind.  In  1877  he 
received  the  degree  of  D.  D.  from  Delaware 

The  first  settlers  of  Southampton  also  had 
a  clergyman  as  their  leader,  a  good  man,  a 

man,  so  far  as  we  can  learn,  of  many  brilliant 
parts,  but  not  so  gifted  by  any  means  as  was 
the  pioneer  statesman-preacher,  John  Youngs, 
of  Southold.  The  Rev.  Abraham  Pierson  was 
a  native  of  England,  a  graduate  of  Cambridge, 
and  is  said  to  have  preached  the  Word  in  his 
home  land  before  he  cast  in  his  lot  with  Amer- 
ica. He  was  ordained  in  Lynn,  Massachusetts, 
in  1640,  as  minister  of  the  church  colony  then 
about  to  proceed  to  Long  Island  and  so  became 
the  first  pastor  of  Southampton.  He  was  one 
of  those  who  witnessed  the  Indian  deed  in 
December,  1C40.  It  is  supposed  that  the 
church  structure  was  bv  that  time  erected  and 


in  use,  and  of  course  could  this  be  proved  be- 
yond question  the  honor  in  that  matter  would 
rest  with  Southampton  and  the  claims  of 
Southold  be  completely  shut  out ;  yet  we  fear 
the  matter  will  ever  remain  one  of  the  mooted 
points  of  local  history,  one  of  those  little  co- 
nundrums which  are  so  useful  in  the  way  of 
developing  an  interest  in  historical  and  anti- 
quarian study.  At  best,  however,  the  church 
edifice  at  Southampton,  standing  in  1640,  was 
a  flimsy  aft'air,  probably  only  a  structure  of 
logs,  hurriedly  put  together.  We  judge  so 
from  the  fact  that  in  March,  165 1,  a  new  meet- 
ing-house was  erected,  and  the  contracts  called 
for  a  structure  thirty  feet  long  and  twenty- four 
feet  wide,  the  laborers  receiving  two  shillings 
in  wampum  for  each  day's  work.     The  con- 



tractors  were  Ellis  Cook  and  Richard  Post. 
The  fate  of  the  pioneer  building  seems  strange. 
At  a  town  meeting  held  in  April,  1651,  it  was 
agreed  "that  Richard  Mills  shall  have  the  old 
meeting-house  with  the  appurtenances  to  help 
to  enlarge  his  house,  for  which  gift  the  said 
Richard  Mills  doth  engage  himself  to  keep  an 
'ordinary'  for  strangers  for  diet  and  lodging. 
Long  before  this  new  sanctuary  had  been  erect- 
ed, or  probably  before  it  was  even  thought  of, 
Abraham  Pierson  had  resigned  the  pastorate, 
having  a  difficulty  with  the  people  on  a  ques- 
tion of  church  prerogative  in  local  afifairs,  and, 
with  a  number  of  his  congregation,  removed 
to  Branford,  Connecticut,  in  1647.  Mr.  Pier- 
son  moved  to  Newark,  New  Jersey,  in  1662, 
or  soon  after  that  year,  and  there  set  up  an- 
other tabernacle,  the  supremacy  of  the  church 
over  all  secular  atTairs  being  to  him  a  burning 
question;  and  the  progress  of  events  in  Con- 
necticut made  such  a  claim  no  longer  possible 
there.  He  continued  his  ministry  at  Newark 
until  his  death,  in  1678.  It  is  said  that  when 
he  quitted  Branford  he  left  the  town  without 
an  inhabitant,  all  the  people  going  with  him 
to  New  Jersey,  and  he  carried  away  all  the 
local  church  records  and  papers.  For  some 
twenty-three  years  he  exerted  a  great  amount 
of  political  influence  in  Connecticut.  Gover- 
nor Winthrop,  one  of  his  warmest  friends, 
spoke  of  him  as  "a  godly  man"  and  he  won 
the  approval  of  the  Rev.  Cotton  Mather.  In 
the  question  of  the  evangelization  of  the  red 
men  he  took  a  deep  interest.  He  studied  their 
language  and  prepared  ( 1660)  a  catechism  for 
their  use.  In  the  campaign  against  the  Dutch 
in  1654  he  served  as  chaplain  to  the  forces. 
Mr.  Pierson  was  succeeded  in  the  charge 
of  Southampton  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Fordham, 
minister  at  Hempstead,  who  took  up  the  bur- 
den in  1648,  at  a  salary  of  £60  for  the  first 
year  and  £80  a  year  thereafter.  Mr.  Fordham 
continued  to  hold  the  pastorate  until  his  death, 
in  1674.  Of  his  personal  career  more  par- 
ticular mention  will  be  made  later  on  in  this 
chapter.  Some  time  before  his  decease  he  was 
incapacitated  from  active  work  by  bodily  in- 

firmity, and  in  1674  the  Rev.  John  Ilarriman 
was  installed  as  his  colleague  and  successor. 
As  salary,  it  was  arranged  ]\Ir.  Harriman 
should  receive  from  'Sir.  Fordham  £40  a  year 
— ore-half  the  regular  salary — and  £20  from 
the  people,  besides  the  use  of  thirty  acres  of 
land  and  of  "a  good  house  of  two  stories  with 
a  brick  chimnie  and  two  chamber  chinniies."' 
A  provision  was  also  made  that  if  'Sir.  Ford- 
ham could  take  no  part  in  the  work  the  salary 
of  his  young  colleague  was  to  be  made  up  to 

Air.  Harriman  seems  to  have  been  a  gentle- 
man with  an  eye  constantly  open  to  improving 
his  own  worldly  prospects  and  appears  to  have 
been  absent  from  Southampton  very  frequent- 
ly, turning  up  as  a  candidate  in  vacant 
churches  where  the  stipend  was  more  liberal 
and  the  prospects  brighter  than  in  South- 
ampton. As  a  result  the  honest  folks  there 
were  not  over-particular  in  seeing  to  it  that 
his  salary  was  promptly  forthcoming.  This 
apparently  led  to  squabbles,  and  when  he 
finally  resigned,  in  1679,  he  claimed  that  half 
a  year's  stipend  was  due.  This  the  people, 
after  due  consideration,  finally  and  peremptor- 
ily refused  to  pay. 

Harriman  was  succeeded,  in  1680,  by  the 
Rev.  John  Taylor,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  and 
a  preacher  at  New  Haven.  In  way  of  re- 
muneration he  was  most  liberally  dealt  with, 
probably  to  remove  any  ill  reputation  which 
may  have  come  to  the  place  through  the  bick- 
erings with  the  departed  Harriman.  The 
people  promised  him  "a  salary  of  £100  and 
the  sole  use  of  the  house  and  land  formerly 
built  and  laid  out  for  the  ministry,  together 
with  another  end  to  be  built  to  the  said  house, 
and  100  acres  of  conunonage."  In  addition 
they  gave  "to  him  and  his  heirs  forever  100 
acres  in  the  woods  or  commons,"  and  another 
small  parcel  of  four  acres.  It  was  further 
stipulated  that  the  salary  of  £100  should  be 
paid  in  this  manner : 

In  winter  wheat  at  5s  the  bushel. 
In  summer  wheat  at  4s  6d  bushel. 



In  Indian  corn  at  2s  6d  bushel. 
In  beef  at  40s  per  cwt. 
In  pork  at  los  per  cwt. 
In   tallow   at   3d   per   lb. 
In  green  hides  at  3d  per  lb. 
In  dry  hides  at  6d  per  lb. 
In  .whalebones  at  8d  per  lb. 
In  oil  at  30s  per  bbl. 

All  good  and  merchantable.     To  be  col- 
lected  by  the   Constable. 

Mr.  Taylor  did  not  live  long  to  enjoy  his 
worldly  prosperity,  for  he  passed  away  in  1682. 
It  was  during  the  ministry  of  his  successor, 
the  Rev.  Joseph  Whiting,  who  seems  to  have 
entered  upon  the  charge  in  1683,  that  the  sec- 
ond church  was  abandoned,  in  1707,  for  a 
new  edifice,  which  was  completed  m  1709,  nt 
a  cost  of  £55  7s  5d.  It  was  furbished  up  and 
a  steeple  added  in  1751 ;  improved,  almost  re- 
built, in  1820,  and  continued  to  serve  the  con- 
gregation until  1845,  when  the  now  existing 
church  was  erected.  It  is  singular  that  each 
of  these  four  churches  occupied  a  different 
site,  thus  departmg  from  the  general  usage. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Whiting  continued  as  pastor 
of  the  old  church  until  his  death,  in  1723, 
when  he  had  attained  the  patriarchial  age  of 
eighty-two  years.  His  successor,  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Gelston,  was  associated  with  him  as 
colleague  from  171 7  and  remained  in  charge 
of  the  congregation  until  1727,  when  he  re- 
moved to  Pennsylvania,  where  his  career  was 
by  no  means  a  creditable  one.  On  Gelston's 
retirement  the  Rev.  Sylvanus  White  became 
pastor  and  so  continued  until  his  death,  in 
1782,  a  period  of  service  of  fifty-five  years. 
His  successors  have  been  Revs.  Joshua  Will- . 
iam,  Herman  Daggett,  David  S.  Bogart,  John 
M.  Babbitt,  Peter  H.  Shaw,  Daniel  Beers, 
Hugh  N.  Wilson,  John  A.  Morgan,  Frederick 
Shearer,  Andrew  Shiland,  Walton  Condict 
and  R.  S.  Campbell. 

The  oldest  congregation  in  Queens  county 
is  that  now  known  as  "Christ's  First  Church" 
in  Hempstead.  It  was  organized,  it  is  claimed, 
in  1643,  the  same  year  in  which  the  town  had 
been  settled  by  a  colony  from  Stamford,  Con- 

necticut, made  up  mainly  of  people  who  had 
emigrated  from  England  a  few  years  before. 
The  leader  of  this  colony  was  the  Rev.  Robert 
Fordham.  It  has  been  the  custom  to  give  the 
honor  of  founding  this  colony  to  Richard 
Denton,  but  a  series  of  patient  investigations 
undertaken  by  Dr.  William  Wallace  Tooker, 
of  Sag  Harbor,  seems  to  prove  that  that 
preacher  was  the  third  and  not  the  first  re- 
ligious leader  of  the  Hempstead  colony.  From 
a  manuscript  essay  by  Dr.  Tooker  the  fol- 
lowing facts  are  gleaned: 

Robert  Fordham  was  the  son  of  Phillip 
Fordliam,  of  Sacombe,  Hertfordshire,  Eng- 
land. He  came  to  America  with  his  wife 
Elizabeth  and  family  in  the  year  1640.  After 
his  arrival  in  America  he  spent  brief  periods 
at  Cambridge  and  Sudbury,  Massachusetts. 
From  Sudbury  he  probably  went  to  Stamford, 
Connecticut,  and  organized  the  migration  to 
the  Hempstead  Plains  in  1643. 

The  Journal  of  New  Netherland  [says  Dr. 
Tooker],  written  previous  to  1646,  translated 
from  Holland  documents  (Documentary  His- 
tory of  New  York,  Vol.  4,  page  15),  declares 
that  there  was  an  English  colony  at  Hempstead 
dependent  on  the  Dutch  before  the  hostilities 
of  1643-4.  Underbill's  attack  upon  the  Mas- 
sapeag  Indians  did  not  take  place  in  1653,  as 
some  of  our  historians  have  placed  the  date, 
buf  it  was  actually  in  the  winter  of  1643-4. 
The  question  now  arises.  Was  there  an  Eng- 
lish colony  there  previous  to  that  winter  as 
claimed  by  the  Dutch?  According  to  circum- 
stantial evidence  there  certainly  was  one. 
*  *  *  The  Indian  deed  to  Hempstead  is 
dated  November  13,  1643,  ^"^  conveys  to 
"Robert  Fordham  and  John  Carman,  on  Long 
Island,  Inglishmen,  the  halfe  moiety  or  equal 
part  of  the  great  plain  lying  toward  the  south 
side  of  Long  Island,"  etc.  This  deed  surely 
locates  Fordham  and  Carman  there  in  the  fall 
of  1643,  a  date  previous  to  the  hostilities 
against  the  Long  Island  Indians,  and  being 
named  first  proves  that  Fordham  was  the  lead- 
er in  the  enterprise  as  well  as  in  the  purchase, 
whatever  else  he  might  have  been. 

In  the  Dutch  work  called  "Breeden  Raedt,  " 
printed  at  Antwerp  in  1649,  it  is  stated  that 


"in  April  of  the  year  1644  seven  savages  were 
arrested  at  Hempstead,  where  an  English 
clergyman,  Mr.  Fordham,  was  Governor. 
*  *  *"  This  proves  that  in  April,  1644, 
Robert  Fordham,  an  English  clergyman,  was 
the  head  of  the  Hempstead  colony,  and  the 
record  would  surely  indicate  he  had  been  there 
some  time.  After  quoting  several  other  au- 
thorities which  show  conclusively  that  Ford- 
ham was  the  head  of  the  Hempstead  colony, 
Dr.  Tooker  proceeds  to  prove  that  he  was  the 
first  minister  of  the  colony  just  as  Mr.  Youngs 
was  at  Southold.  He  says,  "Edward  Johnson, 
a  New  England  contemporary  and  historian, 
in  his  'Wonder-Working  Providence'  (Mass. 
His.  Col.,  Vol.  7,  page  22),  says,  'Chap. 
XVIj,  of  the  Planting  of  Long  Island:' 
'This  people  [Southampton]  gathered  into  a 
church  and  called  to  office  Mr.  Pierson,  who 
continued  with  them  seven  or  eight  years,  and 
then  with  the  greatest  number  of  his  people 
removed  farther  into  the  island ;  the  other  part 
that  remained  invited  Mr.  Fordham  and  a  peo- 
ple that  were  with  him  to  come  and  joyne 
with  them,  who  accordingly  did,  being  wan- 
dered as  far  as  the  Dutch  plantation  and 
there  unsettled,  although  he  came  into  the 
country  before  them.'  There  are  some  errors 
in  this  story,  but  the  lines  relating  to  Mr. 
Fordham  are  to  all  intents  true,  for  many  of 
his  people  did  follow  him  to  Southampton  and 
became  citizens  of  that  town,  which  even  at 
that  early  day  possessed  many  advantages  over 
Hempstead.  The  lines  also  demonstrate  that 
he  had  been  up  to  that  time  the  minister  of 
Hempstead  and  the  people  coming  with  him 
were  his  parishioners." 
Dr.  Tooker  also  says : 

We  have  still  another  witness  whose  testi- 
mony cannot  be  questioned,  and  although  it 
has  been  printed  for  nearly  fifty  years  we  can- 
not understand  why  it  has  been  ignored  or 
overlooked.  This  testimony  is  by  none  other 
that  Peter  Stuyvesant,  who  writes  in  his  own 
hand  to  the  people  of  Hempstead  under  date 
of  July  17,  1657,  nine  years  after  Fordham 
and  his  people  had  abandoned  the  Hempstead 

plantation  and  Dutch  rule :  'Y'ou  all  do  know 
that  Mr.  Robert  fordim  sum  tymes  minister  of 
the  town  oft'  Hempstead,  du  leave  that  pleic 
and  alsoo  the  exercise  of  the  ministery  without 
our  wish  or  knuwiedge  and  for  no  or  littel  rea- 
sons, therefore  we  ken  not  ad  mitt  him  iri  such 
a  mennor  of  comminge  againe."  This  Stuy- 
vesant letter  is  a  harmonizing  sequence  to  the 
earlier  Dutch  record  as  before  quoted  and 
taken  altogether  they  form  a  connecting  nar- 
rative authentic  and  undisputable,  confirming 
as  they  do  beyond  question  the  historical  fact 
that  the  Rev.  Robert  Fordham's  ministry  ante- 
dated that  of  the  Rev.  Richard  Denton  some 
years,  and  from  Stuyvesant's  remarks  it  is  evi- 
dent that  at  the  time  of  his  visit  to  Hempstead 
some  of  the  people  had  expressed  a  desire  for 
j\lr.  Fordham's  return,  a  desire  perhaps  un- 
known to,  and  not  approved,  by  Mr.  Fordham 
himself,  who  was  then  firmly  established  and 
prosperous  at  Southampton,  as  the  records  of 
that  period  bear  witness.  Mr.  Fordham  and 
his  followers  undoubtedly  had  good  and  suf- 
ficient reasons  for  leaving  Hempstead,  and 
with  it  the  rigorous  government  of  the  Dutch, 
which  was  oppressive  in  his  day  and  later. 

Rev.  John  Eliot,  the  well  known  apostle  to 
the  Lidians,  in  a  letter  of  May,  1650,  describ- 
ing New  England  and  speaking  of  Long  Is- 
land, says :  "50  myles  to  the  southwest  end  is 
Hempstead,  where  Mr.  Moore  preacheth." 
This  is  confirmed  in  a  complaint  against  the 
Indians  dated  September  25,  1651,  by  the  in- 
habitants of  Hempstead  to  the  Directors  at 
Amsterdam,  which  is  attested  as  a  true  copy 
by  "John  Moore,  the  minister  of  the  church  of 
Hempstead."  With  the  Hempstead  people, 
among  whom  were  Robert  Coe  and  Richard 
Gildersleeve,  he  migrated  to  Middleburg 
(Newtown)  in  1652  and  became  pastor  there." 

In  view  of  this  there  seems  no  doubt  that 
the  first  minister  of  Hempstead  was  Mr.  Ford- 
ham, who  labored  from  1643  to  1649,  that  the 
second  was  Mr.  Moore,  who  held  the  office  un- 
til 1652,  and  that  the  third  minister  was  the 
Rev.  Richard  Denton,  who  became  minister 
in  that  year,  probably  by  appointment  of  Gov- 
ernor Stuyvesant.  If  we  accept  Woodbridge's 
statement  that  a  church  building  was  erected 
at  Hempstead  in  1648,  it  would  seem  that  the 
honor  of  being  its  builder  should  be  given  to 
Mr.  Fordham,  which  would  deprive  its  present 
day  representative  of  its  claims  to  be  "the  first 
Presbyterian  church  in  America,"  for  Mr. 
Fordham   and   Mr.    Moore    would    assuredly 


rank  as  Congregationalists  rather  than  Pres- 

Richard  Denton  was  a  native  of  Yorkshire, 
England.  He  was  graduated  at  Cambridge  -n 
1602  and  for  some  years  was  minister  of 
Coley  Chapel,  Halifax,  England.  In  1630  the 
famous  Act  of  Uniformity  forced  him  to  re- 
linquish his  church  and  in  search  of  religious 
liberty  he  crossed  the  Atlantic,  settling  first 
at  Watertown,  Massachusetts.  In  1650  he  was 
engaged  in  preaching  in  New  Amsterdam  to 
the  English  people  and  seems  to  have  won  the 
good  will  and  friendship  of  Stuyvesant.  The 
Rev.  Cotton  Mather,  who  apparently  knew 
Denton  well,  gives  him  the  character  of  being 
an  excellent  man  and  an  able  preacher  and 
mentions  that  he  wrote  a  voluminous  work,  a 
system  of  divinity,  under  the  title  of  "Sol- 
iloquia  Sacra ;"  bitt  all  trace  of  it  has  appar- 
ently been  lost.*  It  may  be  said  in  passing  that 
a  son  of  this  clergyman,  Daniel  Denton,  wrote 
a  work  entitled  "A  Brief  Description  of  New 
York,  with  the  Customs  of  the  Indians,"  in 
1670  (London),  which  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  description  in  print  of  New  York  and 
New  Jersey.  An  edition  of  this  work  (100 
copies)  was  printed  in  1845  by  Gabriel  Fur- 
man,  with  some  valuable  notes. 

It  has  been  doubted  whether  even  Denton 
was  a  Presbvterian,  and  the  matter  has   fre- 

*Cotton  Mather's  reference  was  as  follows:  "Among 
these  clouds  (meaning  the  ministers  who  early  came  to 
New  England)  was  one  pious  and  learned  Mr.  Richard 
Denton,  a  Yorkshire  man,  who.  having  watered  Halifax, 
in  England,  where,  first  at  Weatherstield.  and  then  at 
Stamford,  his  doctrine  dropped  as  the  rain.  hi.s  speech 
distilled  as  the  dew,  as  the  small  rain  upon  the  tender 
herb,  and  as  the  showers  upon  the  grass.  Though  he 
were  a  little  man,  yet  he  had  a  great  soul;  his  well  accom- 
plished mind,  in  his  lesser  body,  was  an  Iliad  in  a  nut 
shell.  I  think  he  was  blind  of  an  eye.  yet  he  was  not 
the  least  among  the  Seers  of  Israel;  he  saw  a  very  con- 
siderable portion  of  those  things  which  eye  hath  not  seen. 
He  was  far  from  cloudy  in  his  conceptions  and  principles 
of  divinity,  whereof  he  wrote  a  system  entitled  '  Soliliquia 
Sacra,'  so  accurately,  considering  the  four-fold  state  of 
man,  in  his  created  purity,  contracted  deformity,  restored 
beauty,  and  celestial  glory,  that  judicious  persons,  who 
have  seen  it,  very  much  lament  the  churches  being  so 
much  deprived  of  it.  At  length  he  got  into  heaven 
beyond  the  clouds,  and  so  beyond  storms,  waiting  the 
return  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  clouds  of  heaven, 
when  he  will  have  his  reward  among  the  saints." 

(|uentl}-  been  argued  at  considerable  length, 
many  holding  that  he  was  simply  an  English 
"nonconformist"  and  what  would  be  termed 
nowadays  a  Congregational  minister.  Still  the 
Rev.  Sylvester  Woodbridge,  who  was  pastor 
of  the  Hempstead  church  from  1838  to  1848, 
and  wrote  its  history,  claims  Denton  to  have 
been  a  Presbyterian ;  and  as  he  is  as  good  an 
authority  as  any  other  we  may  be  content  to 
take  our  stand  on  that  matter  with  him;  for 
if  Denton  be  deposed  from  the  honor  of  be- 
ing the  first  minister  of  Hempstead  the  de- 
nominational point  at  issue  is  lost.  Wood- 
bridge  is  also  our  authority  for  much  of  what 
follows  concerning  the  story  of  the  church. 
"It  was  not  until  1648,"  he  tells  us,  "that  the 
congregation  was  able  to  move  into  its  own 
meetinj;-house.  It  stood  near  the  pond,  in  the 
northwest  part  of  the  village  (northwest  cor- 
ner of  Fulton  and  Franklin  streets),  and  was 
surrounded  by,  or  at  least  connected  with,  a 
fort  or  stockade.  It  may  be  proper  to  observe 
that  at  this  time  the  most  intimate  connection 
existed  between  church  and  state  in  all  Chris- 
tian countries.  In  towns  which,  like  Hemp- 
stead, were  Presbyterian  (that  is,  which  chose 
their  own  officers)  this  was  particularly  the 
case.  The  same  persons  constituted  'the 
church'  and  'the  town'  and  elected  the  two 
boards  of  magistrates  and  elders  who  were 
often  the  same  individuals." 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Denton  continued  to  officiate 
as  minister,  evidently  after  rather  a  stormy 
pastorate,  until  1659,  when  he  returned  to 
England.  He  died  at  Essex  in  1662.  In  1660 
the  Rev.  Jonas  Fordham  became  the  pastor, 
but  how  long  he  remained  is  not  clear ;  but  we 
do  know  that  the  Rev.  Jeremiah  Hobart  was 
installed  to  the  pastorate  in  1683  and  remained 
until  1696,  although  he  seems  to  have  had 
some  trouble  in  receiving  his  salary  with  due 
punctuality.  The  authorities  to  whom  he  ap- 
pealed ordered  a  tax  to  be  levied  to  meet  the 
amount,  and  this  naturally  rendered  him  very 
unpopular.  The  next  minister  was  the  Rev. 
John  Thomas,  who  died  in  1724,  and  after 
hiiu  came  a  period  of  struggle  during  which 



the  congregation  dwindled  down  to  a  few  fam- 
ilies, lost  their  church  property  to  the  Episco- 
palians and  became  "a  remnant,"  meeting  in 
each  other's  houses.  Their  devotion,  however, 
ultimately  found  its  reward,  and  in  1762  they 
again  worshipped  in  a  church,  a  small  build- 
ing which  they  erected  near  the  site  of  the 
congregation's   present   meeting   place. 

The  Rev.  Benjamin  Woolsey  and  the  Rev. 
Abraham  Keteltas  acted  as  pulpit  supply,  if 
not  as  regular  pastors,  and  kept  the  people  to- 
gether. The  Rev.  Joshua  Hart  was  minister 
during  the  continuance  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  but  his  labors  were  sadly  interferred  with 
by  the  military  operations.  The  church  build- 
ing was  used  by  the  British  as  a  stable  and 
received  pretty  rough  usage.  ■  The  congrega- 
tion again  dwindled  down  to  a  remnant  of 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  members,  and  it  seemed 
as  though  it  would  soon  become  extinct.  Still 
the  brethren  held  together. 

On  June  5,  1805,  the  Rev.  William  P. 
Kupors  was  installed.     The  roll  of  comnuuii- 

cants  showed  but  twenty-three  names  when  he 
retired  in  181 1.  For  some  four  years  the  pas- 
torate was  filled  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Robert- 
son as  a  "side  issue"  in  connection  with  his 
own  church  at  Huntington,  but  he  did  little 
more  than  keep  the  people  together.  With 
the  installation  of  the  Rev.  Charles  Webster  m 
1818  a  better  state  of  things  began  to  set  in. 
A  new  house  of  worship  was  erected  and  the 
members  began  slowly,  but  steadily,  to  in- 
crease. He  remained  in  charge  until  1837, 
and  when  he  retired  he  had  the  satisfaction  of 
announcing  that  the  congregation  numbered 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five.  His  successor 
was  the  Rev.  Sylvester  Woodbridge,  Jr.,  who' 
remained  with  the  people  until  1849.  Then; 
followed  in  succession  Revs.  Charles  W. 
Shields,  1849-50;  N.  C.  Locke,  1851-60;  J.  I. 
A.  Morgan,  1860-7;  James  B.  Finch,  1867-75; 
Franklin  Noble,  1875-80;  F.  E.  Hopkins, 
1881-4;  Charles  E.  Dunn,  1884-8;  John  A. 
Davis,  1890-3;  and  from  1894  tlie  present  pas- 
tor, the  Rev.  F.  M.  Kerr. 

W        \\i         \t/        \\t         U/        \U 
vM,      Mf       \rt.      .Wy        vi(.      ^tj 

-^^^'^  -^^^'^^  -i^^df^ 



HE  first  church  in  Kings  county,  the 
Reformed  Church,  Flatbush,  has  a 
most  complete  and  interesting  history 
from  its  inception  in  1654  to  the  pres- 
ent day.  Its  annals  have  been  fully  and  ably 
detailed  in  a  most  interesting  little  brochure 
written  by  Mrs.  Gertrude  Lefferts  Vanderbilt, 
so  well  known  as  an  entertaining  and  pains- 
taking writer  on  old  and  new  Flatbush,  and 
we  herein  reproduce  her  study  of  the  history 
of  the  old  church,  with  but  trifling  changes, 
feeling  that  so  interesting  a  contribution  to 
local  history  should  be  preserved  in  a  more 
permanent  form  than  that  in  which  it  orig- 
inally appeared : 

The  West  India  Company,  then  the  ruling 
power  in  the  New  Netherland,  recognized  the 
authority  of  the  Church  of  Holland  over  their 
colonial  possessions,  and  the  care  of  the  trans- 
atlantic churches  here  was  extended  by  the 
Synod  of  Holland  to  the  Classis  of  Amster- 
dam. The  first  provision  made  for  the  spirit- 
ual comfort  and  edification  of  the  colonists 
was  the  sending  of  pious  men  whose  duty  it 
was  to  officiate  at  religious  meetings,  to  read 
a  sermon  on  the  Sabbath  day  and  to  lead  the 
devotions  of  the  people.  These  were  not  or- 
dained ministers ;  from  their  particular  duties 
they  were  called  "Krank-besoeckers"  or 
"Zeikentroasters" — comforters  of  the  sick.  In 
1626  two  of  these  godly  men  were  sent  over 
with  Governor  Minuit.  They  conducted  re- 
ligious service  in  the  colony  of  New  York  un- 
til 1628,  when  Domine  Alichaelius  was  sent  by 
the  North  Synod  of  Holland.  He  formed  the 
first  regular  church  organization  in  the  colony, 
and  had  about  fifty  communicants  at  the  first 
communion  administered  there. 

In  1633  he  was  succeeded  by  Domine 
Everardus  Bogardus.  In  that  year  the  first 
church  used  exclusively  as  a  place  of  public 
worship  was  erected ;  previously  they  had  wor- 
shipped in  the  upper  story  of  a  mill.  This 
church  was  a  plain  wooden  structure,  standing 
near  the  East  river,  on  what  is  now  Pearl 

The  increase  in  number,  as  well  as  the  wish 
of  the  people  to  have  a  more  imposing  and 
commodious  structure,  led  them,  in  1642,  to 
build  a  church  of  stone,  seventy-two  feet  long 
and  fifty-two  feet  broad,  at  a  cost  of  $1,000. 
The  worshippers  seem  to  have  taken  pride  in 
their  new  edifice,  for  they  placed  a  marble  slab 
on  the  front  of  it  with  this  inscription :  "Anno 
1642:  William  Kieft  Directeur  General;  Heeft 
de  Gemente  Desen  Temple  doen  bouwen." 
This  church  was  erected  by  the  people  in  1642, 
William  Kieft  being  Directeur  General. 

It  is  probable  that  at  this  period  the  people 
from  all  the  surrounding  Dutch  towns  and  the 
small  scattered  settlements  gathered  from  time 
to  time  to  worship  in  this  church.  We  must 
admit  that  this  could  not  be  done  without  en- 
countering many  obstacles,  for,  pleasant  as  it 
may  have  been  to  join  in  worship  with  their 
old  friends,  yet  the  journey  to  the  Fort  at  that 
day  was  not  an  easy  one.  In  a  report  upon  the 
state  of  religion  in  the  Province,  written  to 
the  Classis  of  Amsterdam  in  1657,  we  read 
that  the  "people  living  in  the  three  villages  of 
Breukelen,  Medwout  and  Amersfort  [Brook- 
lyn, Flatbush  and  Flatlands"!  come  with  great 
difficulty  to  the  preaching  here"  [New  York], 
Again  we  read,  "It  was  some  three  hours'  work 
for  some  of  them  ere  they  could  reach  here." 
The  ferry  established  about  this  time  had  no 
better  accommodations  than  could  be  offered 
by  a  small  boat  rowed  by  a  farmer  who  came 
at  the  blowing  of  a  horn  hung  upon  a  neigh- 
boring tree.    Somewhere  about  1697  there  was 



a  ferry  from  what  is  now  tlie  foot  of  Joralemon 
street,  Brooklyn,  to  the  Breede  Graft,  now 
Broad  street,  New  York;  through  the  centre 
of  this  street  ran  a  creek  which  the  boats 
could  ascend  to  the  ferry  house  there.  As  it 
was  not  until  1704  that  the  main  road  to  the 
ferry,  known  as  the  King's  Highway,  was 
opened,  we  do  not  wonder  that  the  journey 
from  the  various  settlements  in  Kings  county 
was  a  toilsome  one,  and  that  the  people  resi- 
dent there  began  to  petition  for  a  more  ac- 
cessible place  of  worship.  To  the  real  ob- 
stacles there  may  have  been  added  those  which, 
in  the  absence  of  reliable  information,  were 
supplied  by  fancy;  for  in  a  letter  written  from 
Amsterdam  in  1671  an  imaginative  traveller 
describes  some  remarkable  animals  supposed 
to  roam  through  the  woodlands.  They  are 
unknown  to  the  naturalists  of  the  present  day 
and  are  of  a  type  chiefly  found  among  the 
unicorns  and  griffins  of  heraldic  devices. 

Under  these  circumstances  we  do  not  won- 
der that  the  attendance  upon  public  worship 
in  the  sanctuary,  erected  by  the  "gemente"  of 
New  York  in  1642,  was  not  so  constant  as 
might  be  desired,  and  that  Governor  Stuy- 
vesant  recognized  the  necessity  of  having  a 
church  on  Long  Island.  It  seems  to  have  been 
generally  conceded  that  Midwout,  now  the 
little  town  of  Flatbush,  was  most  central  as 
to  position  and  most  accessible.  This  spot 
was,  therefore,  honored  in  being  selected  for 
the  site  of  the  first  church  in  Kings  county. 
Here,  in  1654,  was  erected  a  place  of  worship 
upon  a  spot  where  for  nearly  two  and  a  half 
centuries  those  who  have  held  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  Church  of  Holland  have  assembled  Sun- 
day after  Sunday  for  worship. 

It  appears  upon  the  records  that  the  first 
church  in  Kings  county  cost  $1,800;  as  a  con- 
scientious historian  I  am  bound  to  admit  that 
the  whole  of  this  sum  was  not  raised  in  this 
county.  It  seems  to  have  been  collected 
throughout  the  whole  colony,  Governor  Stuy- 
vesant  himself  contributing  toward  the  liqui- 
dation of  the  debt  left  upon  the  building. 

In  after  years,  however,  this  indebtedness 
was  returned  in  kind,  for  there  is  a  petition 
still  to  be  found  among  the  church  records 
bearing  date  January  19,  1784,  in  which  New 
York  appeals  to  the  country  churches  for  help. 
In  response  to  it  the  sum  of  £20  6s  8d  was 
raised,  and  is  acknowledged  as  coming  from 
Kings  county.  But  an  examination  of  the 
names  on  this  paper  will  show  that  all  the 
contributors   were   residents   of   Flatbush   ex- 

cept two,  and  from  these  two  the  amount  col- 
lected was  very  small. 

The  farms  in  the  village  of  Flatbush  were 
originally  laid  out  in  long,  narrow  tracts  on 
each  side  of  the  Indian  path  which  at  the 
present  time  forms  the  main  street.  Central 
among  these  was  a  long  strip  of  land  set 
aside  for  the  church.  It  was  not  a  poor,  bar- 
ren tract,  but  as  fertile  and  as  pleasantly  sit- 
uated as  the  land  reserved  for  their  own  farms. 
They  gave  of  the  best  they  had  for  the  service 
of  the  Lord's  house.  They  made  ample  pro- 
vision for  the  continuance  and  maintenance 
of  the  ordinances  of  the  sanctuary  for  gen- 
erations to  come.  They  planned  wisely  and 
well,  and  the  church  to  this  day  holds  a  large 
portion  of  this  goodly  tract. 

The  first  church  was  in  the  form  of  a  cross. 
It  was  sixty-five  feet  long,  twenty-eight  feet 
broad,  and  about  twelve  or  fourteen  feet  high. 
The  rear  was  reserved  for  the  minister's 

Like  a  mote  in  the  otherwise  pure  amber, 
the  dignified  ecclesiastical  records  of  this 
period  have  preserved  an  incident  which  in- 
dicates that  readiness  to  find  fault  which  some- 
times accompanies  our  best  works.  We  are 
told  that  the  people  of  Flatbush  sent  a  com- 
plaint to  Governor  Stuyvesant,  to  the  effect 
that,  while  they  did  all  the  work  in  building 
the  church,  the  other  towns  stood  idly  looking 
on.  The  Governor  came  to  the  rescue  with 
an  order  to  the  other  towns  to  "assist  in 
cutting  and  hauling  wood."  The  other  towns 
determined  to  draw  a  line  somewhere,  and  did 
so  at  the  minister's  house.  They  agreed  to 
help  build  the  house  of  the  Lord,  but  as  for 
the  house  of  the  minister  they  replied  that 
the  "Medwoud  folks  were  able  to  do  it  them- 
selves." As  in  1656  the  minister  complained 
that  his  house  was  not  yet  completed,  the 
"Medwoud  folks"  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
as  prompt  in  fulfilling  their  share  of  the  con- 
tract as  they  should  have  been. 

The  clergymen  sent  to  the  colony  were  men 
of  thorough  theological  training;  "for,"  says 
Brodhead,  "the  people,  who  at  Leyden  pre- 
ferred a  University  to  a  Fair,  insisted  upon 
an  educated  ministry." 

In  New  York  Rev.  Ev^erardus  Bogardus 
was  succeeded  by  Rev.  Johannes  Megapolen- 
sis ;  his  singular  name  was  in  its  original  form 
of  a  family  name,  Jan  Van  Mecklenburg.  He 
seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  liberal  views  and 
kindly  feelings.  He  saved  the  life  of  a  Jesuit 
missionary.  Father  Jogues,  who  was  captured 



by  the  Mohawks  and  kept  for  torture.  After 
tliis  he  showed  a  similar  kindness  to  another 
priest,  Father  Poncet.  In  1658  a  friendship 
grew  up  between  himself  and  Father  Le 
Moyne,  a  priest  who  spent  that  winter  in  New 
Netherland.  He  was  settled  over  the  church 
in  New  York,  but  seems  to  have  had  the  over- 
sight of  the  congregations  in  Kings  county, 
and  was  expected  to  see  that  their  spiritual 
wants  were  supplied,  although  not  to  officiate 
regularly  as  the  pastor  of  the  church  at  Flat- 

Rev.  Johannes  Theodorus  Polhemus  was 
the  first  regular  ordained  minister  in  the  coun- 
ty towns  worshipping  here.  He  had  for  a 
time  joint  charge  of  the  churches  of  Breuck- 
elen,  Midwout  and  Amersfort.  He  was  quite 
an  aged  man  and  required  an  assistant. 

The  first  church  at  Amersfort  (Flatlands) 
was  erected  in  1662  ;  the  first  church  in  Ijrook- 
lyn  in  1666.  The  morning  service  for  Brook- 
lyn, Flatbush  and  Flatlands  was  held  at  Flat- 
bush  ;  the  afternoon  service  alternately  at 
Brooklyn  and  Flatlands. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Solyns,  or  Selwyn,  was 
called  from  Holland  in  1660,  and  the  Rev. 
Casparus  Van  Zuren  in  1677.  After  Domine 
Selwyn  was  installed  in  Brooklyn  Domine  Pol- 
hemus confined  his  services  to  Flatbush  and 
Flatlands ;  when  Selwyn  returned  to  Holland 
in  1664,  then  the  associated  towns  were  again 
in  care  of  Domine  Polhemus.  Carel  De  Beau- 
voise,  the  schoolmaster,  was  directed  to  read 
prayers  and  some  sermon  from  an  approved 
author  every  Sunday  until  another  minister 
was  called. 

it  is  probable  that  about  this  time  the 
church  at  New  Utrecht  was  organized  and 
added  to  the  pastoral  care  of  the  minister 
preaching  in  the  churches  already  established, 
for  Rev.  Mr.  Van  Zuren  in  1677  states  that 
two  elders  and  two  deacons  were  chosen  for 
the  church  in  New  Utrecht. 

In  1681  the  consistory  of  the  church  at 
Flatbush  was  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  one 
elder  and  one  deacon  chosen  from  among  the 
members  living  in  New  Lots.  For  many  years 
after  this  none  of  the  churches  on  Long  Island 
had  more  than  two  elders  and  two  deacons, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Flatbush  church. 

Rev.  Casparus  Van  Zuren  returned  to  Hol- 
land in  1685,  and  was  succeeded  by  Rev.  Ru- 
dolphus  Varick. 

The  last  minister  who  officiated  in  this  sec- 
ond  church   edifice   was  Rev.    W.    Lupardus. 

He  preached  here  until  his  death,  which  oc- 
curred in  1 701. 

Arrangements  were  made  in  i6y8  to  build 
a  new  church.  It  seems  probable  that  the  old 
building  was  too  small  to  accommodate  all  who 
by  this  time  assembled  together  for  worship, 
as  the  inhabitants  of  Brooklyn,  Flatbush,  Flat- 
lands,  Gravesend,  New  Utrecht  and  Bush- 
wick  all  united  in  the  service.  Brooklyn,  Flat- 
bush and  Bushwick  communed  together,  and 
Flatlands,  Gravesend  and  New  Utrecht. 

These  people  gladly  contributed  to  the 
erection  of  a  larger  house  of  worship,  rejoic- 
ing that  such  was  needed.  They  may  have 
talked  over  the  matter  as  did  their  fathers  in 
1642,  when  they  built  the  church  in  New  York. 
"It  is  a  shame,"  said  they  at  that  time,  "that 
the  English  should  see  when  they  pass  nothing 
but  a  mean  barn  in  which  public  worship  is 
performed.  The  first  thing  they  did  in  New 
England  when  they  raised  some  dwellings  was 
to  build  a  fine  church;  we  ought  to.cjo  the 

As,  according  to  the  old  proverb,  actions 
speak  louder  than  words,  we  may  certainly 
credit  them  with  an  alacrity  in  collecting  funds 
for  the  new  church,  which  speaks  well  for 
their  interest  in  the  matter.  A  subscription 
was  taken  up,  amounting  to  what  would  be  in 
our  money  about  $6,291.20.  This  is  certainly 
a  large  sum  in  view  of  the  few  from  whom 
it  was  collected,  for  there  is  no  record  this 
time  of  calling  for  outside  help  to  liquidate 
the  debts  left  upon  the  church,  and  there  is  no 
appeal  made  to  other  settlements  for  assist- 
ance. The  people  who  worshipped  there  built 
the  church  and  paid  for  it. 

We  copy  from  Rev.  Dr.  Strong's  History 
the  following  description  of  this  building: 
"It  was  located  on  the  spot  on  which  the  first 
church  stood.  It  was  a  stone  edifice,  fronting 
the  east,  with  a  large  arched  double  door  in 
the  centre.  It  had  a  steep,  four-sided  roof, 
coming  nearl)'  together  at  the  top,  on  which 
was  erected  a  small  steeple.  The  building  was 
wider  in  front  than  in  depth,  being  about  sixty- 
five  feet  north  and  south  and  about  fifty  feet 
east  and  west.  The  roof  rested  on  the  walls 
and  was  partly  supported  by  them  and  partly 
by  two  large  oak  columns  standing  in  a  line 
within  the  building  in  a  northerly  and  souther- 
ly direction.  The  two  columns  supported  a 
plate  in  the  centre  of  a  loftv  arched,  planked 
ceiling,  the  north  and  south  ends  of  which 
rested  on  the  wall.    In  consequence  of  this,  the 



north  and  south  walls  of  the  building  were  con- 
siderably higher  than  those  of  the  east  and 
west.  There  were  two  large  and  broad  braces 
extending  from  each  column  to  the  plate.  The 
roof  appeared  to  be  badly  constructed,  for  its 
pressure  on  the  walls  was  so  great  that  in 
process  of  time  the  upper  part  of  the  northerly 
wall  was  pressed  out  more  than  a  foot  over 
the  foundation,  and  the  four  braces,  attached 
to  the  columns  within  the  building  were  con- 
siderably bent  from  the  weight  and  pressure 
above.  The  pulpit  was  placed  in  the  center  of 
the  west  side  of  the  building,  having  the  elders' 
bench  on  the  right  and  the  deacons'  bench 
on  the  left.  The  male  part  of  the  congregation 
were  seated  in  a  continuous  pew,  all  along  the 
wall,  which  was  divided  into  twenty  compart- 
ments with  a  sufficient  number  of  doors  for  en- 
trance ;  each  family  had  one  or  more  seats  here. 
The  rest  of  the  interior  of  the  building  was  for 
the  accommodation  of  the  females  of  the  con- 
gregation, who  were  seated  on  chairs ;  these 
were  arranged  in  seven  different  rows  or 
blocks,  and  each  family  had  one  or  more  chairs 
in  some  one  of  these  blocks.  Each  chair  was 
marked  on  the  back  by  a  number,  or  by  the 
name  cf  the  person  or  the  family  to  whom  it 
belonged.  The  windows  of  this  church  were 
formed  of  small  panes  of  glass  ;  those  on  either 
side  of  the  pulpit  were  painted  or  ornamented 
and  set  in  lead." 

As  the  minister's  family  had  previously 
lived  in  the  extension  of  the  first  church,  it  is 
probable  that,  when  it  was  pulled  down,  a  par- 
sonage was  built  south  of  and  adjoining  the 
new  church,  upon  the  property  on  which  the 
present  parsonage  stands. 

There  is  no  record  of  changes  made  in  this 
building  from  1698  until  1775.  Then  the  seats 
were  remodeled  and  pews  were  substituted  for 
chairs.  With  the  consent  of  the  congregation 
sixty-four  pews,  to  hold  six  persons  each,  were 
placed  in  the  church.  Two  short  galleries  di- 
vided by  the  door  were  built  on  the  easterly 
side ;  one  was  occupied,  probably,  by  those  who 
were  too  poor  to  pay  for  seats  in  the  body  of 
the  church ;  the  other  was  given  for  the  use  of 
the  colored  people,  there  being  at  this  time  a 
large  colored  population  in  this  town.  There 
were  two  seats  more  conspicuous  than  the  rest, 
the  one  for  the  minister's  wife  and  family,  the 
other  for  any  notable  person  who  happened  to 
be  present.  (The  wife  of  the  minister  was  al- 
ways called  the  Yeffrouw ;  the  minister  was 
known  as  the  Dominie.) 

A  board,  on  which  were  placed  the  num- 
bers of  the  Psalms  to  be  sung  during  service, 
was  hung  in  a  conspicuous  position,  for  all  the 
members  of  the  congregation  were  expected  to 
take  part  in  the  singing.  These  curious  old 
Psalm  books  had  silver  corners  and  clasps. 
There  were  also  small  silver  rings  on  them ; 
through  these  were  cords  or  long  silver  chains, 
by  means  of  which  they  were  hung  on  the 
backs  of  the  chairs  when  chairs  were  used  in- 
stead of  pews.  We  look  with  interest  at  the 
quaint,  four-sided  notes  printed  on  the  bars, 
for  each  Psalm  was  set  to  music,  and  we  won- 
der how  they  sang  in  those  days ;  slowly,  of 
course,  for  there  are  no  short  notes.  The  New 
Testament  and  Psalms  were  bound  together, 
and  these  were  carried  to  church  every  Sun- 

It  is  probable  that  all  the  Dutch  families 
own  one  or  more  of  these  books  still.  Some 
of  them  were  published  at  Dordrecht,  1758, 
others  in  Amsterdam,  1728;  there  may  be  oth- 
ers of  a  still  earlier  date.  The  title  page  is  as 
follows : 

Het  NiEUWE  Testament 

ofte  alle  Boeken 

Des  Nieuwen  Verbondts 

ouzes  Heeren  Jesu  Christ: 

door  last 

van  de  H.  M.  Heeren 

Staten  General 

der  Vereenigde  Nederlangen 

en  volgens  het  besluit  von  de 

Sinode  Nationale  gehoudin  in 

de  Jaren  1618  en  de  1619  tot 

Dordrecht   1758. 

Below  the  date  of  the  copy  from  which  the 
above  was  taken'  there  is  a  lion  holding  a 
sword,  encircled  with  the  motto  "Een  dracht 
piaakt  macht."  A  picture  of  a  citv  facing  the 
North  Sea  finishes  the  page.  Most  of  the 
books  which  have  been  preserved  in  the  fam- 
ilies of  the  Dutch  are  of  a  religious  character, 
and  we  cannot  but  feel  that  they  were  a  relig- 
ious people.  Although  the  Psalms  only  were 
sung  in  the  churches,  they  were  fond  of  sacred 
poetry.  In  a  time-stained  book  entitled  "Find- 
ing the  Way  to  Heaven,"  published  at  Nyme- 
gen,  1752,  which  seems  to  have  kept  its  place 
beside  the  Dutch  Bible,  we  find  an  old  hymn 
to  which  the  well-worn  volume  opens  at  once, 
as  if  to  some  favorite  page : 


Den  Hemel  zelf, 
Dat  sclioon  gewelf, 
Daar  't  dag  is  zonder'nachten : 

Is  't  hoog  vertrek  daar  't  Engelen  clioor 
Al  zingend  ous  verwachten. 
O  zalig !  zalig  Zinken  ! 
O  zalig  te  verdrinken  ! 
In  't  eenwig  zalig  ligt. 

We  infer  from  this  that  the  Dutch  people 
were  not  lacking  in  that  religious  fervor  which 
finds  expression  in  hymns  of  love  and  faith. 

The  church,  erected  in  1698,  was  still  stand- 
ing at  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution. 
As  the  steeple  rose  from  the  centre  of  the  build- 
ing, the  bell  rope,  by  which  the  bell  in  the 
tower  was  tolled,  was  easy  of  access  as  it  hung 
to  the  floor  in  the  middle  of  the  church.  For 
that  reason  it  was  used  to  give  alarm  in  case  of 
attack.  When  the  British  landed,  while  they 
were  yet  some  distance  from  the  village,  this 
bell  gave  the  first  warning  note  of  their  ap- 
proach. Long  and  loud  the  bell  resounded 
over  the  quiet  village.  It  did  not  this  time 
ring  out  a  call  to  assemble  and  hear  the  mes- 
sage of  peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men.  It 
was  now  an  alarm,  the  clangor  of  war  and  the 
announcement  of  carnage  and  bloodshed  soon 
to  come. 

After  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  the  wrund- 
ed  soldiers  were  carried  into  this  church,  and 
it  was  temporarily  used  as  a  hospital.  After- 
ward, when  other  provision  was  made  for  the 
sick  and  wounded,  it  v/as  taken  possession  of 
by  the  British  troops,  who  thoroughly  ran- 
sacked it ;  some  artillery  men  even  stabled 
their  horses  in  the  pews  and  fed  them  there. 
It  outlasted  this  desecration,  however,  and  was 
in  use  as  a  place  of  worship  until  near  the 
close  of  the  century. 

At  this  period  the  school  and  the  Dutch 
church  were  united  in  one  common  interest. 
The  doctrines  which  were  taught  in  the  church 
were  also  taught  in  the  village  school.  The 
Town  Clerk  was  both  schoolmaster  during 
the  week  and  the  minister's  assistant  on  Sun- 
day. He  stood  up  in  front  of  the  pulpit  and 
read  the  Commandments  before  the  morning 
service  and  the  Apostles'  Creed  in  the  after- 
noon. Until  1790  this  was  in  the  Dutch  lan- 
guage. He  also  led  the  congregation  in  sing- 
ing. To  these  duties  he  added  the  work  of  sex- 
ton, for  he  rang  the  bell  and  kept  the  church 
in  order.  He  had  not  the  care  of  heating  the 
church,  like  the  sexton  of  the  present  day,  for 

tliat  not  required.  We  can  only  wonder 
how  they  could  sit  all  through  a  freezing  win- 
ter's morning  in  a  stone  church  and  not  take 
cold ! 

After  the  death  of  the  Rev.  Wilhelmus  Lu- 
pardus  in  1701,  the  Rev.  Bernardus  Freeman 
was  called  to  succeed  him,  and  was  installed 
in  the  Church  of  New  Utrecht  in  1705.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  a  long  and  serious  dis- 
turbance in  the  churches  of  the  colony.  Those 
who  were  opposed  to  Domine  Freeman  made 
application  to  the  Classis  of  Amsterdam,  and 
in  response  the  Rev.  Vincentius  Antonides  was 
sent  from  the  Fatherland  and  was  installed 
in  the  Church  of  Flatbush.  A  long  and  bitter 
controversy  followed,  which  continued  to  agi- 
tate the  church  until  17 14. 

Two  parties  sprung  up,  one  of  which  seems 
to  have  held  the  opinion  that  the  English  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Provinces  should  be  consulted  in 
the  matter ;  the  other  party  asserted  that  they 
had  the  right  within  themselves  to  choose  their 
own  pastor.  To  use  their  own  words,  they  "do 
reject  this  Position  That  all  the  Ecclesiasticall 
Jurisdiccon  of  the  Dutch  Churches  in  this 
Province  is  wholly  in  the  Power  of  the  Gov- 
ernor according  to  his  will  &  pleasure."  The 
Dutch  love  of  law  and  order  seems,  however, 
to  assert  itself;  "that  yet  nevertheless  all 
parties  do  firmly  own  that  the  Dutch  churches 
in  this  Province  are  accountable  to  the  Gov't 
for  their  peaceable  &  good  behaviour  in  their 
Doctrin,  Disciplin  and  Church  Government." 
Once  more  the  independent  spirit  of  these  old 
fathers  shows  that  willing  as  they  are  to  sub- 
mit to  law,  it  must  be  consistent  with  their 
religious  rights,  for  these  were  descendants 
of  the  old  Hollanders  who  drove  out  the  Duke 
of  Alva  and  worshipped  God  according  to 
their  own  faith  even  in  sight  of  the  Inquisition. 
Thus  they  continue:  "that  is  to  say  as  farr  as 
it  does  consist  with  the  Rules  and  Constitucons 
of  their  own  national  Church  always  enjoyed 
at  New  York,  as  well  as  they  have  the  right 
and  privilege  to  be  protected  by  the  Civill 
Gov't  in  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion 
according  to  their  own  Constitution." 

The  first  party  alluded  to  favored  calling 
the  Rev.  Bernrrdus  Freeman,  of  Schenectady ; 
the  latter  desired  to  send  to  Holland  for  the 
Rev.  Vincentius  Antonides.  The  congrega- 
tion at  Schenectady  seem  a  little  vexed  at  this 
interference  with  their  minister,  but  they  re- 
gard it  rather  as  a  matter  of  pecuniary  loss 
than  of  personal  regret,  for  they  say  in  a 
petition  on  the  subject  to  her  Majesty's  Gov- 



enior,  that  for  the  expenses  of  his  passage 
and  other  charges  they  have  disbursed  the 
"vahable  summe  of  near  upon  eighty  pounds." 
On  account  of  this  "vahable  summe,"  they 
seem  unwilhng  to  part  with  Mr.  Freeman,  who 
does  not,  however,  seem  equally  unwilling  to 
part  with  them.  As  we  know  that  no  Dutch- 
man can  consistently  give  up  what  he  con- 
siders to  be  his  rights,  so  in  this  case  neither 
party  being  disposed  to  yield,  both  ministers 
were  called,  and  the  consequent  disturbance 
agitated  the  whole  country. 

His  Excellency,  Viscount  Cornbury,  Cap- 
tain General  and  Governor  in  Chief  of  Her 
Majesty's  Provinces  of  New  York  and  New- 
Jersey,  and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same,  was 
not  silent  for  want  of  information  on  the  sub- 
ject, for  each  party  besieged  him  alternately 
with  petitions.  We  are  sorry  to  say,  for  the 
literary  credit  of  Domine  Freeman's  party, 
that  their  .first  petition  was  returned  to  them 
by  Col.  Beekman,  who,  they  say,  "writt  us  a 
letter  that  said  petition  was  not  well  penned, 
and  that  there  was  some  ffaults  therein."  The 
Viscount  finally  issues  a  warrant  appointing 
Bernardus  Freeman  as  minister,  ord'ering  Mr. 
Antonides,  tlie  "pretended  minister,"  as  he 
calls  him,  with  his  "pretended"  elders  and 
deacons,  to  give  up  all  possession  of  house, 
land,  stock  and  books  in  their  possession  or 
answer  the  contrary  at  their  peril. 

On  January  21st,  1709,  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Antonides  petition  his  excellency,  Lord  Love- 
lace, Baron  of  Hurley,  the  next  Governor  in 
chief.  The  Baron  of  Hurley  calls  a  meeting 
to  inquire  into  the  difficulties  of  "ye  Dutch 
Reformed  Protestant  churches  of  ye  Towns 
of  fflatbush,  fflatlands,  Brookland,  New 
Utrecht  and  Bushwick."  Of  course  Domine 
Freeman's  friends  again  send  in  another  peti- 
tion, in  which  they  again  express  themselves 
to  the  eft'ect  that  they  are  "humbly  of  oppinion 
that  all  Ecclesiastical  afi'airs  And  the  Deter- 
mination of  all  things  relating  thereto  in 
this  Province  lie  solely  before  your  Lord- 
ship." The  result  was  that  in  order  to  put  an 
end  to  "ye  dispute,"  these  ministers  were  ap- 
pointed to  act  in  concert,  alternately  preaching 
in  the  churches,  each  one  to  choose  his  own 
consistory.  But  "ye  dispute"  cannot  be  easily 
settled :  we  are  a  people  who  cling  to  our 
opinions  with  wonderful  tenacity,  particularly 
upon  church  matters.  The  friends  of  Domine 
Antonides  would  not  look  with  complacency 
upon  the  admirers  of  Domine  Freeman,  and 
vice  versa, — and  no  fiat  of  a  Baron  of  Hurley 

could  remove  the  difficulty.  There  are  more 
meetings  and  petitions,  and  minority  reports, 
and  majority  reports,  and  petitions  again. 
We  can  imagine  the  hum  it  occasioned  through 
the  towns,  the  discussions  in  front  of  the 
church  at  the  gathering  of  the  congregation 
and  the  excitement  of  the  younger  people. 
Yet  we  must  feel  that  this  bit  of  human  nature 
brings  us  nearer  to  these  old  worthies  who 
seem  more  real  to  us  than  when  their  names 
only  appear  in  old  deeds  and  wills  and  dry 

Next  the  Hon.  Richard  Ingoldsby,  Gov- 
ernor and  Commander-in-Chief  of  her  Maj- 
esty's Province,  is  vigorously  petitioned  by 
both  sides;  and  he  finally  orders  that  Mr. 
Freeman  and  Mr.  Antonides  shall  "preach  at 
all  ye  sd  churches  in  Kings  Co.,  alternately, 
and  divide  all  ye  profits  equally,  share 
and  share  alike,  and  to  avoid  all  farther  dis- 
puets  between  the  said  ministers,  Mr.  ffree- 
man  shall  preach  ye  next  Sunday  at  fflatbush, 
&  ye  Sunday  following  Mr.  Antonides  shall 
preach  at  fflatbush ;  if  either  of  them  refuses 
to  comply  with  tbis  order,  to  be  dismissed." 

Domine  Antonides,  notwithstanding  the 
threat,  refuses  to  comply  with  the  order,  and 
again  resorts  to  a  petition,  but  Lord  Lovelace 
has  had  enough  of  petitioning,  and  curtly  says 
that  he  "has  already  determined,  the  matter; 
he  will  hear  nothing  further  thereon." 

On  one  occasion,  Col.  Girardus  Beekman, 
President  of  her  Majesty's  Council  in  "ye 
City  of  New  York,"  met  one  of  the  elders  of 
the  church  at  the  ferryboat.  Crossing  the 
river  was  probably  in  those  days  a  work  of 
time,  and  on  landing  they  went  into  the  ferry 
house  together.  Of  course,  during  all  this 
time,  they  had  been  discussing  the  engrossing 
subject  as  to  who  was  the  rightful  minister, 
and  the  good  elder  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to 
get  angry  in  the  dispute,  and  as  he  owns,  he 
told  Col.  Beekman  he  had  a  good  mind  to 
knock  him  off  his  horse,  both  at  that  time 
getting  upon  their  horses  to  go  home.  But 
like  a  warm  hearted  man,  quick  to  speak,  he 
is  equally  quick  to  admit  his  error,  for  he 
says :  "1  could  wish  that  these  last  words  had 
been  kept  in." 

We  cited  this  as  showing  how  generally 
this  matter  interested  the  whole  communty  and 
was  the  subject  of  discussion  among  those 
who  met  even  on  ordinary  business.  The 
trouble  was  finally  settled  in  1714,  by  having 
both  ministers  preach  alternately  in  the  dif- 
ferent   Dutch    towns.      They    certainly    had 



ample  space  to  discharge  their  several  duties 
without  interfering  with  each  other.  Both  of 
these  ministers  resided  in  Flatbush.  In  re- 
gard to  the  communion,  it  was  arranged  that 
Bushwick,  Brooklyn  and  Flatbush  should  com- 
mune together,  and  that  Flatlands,  Gravesend 
and  New  Utrecht  should  join  together  in  ihe 
same  service.  A  new  church  which  had  at 
this  time  been  formed  at  Jamaica,  had  separate 

The  rotation  in  preaching  was  as  follows: 
one  minister  preached  on  one  Sabbath  in 
Bushwick,  and  the  other  at  New  Utrecht;  on 
the  next  Sabbath,  one  in  Brooklyn  and  the 
other  in  Flatlands ;  on  the  third  Sabbath,  one 
in  Flatbush  and  the  other  in  Jamaica. 

Domine  Freeman  died  soon  after  1741.  He 
was  succeeded  by  the  Rev.  J.  Arondeus,  who 
until  the  death  of  Domine  Antonides  in  1744 
remained  his  colleague ;  but  he  was  subse- 
quently deposed.  Rev.  Ulpianus  Von  Sinder- 
en  was  called  to  take  the  place  made  vacant 
and  he  entered  upon  his  duties  in   1746. 

The  Classis  of  Amsterdam  speak  of  Rev. 
Vincentius  Antonides  as  "a  man  of  great 
learning  and  fine  talents,"  and  the  Rev.  Bern- 
ardus  Freeman  was  said  to  be  "a  very  learned 

Levity  of  any  kind  was  very  rare  in  thc 
pulpit  of  the  Dutch  church.  The  ministers 
were  men  of  learning,  ability  and  dignity  of 

However,  while  Domine  Van  Sinderen  was 
a  very  learned  and  excellent  man,  he  was 
also  very  eccentric;  this  was  a  drawback  to 
his  usefulness.  It  is  said  that  he  would  in- 
troduce the  occurrences  of  the  week  in  his 
discourse  on  the  Sabbath,  which  was  some- 
thing more  unusual  then  than  it  is  now.  On 
one  occasion,  upon  being  checked  by  one  of 
his  consistory  for  this,  he  became  indignant, 
and  invited  the  elder  who  had  interfered  to 
come  up  in  the  pulpit  and  try  if  he  could 
preach  any  better!  On  another  occasion  he 
attempted  to  draw  the  outlines  of  the  Ark,  in 
order  to  illustrate  a  sermon  on  the  subject; 
it  is  needless  to  say  that  this  did  not  meet 
the  approval  of  his  consistory.  The  old  people 
used  to  say  that  he  did  not  hesitate  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  whole  congregation  to 
any  member  who,  being  dilatory,  entered  after 
the  service  had  been  opened. 

In  a  letter  on  the  state  of  religion  from 
Domine  Megapolensis  to  the  Classis  of  Am- 
sterdam dated  August  5,  1657,  he  reflects  very 
severely  upon   a  "parson,"  fortunately  not  a 

minister  of  the  Reformed  Dutch  church,  of 
whom  he  says :  "He  is  a  man  of  godless  and 
scandalous  life,  a  rolling,  rollicking  unseemly 
carl,  who  is  more  inclined  to  look  in  the 
wine-can  than  to  pore  over  the  Bible  and 
would  rather  drink  a  can  of  brandy  for  two 
hours  than  preach  one,  and  when  the  sap  is 
in  the  wood  then  his  hands  itch  and  he  be- 
comes excessively  inclined  to  fight  whomso- 
ever he  meets,"  which  shows  us  that  even 
from  the  earliest  days  of  the  settlement  when 
a  rude  state  of  things  prevailed  the  Dutch 
were  very  quick  to  observe  and  condemn  any- 
thing in  the  behavior  of  the  minister  which 
might  bring  reproach  to  the  church. 

Upon  the  deposition  from  office  of  Mr. 
Arondeus,  the  Rev.  Antonius  Curtenius  was 
called  to  be  the  colleague  of  Mr.  Van  Sinderen, 
but  he  died  within  the  year. 

Rev.  Johannes  Casparus  Rubel  was  ap- 
pointed to  fill  this  place,  and  these  two  min- 
isters officiated  during  the  war  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. Rubel  had  not  only  strong  Tory  pro- 
clivities, but  his  character  and  actions  were 
inconsistent  with  the  office  he  held  and  he  was 

Domine  Van  Sinderen  and  Domine  Rubel 
were  the  last  ministers  called  from  Holland. 

The  writer  has  in  possession  an  English 
translation  of  Domine  Rubel's  call.  The 
coarse  yellow  paper  upon  which  it  is  written 
and  the  antiquated  penmanship  attests  its  gen- 
uineness, had  proof  been  needed,  but  the  value 
of  the  papers  among  which  it  was  found,  like 
the  company  which  a  man  keeps,  is  a  testi- 
monial to  its  accuracy.  It  was  addressed  to 
the  Reverend  and  Pious  Do.  Jolr's  Caparus 
Rubel  at  present  High  Dutch  Minister  in  the 
Church  of  J.  C.  in  the  Camp  and  Rhinebeck, 
from  the  Elders  and  Deputies  of  the  five  united 
townships  of  Kings  Co.,  on  Long  Island,  viz. : 
Flatbush,  Brooklyn,  Bushwick,  Flatlands  and 
New  Utrecht  for  a  second  Low  Dutch  Min- 
ister with  Do.  Ulpianus  Van  Sinderen,  at  their 
meeting  held  in  the  church  at  Flatbush,  the 
20th  of  June,  1759. 

As  it  is  God  who  out  of  the  riches  of  his 
all-sufficiency  fulfills  the  wants  of  his  Crea- 
tures, So  he  does  such  in  a  particular  manner 
to  his  people  and  chosen  ones,  whom  he 
blesses  above  all  earthly  blessing  with  the 
Revelation  of  his  precious  Will,  by  the  means 
oi  which  to  assemble  his  Elect,  to  confirm  and 
to  strengthen  them,  and  that  by  the  services 
of  them  who  bear  the  Riches  of  God's  Secrets 



in  their  Earthly  X'essels,  to  the  Glory  of  God 
and  to  the  Salvation  of  his  Elect.  In  full  con- 
fidence of  which,  we  have  thro'  the  Grace  of 
God  been  enabled  to  bring  matters  so  far  as 
to  have  fallen  upon  ways  and  means,  by  the 
union  of  Love  again  to  join  and  thus  be  in  a 
condition  to  make  up  a  sufficient  Support  for 
two  ^Ministers.  Our  choice  is  then  fallen  upon 
you.  Reverend  Sir.  as  on  one  of  whose  good 
report  in  the  services  of  the  Gospel,  both  in 
your  present  and  former  congregations,  there 
is  full  evidence ;  So  are  we  in  expectation  that 
thro'  the  grace  and  goodness  of  God  your 
services  amongst  us  we  must  have.  That 
which  we  shall  expect  from  you  generally  is 
that  you  should  do  and  perform  all  the  Duties 
incumbent  on  a  faithful  Servant  of  the  Gospel 
and  worthy  of  God's  approbation  in  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Gospel  doctrines,  the  Ad- 
ministration of  the  Sacraments ;  making  use 
of  the  Discipline  of  the  Church,  together  with 
the  other  Church  officers  according  to  the 
Word  of  God  and  the  Constitution  of  the 
Church  of  Netherland,  established  in  the 
Synod  of  Dort  in  the  years  1618  and  1619; 
in  particular,  that  you  shall  preach  twice  on 
each  Lord's  Day,  as  also  on  each  Fast  or 
Thanksgiving  Day;  on  the  usual  holidays  of 
Christmas,  Easter,  and  Whitsuntide ;  a  sermon 
shall  be  preached  on  the  second  day,  as  also 
on  New  Year's  and  Ascension  days ;  as  also 
a  proof  of  Preparation  sermon  at  the  place 
where  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  is 
to  be  administered,  which  shall  be  celebrated 
four  times  a  year,  with  necessary  visitation 
of  the  Communicants ;  the  taking  on  of  mem- 
bers, and  Instructing  the  Congregation  by 
Catechising  in  the  foundation  of  the  pure  re- 
formed Religion. 

On  our  parts.  Reverend  Sir,  we  promise  to 
pay  you  for  your  yearly  salary  the  sum  of 
One  hundred  and  Seven  pounds,  New  York 
money.  N.  B. — The  sum  of  107  pounds  is 
thus  to  be  divided: 

Flatbush  shall  give.  .  £29 

Brooklyn    29 

Flatlan'ds 16.10.0 

New  Utrecht 16.  lo.o 

Bushwick .  16.10.0 

1st.  Each  half  year  punctually  to  pay  the 
Just  one  half  part  thereof. 

2d.  A  free  and  proper  dwelling  in  the 
Town  of  Flatbush,  with  an  orchard,  some  pas- 

ture land  with  pasturage  for  one  cow  and  horse 
and  other  conveniences  thereto  annexed. 

3d.  Free  Firewood  is  to  be  delivered  at 
the  Dwelling  House  of  the  Minister. 

4th.  It  has  been  the  custom  when  the  Min- 
ister preached  out  of  Flatbush  that  he  was 
fetched  and  brought  back  and  at  such  place 
was  provided  with  Victuals,  Drink  and  Lodg- 
ing, which  having  proved  very  inconvenient 
both  for  the  Minister  and  the  Congregation, 
it  is  therefore  determined  upon,  as  you  keep 
your  own  horse  and  carriage,  to  pay  you  yearly 
for  making  use  of  your  own  carriage,  But  you 
are  to  be  provided  with  house  room  and  vic- 
tuals and  drink  gratis. 

We,  underwritten,  the  Deputies  of  our 
Congregations,  Sign  this  Call  as  our  own  act 
in  order  faithfully  to  fulfill  all  that  is  herein 
expressed  and  mentioned;  and  so  shall  our 
Successors  who  may  from  time  to  time  be 
chosen  in  our  stead  also  do. 

Gerret  "Van  Duyn,  Jan  Couenhoven,  Jac. 
Sebring,  Willem  "\^an  Nuys,  Rutgert  Van 
Brunt,  Jan  Lott,  Roulof  Voorhecs,  Jan  Van 
der  Bilt,  Laurenz  Ditmars,  Abraham  Bloom, 
Barent  Andriese,  Jeremias  Van  der  Bilt,  Cor- 
nells Coerte,  Stephen  Schenk,  Johannes  Lott, 
Joost  de  Bevois,  Jeremias  Remsen,  Andreas 
Stockholm,  Daniel  Bodet,  Jacobus  Coljer,  Fol- 
kert  Folkertson,  Abrm.  Schenk. 

Thus  done  and  concluded  in  our  presence 

on  the  20th  and  25th  of  June,   1759. 

Johannes  Ritzema  V.   D.   M. 

in  New  York. 

Ulpianus  Van  Sinderin.  V.  D.  M. 

in  K.  County. 

The  congregation  of  Gravesend  was  form- 
ally added  to  the  combination  of  Kings  County 
churches  in  1785.  In  that  year  a  call  had  been 
made  upon  the  Rev.  Martinus  Schoonmaker, 
and  in  1787  Rev.  Peter  Lowe  was  ordained 
as  his  colleague.  These  two  ministers  preach- 
ed alternately  in  the  church  at  Flatbush  until 
the  second  building  was  taken  down  in  1794. 

About  the  year  1750  the  church  was  great- 
ly agitated  in  reference  to  certain  difficulties 
in  the  church  between  two  parties  known  as 
the  Coetus  and  Conferentie.  The  difference 
between  these  lay  chiefly  in  the  exercise  of 
church  authority  and  the  right  of  ordination. 

The  Coetus'  party  contended  that  there 
should  be  regular  organization  of  the  churches 
into  Classes  and  Svnods,  and  that  these  should 
have  all   the  rights  and   privileges  belonging 



to  sucli  ecclesiastical  bodies  in  Holland.  The 
Conferentie  party  maintained  that  all  minis- 
ters should  be  ordained  in  Holland  and  sent 
to  the  churches  here  by  the  Classis  of  Am- 
sterdam. This  controversy  caused  trouble  in 
the  church  until  1772. 

The  landed  estate  and  general  financial  in- 
terests of  the  Flatbush  church  had  from  the 
time  of  its  organization  been  entrusted  to  the 
management  of  church  masters  according  to 
the  usage  of  the  Reformed  churches  in  Hol- 
land. An  annual  statement  of  the  receipts 
and  expenditures  was  certified  on  the  church 
books.  For  a  period  of  one  hundred  and 
seventy  years  the  church  property  was  pru- 
dently and  judiciously  managed  by  these 
church  masters;  then  the  church  became  in- 
corporated under  an  Act  passed  by  the  Legis- 
lature in  1784,  authorizing  the  incorporation 
of  religious  societies ;  some  years  after  this  a 
special  Act  provided  for  the  incorporation  of 
the  Reformed  Dutch  churches  by  which  the 
ministers,  elders  a. id  deacons  become  the  Trus- 
tees. This  is  the  oldest  religious  corporation 
in  this  country. 

The  church  erected  in  1698  was  pulled 
down  in  1793,  and  the  church  at  present 
standing  was  finished  in  1796.  It  is,  there- 
fore, the  third  upon  the  same  spot  and  is  still 
in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation,  as  it  was 
substantially  built  and  has  always  been  kept 
in  good  repair.  The  stones  of  the  former 
churches  were  all  placed  in  the  foundation  of 
this,  the  foundation  wall  being  six  feet  broad. 

The  small  Dutch  bricks  around  the  doors 
and  windows  were  brought  from  Holland  as 
ballast  in  one  of  the  ships  belonging  to  the 
Hon.  John  Vanderbilt.  The  stones  for  the 
wall  were  quarried  at  Hurlgate,  N.  Y.,  and 
the  brown  stone  used  in  the  construction  of 
the  courses  above  the  foundation  were  broken 
from  the  rocky  ridge  of  hills  dividing  Flat- 
bush  from  Brooklyn.  The  cost  of  this  church 
was  £4873,  7,  7,  a  sum  equal  to  $12,183.44. 
This  is  exclusive  of  a  great  amount  of  labor 
and  cartage  gratuitously  given  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  congregation;  in  that  age  the 
people  were  not  ashamed  to  do  their  share  of 
the  manual  labor.  We  were  told  years  ago 
by  an  aged  person  who  was  living  at  the  time 
this  church  was  built  that  it  was  esteemed 
a  privilege  to  assist  in  building  the  house 
of  the  Lord. 

The  consecration  sermon  of  this  church,  in 
January,  1797,  was  in  the  Dutch  language,  by 
Dominie  Schoonmaker.    That  being  almost  ex- 

clusively the  language  of  the  family,  it  was 
taught  in  the  schools  and  used  in  the  church 
services  entirely  until  1792.  After  that  date 
the  English  came  gradually  into  use.  The 
regular  and  public  preaching  in  the  Dutch 
language  ceased  altogether  upon  the  death  of 
old  Domine  Schoonmaker,  which  occurred  in 
1824.  Until  1818  sermons  were  preached  in 
the  towns  of  Flatbush,  New  Utrecht,  Graves- 
end  and  Bushwick  by  Domine  Schoonmaker 
in  Dutch  and  by  Domine  Lowe  in  English. 
Domine  Schoonmaker  preached  until  he  was 
nearly  ninety  years  of  age.  He  was  the  last 
connecting  link  of  the  chain  which  had  bound 
the  churches  together  from  1654.  The  six 
collegiate  congregations  of  Kings  County  were 
those  of  Brooklyn,  Bushwick,  Flatbush,  New 
Utrecht,  Flatlands  and  Gravesend.  In  1805 
Rev.  Selah  S.  Woodhull  was  called  as  pastor 
of  the  church  of  Brooklyn.  In  181 1  Dr.  Bas- 
sett  was  called  to  Bushwick.  In  1809  Dr. 
Beattie  was  called  to  New  Utrecht.  Dr.  Bas- 
sett  supplied  also  the  church  at  Gravesend 
when  Domine  Schoonmaker  preached  in  Dutch 
at  Bushwick.  Flatlands  and  Flatbush  were 
the  last  churches  to  separate.  In  1818  they 
extended  a  pastoral  call  to  Rev.  Walter  JMon- 
tieth.  He  resigned  from  these  churches  in 
1820.  In  1822  Rev.  Dr.  Thomas  AI.  Strong 
was  installed  as  pastor  of  the  church  at  Flat- 
bush. He  was  the  first  minister  who  had  sole 
charge  of  this  church. 

All  the  ministers  who  died  after  1701  were 
interred  under  the  church.  This  practice  was 
continued  until  1794.  All  persons  belonging 
to  the  church  who  could  afford  it  were  also 
allowed  this  privilege.  This  accounts  for  the 
fact  that  there  are  not  more  old  tombstones 
in  the  burying  ground  attached  to  the  church. 
In  that  portion  of  this  graveyard  which  has 
apparently  no  graves  in  it,  the  bodies  of  those 
who  died  in  the  battle  of  Flatbush  are  buried. 
They  were  gathered  from  the  woods  and  hills 
in  the  route  of  the  invading  army.  As  they 
were  hastily  interred,  without  coffin  or  tomb- 
stone, that  part  of  this  old  graveyard  was 
not  used  afterwards. 

At  this  present  time,  in  order  to  have  room 
for  church  extension,  a  small  portion  of  the 
ground  immediately  adjoining  the  church  has 
been  disturbed,  but  very  few  bones  have  been 
found ;  they  have  nearly  all  mingled  with  the 
dust  during  the  century  and  more  that  they 
have   lain  there. 

For  some  twenty  years  interment  in  this 
graveyard   has   been   forbidden.     A   plot   was 



purchased  in  Greenwood  for  the  church  in 
1873,  so  that  the  ministers  preaching  here 
should,  at  their  death,  be  interred  there,  and 
not  in  the  old  churchyard. 

There  is  a  significance  in  this,  as  being 
part  of  the  constant  change  which  the  old 
church  has  undergone.  There  are  no  more 
burials  here ;  no  more  Dutch  tombstones ; 
Dutch  speaking  and  Dutch  preaching  are  no 
more  to  be  heard.  The  binding  link  of  the  six 
collegiate  congregations  was  long  ago  broken. 
We  approach  so  close  to  other  churches  that 
everything  distinctively  Dutch  is  lost. 

Since  its  completion  in  1796,  the  Flatbush 
church  has  been  several  times  changed  as 
to  its  interior  arrangements.  Until  1836  the 
back  and  front  of  the  pews  were  very  high, 
having  resemblance  to  pens.  The  wood  was 
grained ;  there  were  no  blinds  on  the  windows 
and  the  walls  were  white.  A  mahogany  pulpit 
was  some  five  or  six  feet  above  the  floor, 
supported  on  columns  and  reached  by  means 
of  spiral  stairs.  The  pews  were  lowered  in 
1836,  and  blinds  were  placed  in  the  windows 
to  soften  the  light.  Two  cast-iron  stoves, 
known  as  Dr.  Nott's  patent,  supplied  the  heat. 
The  woodwork  was  painted  white,  and  for  the 
first  time  the  aisles  and  the  pulpit  were  car- 

In  1862  the  church  was  again  renovated. 
The  high  mahogany  pulpit  was  removed,  and 
a  reading  desk  on  a  broader  platform  took  its 
place,  'i'wo  large  heaters  made  the  church 
more  comfortable  than  the  cast-iron  stoves 
had  done.  An  organ  was  built  in  the  east 
gallery  of  the  church,  and  a  clock  was  placed 
in  the  steeple.  The  clock  strikes  upon  the  old 
bell  which  was  presented  to  the  church  in 
1796  by  Hon.  John  Vanderbilt,  who  imported 
it  for  this  purpose  from  Holland  in  one  of 
his  merchant  ships.  It  is  said  that  this  bell 
was  injured  by  being  captured  by  the  British 
and  carried  into  Halifax  in  the  belief  that 
it  was  the  property  of  a  Holland  merchant. 
It  was  released  and  returned  when  the  fact 
was  proved  that  the  owner  of  the  bell  was  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States.  Since  that  first 
strife  over  its  possession  it  has  not  been  called 
to  give  the  alarm  of  war,  as  did  its  predecessor 
in  the  little  bell  tower  in  1776.  Only  the  call 
to  worship  or  the  solemn  announcement  of  a 
funeral  has  awakened  its  voice.  It  formerly 
gave  warning  of  fires,  but  of  later  years  even 
that  duty  has  not  been  required,  and  now  we 
hear  its  sound  only  for  church  services. 

In  1887  the  building  was  once  more  remod- 

eled. An  'entrance  for  the  minister  in  the  rear 
of  the  church  and  a  robing-room  added  accom- 
modations which  had  been  much  needed,  for 
the  example  of  the  Holland  clergy  and  long 
custom  in  this  cotiiitry  favors  the  black  Geneva 
gown  in  the  pulpits  of  the  Reformed  Church. 
The  interior  of  the  building  was  stencilled  in 
quiet  colors.  With  the  new  upholsteiing  and 
dark  carpets  a  subdued  effect  was  produced, 
and  the  pervading  tone  is  rich  and  unob- 
trusive. A  steam  heater  adds  to  the  comfort 
of  the  church,  and  by  the  contrast  suggests 
the  accounts  given  of  days  when  the  church 
was  not  warmed  even  in  midwinter.  Some 
of  us  may  recall  the  two  tall  stoves  in  the  rear 
of  the  church,  which  heated  it  so  unequally 
that  it  was  necessary  for  comfort  to  supply 
small  foot  stoves  for  every  pew;  these  were 
carried  into  the  church  by  the  colored  ser- 
vants before  the  opening  of  the  morning  ser- 

The  addition  built  in  the  rear  of  the  pulpit 
at  the  west  end  of  the  church,  however,  was 
chiefly  for  the  new  organ  which  was  placed 
there  at  this  time  (1887)  and  for  the  conven- 
ience of  the  choir.  The  organ  is  a  large  on; 
and  of  good  tone,  and  the  choir  has  been  in- 
creased in  numbers.  The  music  forms  an  im- 
portant part  of  the  worship,  and  great  pains 
has  been  taken  by  those  who  love  church  music 
to  interest  the  young  people  in  the  service 
of  song. 

In  the  more  primitive  days  the  "voorzang- 
er,"  or  precentor,  stood  in  front  of  the  pulpit 
to  lead  in  the  singing  of  the  hymns.  The 
next  step  was  to  have  the  young  people  of 
the  congregation  serve  as  a  choir  in  the  gallery 
opposite  the  pulpit.  The  first  organ  was  pur- 
chased in  i860.  This  latest  arrangement  of 
a  larger  organ  and  the  choir  facing  the  con- 
gregation has  been  made  in  accordance  with 
the  requirements  of  the  age  in  regard  to 
church  music,  and  in  the  desire  on  the  part 
of  the  consistory  that  nothing  should  be  left 
undone  which  should  tend  to  a  devotional 
spirit  in  the  church  worship. 

The  latest  change  made  in  the  interior  of 
the  church  has  been"  in  regard  to  the  windows. 
The  light  was  found  to  be  at  times  too  strong 
without  blinds  ;  the  church  too  dark  with  closed 
blinds.  In  the  winter  of  the  present  year 
(1890)  the  advisability  of  inserting  stained 
glass  windows  was  suggested.  After  some 
consideration,  the  consistory  agreed  to  give 
those  desiring  it  an  opportunity  to  replace  with 
memorial    windows   the   coarse    glass   in   the 



sashes.  Most  of  these  memorial  windows 
have  been  made  for  famihes  rather  than  for 
individuals.  By  adding  dates,  something  of 
an  historical  character  is  included  in  this 
change,  for  it  tends  to  perpetuate  the  names 
of  families  who  have  supplied  its  membership 
through  the  two  hundred  years  and  more  of 
its  organization,  who  have  upheld  its  ordin- 
ances, and  have  worshipped  here  on  this  spot 
through  successive  generations. 

The  following  are  the  ministers  who  have 
had  charge  over  the  church  since  its  organiza- 
tion in  1654: 

1.  Johannes  Megapolensis,  born  1603. 
Sent  to  America  by  the  Classis  of  Amsterdam 
in  1842.  He  was  settled  in  New  York  with 
oversight  over  the  congregations  worshipping 
on  Long  Island.     Died  about  1668. 

2.  Johannes  Theodorus  Polhemus.  First 
pastor  of  the  collegiate  churches  on  Long 
Island.    Born  in  Holland  1598.    Died  in  1676. 

3.  Henricus  Selwyn  or  Selyns,  born  in 
Holland  in  1636;  had  charge  chiefly  of  church 
in  Brooklyn,  although  he  preached  occasion- 
ally in  the  church  at  Flatbush.  Died  about 

4.  Casparus  Von  Zuren.  Returned  to  Hol- 
land 1685. 

5.  Rudolphus  Varick.  Preached  in  the 
Long   Island   collegiate   churches   until    1694. 

6.  Wilhelmus  Lupardus.  Preached  1695. 
Died  about  1702. 

7.  Bernardus  Freeman  came 'to  America 
in  1700.  Entered  upon  his  ministry  here  in 
1705.     Emeritus    1791.     Died  soon  after. 

8.  Vincentius  Antonides.  Born  1670. 
Preached  in  the  Long  Island  churches.  Died 

9.  Johannes  Arondeus  came  from  Hol- 
land 1742;  preached  in  the  Long  Island 
churches.  He  was  suspended  in  1751,  and 
died  about  1754. 

10.  Antonius  Curtenius.  Born  in  Hol- 
land 1698;  came  from  Holland  1730.  Preached 
in  Hackensack  and  Schraalenburgh  first,  after- 
wards preached  in  the  Long  Island  churches. 
Died  in  1756. 

11.  Ulpianus  Von  Sinderen.  Preached  in 
the  Long  Island  churches.  He  was  declared 
■emeritus  in  1784.     He  died  July  23,  1796. 

12.  Johannes  Casparus  Rubel.  De- 

13.  Martinus  Schoonmaker.  Born  in 
Ulster  Co.,  New  York,  1737.  He  was  the  last 
minister  who  preached  in  the  Dutch  language 
in  this  county.     He  died  in  1824. 

14.  Peter  Lowe,  born  at  Kingston  1764. 
Died  1818. 

15.  Walter  Monteith  accepted  a  call  in 
Schenectady  in  1820.     Died  1834. 

16.  Thomas  M.  Strong,  born  at  Coopers- 
town,  N.  Y.,  1797.  Preached  in  Flatbush 
from  1822  to  1 86 1,  at  which  time  he  died. 

17.  Cornelius  L.  Wells,  present  pastor, 
born  at  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  1833.  Called 
to  the  ministry  of  this  church  1863. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Strong 
and  Rev.  Dr.  Wells,  all  these  were  collegiate 
ministers  preaching  in  the  churches  and  pre- 
siding over  the  six  congregations  in  this 

In  the  early  days  of  settlement  the  various 
ministers  do  not  seem  to  have  remained  long 
in  charge  over  the  churches,  but  this  century 
shows  the  reverse  and  presents  a  remarkable 
record  in  this  respect. 

Rev.  Dr.  Strong  remained  for  nearly  forty 
years  in  charge  of  the  church  at  Flatbush.  He 
was  removed  by  death  in  1861.  He  was  great- 
ly beloved  by  his  people ;  the  younger  members 
of  his  congregation  looked  up  to  him  as  a  fa- 
ther. He  was  a  man  of  great  learning,  with 
great  fluency  as  a  speaker  and  ease  of  manner 
in  the  pulpit.  He  was  genial  and  aiTable  in 
social  life,  and  by  his  daily  conduct  exempli- 
fied the  beauty  of  the  precepts  he  held  up  to 
his  people. 

Dr.  Strong  was  succeeded  by  Rev.  Dr.  C. 
L.  Wells,  who  was  called  to  the  ministry  of 
this  church  in  1863.  The  twenty-fifth  anni- 
versary of  this  call  was  the  occasion  of  a  very 
pleasant  celebration  given  to  Dr.  Wells  by  his 
people,  in  recognition  of  their  love  and  esteem 
for  him  as  their  pastor  and  personal  friend. 
His  pastorate  has  been  a  very  successful  one. 
The  church  has  flourished  under  his  care  and 
the  utmost  good  feeling  prevails.  The  mem- 
bership has  increased,  and  that,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, from  among  the  young  people.  Surely 
nothing  can  be  more  gratifying  to  the  heart 
of  a  faithful  pastor  than  this.  May  he  be  long 
continued  in  his  place,  with  the  same  encour- 
aging results  that  have  blest  his  labors  in  past 

This  church  was  formerly  known  as  the 
Reformed  Dutch  Church.  In  1867  the  word 
Dutch  was  dropped  and  the  distinctive  title 
became  "The  Reformed  Church  in  America." 

In  this  country  the  "patrial  adjectives" 
have  been  retained  in  many  of  the  Reformed 
churches  to  indicate  their  origin. 

The  name  with  us  had  lost  much  of  its 



significance  owing  to  the  various  nationalities 
in  church  membership ;  because  a  false  impres- 
sion was  created  as  to  the  language  used  in 
the  church  service,  the  change  was  thought  by 
many  to  be  desirable,  and  it  was  accordingly 

We  do  not,  however,  wish  to  have  the  fact 
lost  to  history  that  the  churches  of  this  de- 
nomination were  those  established  by  the  Hol- 
land settlers  in  America.  The  doctrines  tauglit 
are  the  articles  of  faith  formulated  by  the 
reformers  in  the  Netherlands.  They  had  gone 
through  the  most  terrible  struggle  recorded  on 
the  pages  of  history,  maintaining  for  some 
forty  years  a  most  unequal  combat  against  big- 
otry and  despotism  of  Spain,  at  that  time  the 
most  formidable  power  in  Europe. 

The  church  at  Flatbush  was  designed,  as 
we  have  seen  in  the  preceding  extract,  to  sup- 
ply the  needs  in  the  way  of  public  worship  of 
the  people  in  Flatbush,  in  Flatlands  and  in 
Breuckelen.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Polhemus,  how- 
ever, seems  never  to  have  been  able  to  win 
the  favor  of  the  people  of  the  last  named  place. 
He  was  a  man  pretty  well  advanced  in  years 
when  he  took  hold  of  his  charge  at  Flatbush, 
and  while  no  complaints  were  ever  made  as 
to  his  neglecting  his  sacred  work,  yet  from 
the  first  the  Brooklyn  settlers  and  he  did  not 
get  along  well  together.  They  were  quite 
willing  to  help  the  Midwout  (Flatbush)  folks 
to  build  their  church  as  by  the  Governor's  or- 
der, but  they  strenuously  objected  to  help  in 
the  work  of  building  a  house  for  the  dominie, 
and  it  required  some  of  the  usual  Stuy- 
vesant  persuasion,  a  big  oath,  or  a  violent 
stamp  of  the  silver-mounted  wooden  leg,  to 
make  them  bear  a  helping  hand.  It  was  quite 
a  distance  from  Breuckelen  to  the  church  at 
Flatbush  and  possibly  it  was  more  fashionable 
for  the  former  people  now  and  again,  when 
the  weather  was  fine  and  the  water  smooth, 
to  cross  over  into  Manhattan  Island  and  listen 
to  the  words  of  the  Rev.  Johannes  Megapo- 
lensis,  one  of  the  most  gifted  preachers  of  his 
time,  in  the  handsome  stone  church  in  the 
fort.  At  all  events  they  gave  Polhemus  the 
cold  shoulder.  In  1656  the  people  of  Flatbush 
(Midwout)  and  Flatlands  (Amersfort)  asked 

their  brethren  in  Breuckelen  to  help  in  paying 
the  salary  of  Brother  Polhemus,  but  this  met 
with  polite  refusal,  as  they  replied  they  did  not 
feel  disposed  to  pay  for  the  upkeep  of  a  min- 
ister who  was  of  no  use  to  them.  They  sug- 
gested that  if  Polhemus  would  agree  to  preach 
in  their  midst  on  alternate  Sundays  they  would 
be  willing  to  aid  in  his  support.  Possibly  they 
thought  this  beyond  the  dominie's  physical 
ability.  Stuyvesant  and  his  Council  settled 
the  matter  by  declaring  that  Polhemus  should 
preach  in  Breuckelen  when  the  weather  per- 
mitted. The  dominie  at  first  apparently  did 
his  best  to  visit  Brooklyn  on  alternate  Sun- 
days, and  while  the  Flatbush  folk  were  satis- 
fied with  this  the  people  of  Flatlands  and  the 
other  towns  began  to  complain.  So  to  end 
the  matter  Stuyvesant  decreed  that  the  dominie 
was  to  preach  each  Sunday  forenoon  in  the 
church  at  Flatbush  and  on  alternate  Sunday 
afternoons  at  Brooklyn  and  Flatlands.  The 
two  towns  last  named  were  assessed  each 
300  guilders  and  Flatbush  400  guilders  on  be- 
half of  the  dominie's  annual  salary. 

But  the  Brooklyn  people  were  even  then 
by  no  means  satisfied.  They  did  not  care  for 
Mr.  Polhemus,  did  not  want  him  for  a  pastor, 
and  it  looks  as  though  all  their  agreements 
were  but  subterfuges,  hoping  that  the  other 
communities  would  not  live  up  to  them  and 
that  thereby  the  ire  of  the  peppery  old  Gov- 
ernor would  be  directed  against  the  other 
parties  to  the  agreements  rather  than  against 
themselves.  But  in  1657  they  could  bear  it 
no  longer  and  co  came  out  openly  in  an  appeal 
to  Stuyvesant  and  the  Council  to  be  forever 
rid  of  the  good  man.  Through  their  chosen 
town  officials  they  said,  under  date  January 
I,   1657: 

The  Magistrates  of  Breuckelen  find  them- 
selves obliged  to  communicate  to  your  Hon- 
ors that  to  them  it  seems  impossible  that  they 
should  be  able  to  collect  annually  300  guilders 
from  such  a  poor  congregation,  as  there  are 
many  among  them  who  suffered  immense 
losses  during  the  late  wars,  and  principally 
at  the  invasion  of  the  savages,  by  which  thev 
have  been  disabled,  so  that  many,  who  would 



otherwise  be  willing,  have  not  the  power  to 
contribute  their  share.  We-  must  be  further 
permitted  to  say  that  we  never  gave  a  call  to 
the  aforesaid  Reverend  Polhemus,  and  never 
accepted  him  as  our  minister ;  but  he  intruded 
himself  upon  us  against  our  will,  and  volun- 
tarily preached  in  the  open  street,  under  the 
blue  sky ;  when,  to  avoid  offense,  the  house  of 
Joris  Dircksen  was  temporarily  offered  him 
here  in  Breuckelen.  It  is  the  general  opinion 
and  saying  of  the  citizens  and  inhabitants  of 
Breuckelen  generally,  with  those  living  in  their 
neighborhood,  that  they  could  not  resolve,  even 
when  it  was  in  their  power  to  collect  the 
money,  to  contribute  anything  for  such  a  poor 
and  meagre  service  as  that  with  which  they 
have  thus  far  been  regaled.  Every  fortnight, 
on  Sundays,  he  comes  here  only  in  the  after- 
noon for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  when  he  only 
gives  us  a  prayer  in  lieu  of  a  sermon,  by 
which  we  can  receive  very  little  instruction ; 
while  often,  while  one  supposes  the  prayer  or 
sermon  (which  ever  name  might  be  preferred 
for  it)  is  beginning,  then  it  is  actually  at  an 
end,  by  which  he  contributes  very  little  to  the 
edification  of  his  congregation.  This  we  ex- 
perienced on  the  Sunday  preceding  Christmas, 
on  the  24th  of  December  last,  when  we,  ex- 
pecting a  sermon,  heard  nothing  but  a  prayer, 
and  that  so  short  that  it  was  finished  before 
we  expected.  Now,  it  is  true,  it  was  nearly 
evening  before  Polhemus  arrived,  so  that  he 
had  not  much  time  to  spare,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  march  off  and  finish  so  much  sooner, 
to  reach  his  home.  This  is  all  the  satisfac- 
tion— little  enough,  indeed — which  we  had 
during  Christmas ;  wherefore,  it  is  our  opinion 
that  we  shall  enjoy  as  much  and  more  edifica- 
tion by  appointing  one  among  ourselves,  who 
may  read  to  us  on  Sundays  a  sermon  from  the 
"Apostille  Book,"  as  we  ever  have  until  now, 
from  any  of  the  prayers  or  sermons  of  the 
Reverend  Polhemus.  We  do  not,  however, 
intend  to  offend  the  Reverend  Polhemus,  or 
assert  anything  to  bring  him  into  bad  repute. 
We  mean  only  to  say  that  his  greatly  ad- 
vanced age  occasions  all  this,  and  that  his 
talents  do  not  accompany  him  as  steadily  as  in 
the  days  of  yore ;  yea,  we  discover  it  clearly, 
that  it  is  not  the  want  of  good-will  in  Polhe- 
mus ;  but  as  we  never  did  give  him  a  call,  we 
cannot  resolve  to  contribute  to  his  mainten- 

Their  pathetic  appeal,  however,  had  no  ef- 
fect on  the  Governor.     He  held  that  the  ar- 

rangement in  force  should  continue,  and  then 
the  Brooklyn  folk  neglected  to  pay  their  share 
of  the  dominie's  salary,  to  the  temporal  con- 
fusion and  discomfort  of  the  poor  old  man. 
The  others,  too,  seemed  to  become  laggard  in 
their  payments.  Stuyvesant,  however,  was 
equal  to  the  emergency  and  on  July  6,  1658, 
ordered  that  no  grain  should  be  removed  from 
the  fields  until  all  arrearages  in  the  minister's 
salary  had  been  paid — and  paid  they  at  once 
were.  So  the  dominie  was  supreme  for  a  year 
or  so  longer,  encountering  roads  the  poorer 
and  weather  the  more  wretched  as  his  age 
and  infirmities  increased. 

Then  the  people  of  Brooklyn  adopted  fresh 
tactics  to  get  rid  of  his  ministrations,  by  ask- 
ing permission  to  call  a  minister  to  dwell 
among  themselves  and  so  relieve  Polhemus  of 
his  tiresome  journey.  This  was  agreed  to. 
The  Classis  in  Amsterdam  was  communicated 
with,  and  in  September,  1660,  the  Rev.  Hen- 
ricus  Selyns,  sometimes  described  as  Henry. 
Solinus  and  Henricus  Selwyn,  wate  installed 
as  minister  of  Brooklyn,  the  first  of  a  long 
line  of  gifted  men  who  have  made  the  name 
of  the  old  town  famous  over  the  Christian 

Selyns  was  born  in  Amsterdam  in  1636, 
and  was  descended  from  a  family  which  for 
a  century  previous  had  furnished  a  succession 
of  Protestant  ministers  to  the  Church  in  Hol- 
land, and  his  own  ability  as  a  preacher  had 
won  him  high  commendation  in  his  native 
town.  He  was  installed  into  his  pastorate  with 
considerable  pomp,  the  Governor  being  rep- 
resented by  two  of  his  officials.  Stuyvesant 
seems  to  have  taken  kindly  to  the  young  min- 
ister from  the  first,  and  to  help  him  to  earn  an 
increased  salary  he  engaged  him  to  spend  his 
Sunday  afternoons  on  his  country  residence 
in  New  York,  his  famous  Bouwerie,  and  there 
preach  and  teach  the  servants  and  poor  neigh- 
bors, black  and  white.  For  this  Stuyvesant 
agreed  to  pay  250  guilders  each  year,  thus 
bringing  up  the  minister's  salary  to  600  guil- 
ders. Selyns  was  a  man  of  many  accomplish- 
ments, a  poet,  lisping  in  sacred  numbers,  and 



now  and  again  in  Latin,  and  he  possessed  con- 
siderable historical  acumen  and  diligence,  for 
he  transcribed  all  the  records  of  the  Dutch 
Church  in  New  York  down  to  his  own  time, 
and  his  transcription,  still  preserved,  has  kept 
alive  much  of  the  history  of  that  body  which 
but  for  his  patient  labor  would  long  ago  have 
been  lost.  Cotton  Mather  valued  him  highly 
and  said  that  "he  had  so  nimble  a  fancy  for 
putting  his  devout  thoughts  into  verses  that 
upon  this,  as  well  as  upon  greater  accounts, 
he  was  a  David  unto  the  flocks  in  the  wil- 

Although  ushered  into  his  charge  with  be- 
coming ceremony,  Selyns  had  neither  a  church 
nor  a  congregation.  So  far  as  church  mem- 
bership went  his  flock  was  enrolled  on  th.e 
books  of  the  Flatbush  organization,  but  in 
answer  to  a  letter  the  Rev.  Mr.  Polhemus  sent 
him  a  list  of  those  on  his  roll  who  resided  in 
Brooklyn  (at  the  Ferry,  the  Wallabout  and 
Gowanus)  including  one  elder,  two  deacons 
and  twenty-four  others.  This  epistle  probably 
acted  as  a  letter  of  dismissal  and  doubtless  the 
good  old  dominie  was  heartily  glad  to  be  rid 
of  a  people  that  had  proved  so  rebellious  and 
contumacious.  A  church  building  seems  to 
have  been  erected  under  Selyns'  ministry,  or 
else  the  services  were  held  in  some  building 
set  aside  for  his  use,  for  we  find  that  the  peo- 
ple in  1661  petitioned  the  home  authorities 
for  a  bell  which  would  not  only  call  the  people 
to  worship  but  would  be  of  service  in  all  time 
of  danger.  If  a  church  was  there  built  all 
trace  of  it  even  on  paper  has  disappeared.  It 
seems  that  the  people  after  a  time  were  not 
quite  satisfied  with  Selyns'  ministrations,  their 
main  grievance  being  that  he  did  not  make  his 
home  among  them,  but  preferred  to  reside  on 
Manhattan  Island.  The  congregation  had 
strengthened  slowly:  in  1661  it  had  over  fifty 
communicants,  but  latterly  he  had  some  dif- 
ficulty in  collecting  his  salary,  and,  probably 
feeling  that  the  field  was  not  a  promising  one 
and  experiencing  some  of  the  plain  speaking 
which  had  been  used  to  Polhemus,  he  tendered 
his  resignation  in  1664,  giving  as  his  reason 

a  desire  to  comply  with  the  request  of  his 
aged  father  that  he  return  to  Holland.  There 
he  went,  returning  to  America  in  1682  to  be- 
come pastor  of  the  Dutch  Church  in  New 
Amsterdam,  in  which  service  he  continued  un- 
til his  death,  in  1701. 

The  spiritual  welfare  of  Brooklyn  was  thus 
again  placed  under  the  pastoral  care  of  Dom- 
inie Polhemus,  Schoolmaster  Debevoise  ap- 
parently doing  the  active  work  and  reading  a 
discourse  from  an  "approved  author"  each 
Sabbath.  Apparently  the  people  desired  a 
pastor  as  soon  as  possible,  and  probably  in  the 
hope  of  being  the  better  able  to  induce  a  de- 
sirable one  to  settle  in  their  midst  they  de- 
cided to  erect  a  substantial  church  and  have 
it  ready  for  his  ministrations  when  he  did 
come.  Accordingly  they  erected  in  1666  on 
what  is  now  Fulton  street,  near  Lawrence 
street,  about  a  mile  from  the  Ferry,  on  the 
site  of  a  fort,  some  of  the  stones  of  which 
were  used  in  its  walls,  what  is  generally  held 
to  be  the  first  church  in  Brooklyn.  It  re- 
mained in  active  use  for  exactly  a  century, 
when  it  was  pulled  down  and  a  new  edifice 
erected  on  its  site.  Stiles  describes  this,  the 
structure  of  1766,  as  "a  large,  square  edifice, 
with  solid  and  very  thick  walls,  plastered  and 
whitewashed  on  every  side  up  to  the  eaves ; 
the  roof  as  usual  ascending  to  a  peak  in  the 
centre,  capped  with  an  open  belfry  in  which 
hung  a  small,  sharp-toned  bell  brought  from 
Holland  shortly  after  its  erection,  and  after- 
ward (1840)  hung  in  the  belfry  of  the  dis- 
trict school-house  in  Middagh  street.  The 
interior  was  plain,  dark  and  very  gloomy,  so 
that  in  summer  one  could  not  see  to  read  in 
it  after  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  by  rea- 
son of  its  small  windows.  They  were  six  or 
eight  feet  above  the  floor  and  filled  with 
stained-glass  lights  from  Holland,  represent- 
ing vines  loaded  with  flowers.  The  old  town 
of  Breuckelen,  it  will  be  remembered,  com- 
prised at  this  time  several  divisions  or  settle- 
ments, each  possessing  local  names — squares 
and  avenues  of  the  new  city — Gowanus,  Red 
Hook,  Bedford,  Cripplegate,   Wallabout — and 



for  all  these  the  old  church  occupied  a  very 
central  position."  It  was  pulled  down  in  1810 
and  a  new  building  for  the  congregation 
erected  on  what  is  now  Joralemon  street. 

Although  the  Rev.  Mr.  Selyns  was  un- 
doubtedly the  first  minister  called  to  Brook- 
lyn, he  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  a  part 
of  the  establishment  of  the  church  at  Flat- 
bush,  a  collegiate  pastor,  and  as  such  appears 
to  have  frequently  filled  its  pulpit.  For  many 
years  after  he  left  the  pastors  of  the  senior 
Brooklyn  church  were  identical  with  those  of 
Flatbush.  This  arrangement  fell  through — - 
how,  it  is  not  exactly  clear,  probably  by  a 
process  of  evolution — about  the  beginning  of 
the  century,  for  in  1802,  when  the  Rev.  John 
Barent  Johnson  was  called  to  the  pastorati" 
of  the  Brooklyn  church,  his  ministrations 
were  to  be  confined  to  it.  His  death  took 
place  August  29,  1803,  about  eleven  months 
after  his  installation.  The  congregation  re- 
mained without  a  pastor,  Flatbush  filling  the 
pulpit  as  regularly  as  possible,  until  i8o(5, 
when  the  Rev.  Selah  Strong  Woodhull  was 
installed  to  the  charge.  It  was  under  him 
that  the  erection  of  what  is  known  as  the 
third  church  was  brought  about.  The  cor- 
ner-stone was  laid  May  15,  1807,  by  the  Rev. 
Peter  Lowe,  then  one  of  the  ministers  of  the 
parent  church  at  Flatbush.  It  was  completed 
at  a  cost  of  $13,745.53,  and  dedicated  on 
December  23  of  the  same  year,  when  the 
sermon  was  preached  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  John 
H.  Livingston. 

Mr.  Woodhull  in  1825  resigned  the  pastor- 
ship on  becoming  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History,  etc.,  in  Rutgers  College,  and  the 
Rev.  Ebenezcr  Mason,  son  of  the  famous  Dr. 
John  Mason,  of  New  York,  became  pastor. 
Two  years  later  another  change  was  made, 
and  the  Rev.  Peter  J.  Rouse  was  installed, 
October  13,  1828.  He  was  succeeded  in  1833 
by  the  Rev.  M.  W.  Dwight,  and  within  a 
month  the  congregation  began  taking  steps 
to  erect  their  present  building — the  fourth — 
which  was  completed  and  dedicated  in  May, 
1835.      The    succeeding    pastors    have    been 

Revs.  A.  P.  Low  Giesen,  1855-59 ;  -^-  A.  Wil- 
lets,  1860-5;  Joseph  Kimball,  1865-74;  H. 
Dickson,  1875-1877;  Dr.  D.  N.  Vanderveer, 
1878-1896;  and  J.  M.  Farrar,  1896—. 

This  survey  practically  completes  the  story 
of  the  pioneer  churches  on  the  island  in  its 
different  divisions,  and  the  history  of  the 
others  calling  for  particular  mention  on  ac- 
count of  their  historical  or  other  interest  will 
be  found  treated  in  the  local  sections  of  this 
work.  We  have  taken  up  these  churches  in 
their  order,  just  as  their  respective  histories 
told  us  they  were  formed  without  any  heed 
to  their  denominational  afiiliations,  and  we 
may  now  enter  on  a  somewhat  wider  field 
of  survey  by  speaking  of  the  introduction,  on 
the  island,  of  the  various  great  divisions  of  the 
Christian  fold. 

The  churches  at  Southold  and  Southamp- 
ton were,  properly  speaking.  Congregational, 
and  as  such  their  story  might  be  held  to  mark 
the  dale  of  the  advent  of  that  body,  while  if 
we  could  accept  the  church  at  Hempstead,  of 
which  we  have  spoken  as  Presbyterian,  then 
the  advent  of  that  body  is  also  determined. 
Such  affiliations,  however,  would  be  strenu- 
ously objected  to.  The  institution  of  the 
church  at  Flatbush  in  1654  gives  that  dale 
beyond  question  as  that  on  which  the  Re- 
formed Dutch  church  began  its  labors.  For 
a  time  the  island  was  given  over  to  these 
two  bodies  (if  we  may  be  permitted  to  class 
the  early  Congregationalists  or  Presbyterians 
as  one  body,  which  they  practically  were),  in 
which  the  Dutch  church  showed  the  union 
of  Church  and  State,  with  the  authority  of 
the  latter  paramount,  while  the  other  was 
purely  democratic — church  and  state  com- 
bined, with  the  church  as  the  ruling  influ- 

But  they  were  not  permitted  very  long  to 
retain  their  undisputed  sway  over  the  spiritual 
destinies  of  Long  Island,  for  in  1702  we  find 
that  the  Episcopalian  body  began  with  the 
advent  to  the  island  of  the  Rev.  George  Keith, 
whom  we  have  already  met  in  a  previous 
chapter.     He   was   accompanied   by   the   Rev. 



Peter  (or  Patrick,  the  names  there  being  in- 
terchangeable) Gordon,  who,  it  seems,  had 
been  sent  out  to  America  as  a  missionary  by 
the  Enghsh  "Society  for  the  Propagation  of 
the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts."  His  work  on 
Long  Island  was  assigned  for  him  before  his 
departure,  and  so  was  his  title  of  "Rector  of 
Queens  County."  His  acquaintance  with  his 
rectorial  field  was,  however,  very  brief.  He 
was  sufifering  from  fever  when  he  reached 
Jamaica,  which  was  to  be  his  headquarters, 
and  about  a  week  later,  July  25,  1702,  he  was 
dead.  He  was  buried  beneath  the  stone 
church  or  meeting-house  which  had  been 
erected  about  1700  by  the  trustees  of  Jamaica 
by  means  of  a  tax  levied  on  the  inhabitants, 
after  a  plan  of  voluntary  subscription  had 
fallen  through.  On  that  fact  was  based  one 
of  the  most  noted  conflicts  between  Church 
and  State  which  the  history  of  the  island 

When  the  church  and  its  adjoining  min- 
ister's house  were  completed  they  were  given 
over  to  the  Presbyterian  minister  by  vote  of 
a  town  meeting,  although  there  was  some  un- 
derstanding that  other  Protestant  denomina- 
tions were  to  be  permitted  to  use  the  church 
for  their  services  when  occasion  required.  In 
this  way  Keith  seems  to  have  preached  from 
its  pulpit.  When  Lord  Cornbury  became 
Governor  in  1702  he  ordered  the  English  law 
of  uniformity  in  religion  to  be  enforced 
throughout  the  province  and  ordained  that  all 
meeting-houses  and  parsonages  erected  out 
of  public  moneys,  by  tax  or  otherwise,  should 
belong  to  the  Episcopal  body,  which  he  de- 
clared to  be  the  established  church.  The  mis- 
sionaries of  that  body,  thanks  to  this  viceregal 
patronage,  were  then  very  active,  and  the  ad- 
herents to  the  Church  of  England  in  Jamaica 
were  consoled  by  frequent  visits  from  them. 
Emboldened  by  Lord  Cornbury's  order,  they 
not  only  held  services  in  the  stone  church, 
but  claimed  its  possession  as  a  right.  The 
crisis  came  on  July  25,  1703,  when  the  Rev. 
John  Bartow  visited  Jamaica.  On  the  day 
before  he  announced  that  he  would  hold  serv- 

ice in  the  stone  church,  but  the  Presbyterian 
minister  got  into  the  building  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  ahead  of  him  and  so  held  the 
fort.  Bartow  walked  into  the  sacred  edifice 
and  ordered  John  Hubbard,  the  Presbyterian 
divine,  to  stop  his  service.  This  the  latter  re- 
fused. In  the  afternoon  the  tables  were 
turned,  for  the  Episcopalian  got  into  the  build- 
ing before  the  Presbyterian  arrived.  The 
latter  announced  that  he  would  preach  under 
a  tree  and  so  drew  away  the  bulk  of  Mr. 
Bartow's  auditors.  Not  only  that:  those  who 
went  out  carried  with  them  benches  and  re- 
turned for  more,  so  as  to  make  Mr.  Hub- 
bard's hearers  comfortable,  and  the  noise  and 
confusion  that  ensued  forced  the  "estab- 
lished" divine  to  stop  for  a  time.  He  finished, 
however,  locked  the  door  of  the  church,  and 
handed  the  key  to  the  sheriff  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  law  and  order.  The  other  body 
soon  afterward  broke  a  window  in  the  church 
wall,  helped  a  boy  through  the  aperture,  and, 
on  his  opening  the  door  from  the  inside,  en- 
tered the  church  and  put  back  the  benches. 
They,  however,  took  away  the  pulpit  cushion, 
which  they  would  not  permit  any  to  use  but 
the  Presbyterian  minister. 

Cornbury,  when  the  matter  was  reported 
to  him,  summoned  Mr.  Hubbard  and  the 
heads  of  his  congregation  before  him,  laid 
down  the  law  and  threatened  them  with  its 
penalties.  He  also  defined  the  statute  as  to 
the  church  building  itself  and  forbade  Mr. 
Hubbard  from  preaching  in  it.  As  it  was 
either  submission  or  prosecution,  they  sub- 
mitted, and  the  stone  church  passed  from  their 
hands.  But  their  humiliation  was  not  yet 

In  1704  the  Rev.  William  L'rquhart  was 
appointed  "Rector  of  Queens  County,"  and 
when  he  arrived  at  Jamaica  and  viewed  his 
domain  over  he  claimed  the  house  and  lands 
on  which  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hubbard  dwelt  as  a 
parsonage,  they  having  been  set  aside  for  the 
use  of  the  preacher  in  the  stone  church  by 
the  same  process  of  taxation.  This  view  was 
indorsed  by  Cornbury,  and  on  July  4,   1704, 



the  sheriff  ordered  Hubbard  to  vacate,  which 
he  did,  and  the  triumph  of  the  Episcopahan 
church  in  Jamaica  was  complete.  The  further 
history  of  the  stone  church  Htigation  really 
belongs  to  the  local  story  of  Jamaica. 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  similarity  between 
the  early  histoiry  of  the  Episcopalian  Church 
in  Hempstead  and  in  Jamaica  except  in  the 
way  of  disturbance  and  legal  conflict.  In 
the  former  place  work  was  begun  about  1701, 
by  the  Rev.  John  Thomas,  who  was  sent  out 
from  England  as  a  missionary  and  given 
charge  of  Hempstead  by  Lord  Cornbury.  He 
also  took  possession  of  the  old  Presbyterian 
church  building  and  minister's  house,  but  the 
Presbyterians  at  the  time  had  no  minister  and 
had  dwindled  down  in  numbers,  so  that  Mr. 
Thomas,  who  appears  to  have  been  a  soft- 
mannered  and  agreeable  sort  of  man,  a  verit- 
able peacemaker,  not  only  induced  them  to 
acquiesce  in  the  charge  without  much  grum- 
bling, but  persuaded  many  of  the  weak-kneed 
brethren  among  them  to  become  regular  at- 
tendants at  his  service.  So  the  "established 
church"  continued  slowly  to  spread,  backed 
by  the  Gubernatorial  authority,  and  in  some 
instances  stift'ened  by  royal  gifts ;  for  we  read 
that  in  1706  Queen  Anne  "was  pleased  to 
allow  the  churches  of  Hempstead,  Jamaica, 
Westchester,  Rye  and  Staten  Island  each  a 
large  Bible,  Common  Prayer  Book,  Book  of 
Homilies,  a  cloth  for  the  pulpit,  a  communion 
table,  a  silver  chalice  and  paten."  Churches 
were  established  at  Newtown  in  1734  (the 
charge  of  the  rector  at  Jamaica  extended  over 
Newtown  and  Flushing),  at  Flushing  in  1746, 
at  Huntington  in  1750  and  at  Brookhaven  in 
1752;  but  it  was  not  until  1766  that  one  was 
established  in  Brooklyn.  This  date  seems  to 
have  been  fixed  by  tradition,  for  there  is 
really  no  evidence  to  substantiate  it. 

In  1774  a  lottery  was  proposed  for  the 
erection  of  a  church  conformable  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church  of  England,  but  the  mat- 
ter either  was  unsuccessful  or  was  allowed 
to  be  dropped  owing  to  the  political  exigencies 
of  the  times.     During  the  British  occupation 

there  is  no  doubt  Episcopalian  services  were 
regularly  held  and  some  of  the  discourses 
then  preached  by  the  Rev.  James  Sayre  are 
still  preserved.  It  was  not  until  1784,  after 
the  cloud  of  battle  had  passed  away,  that  those 
who  adhered  to  the  Episcopalian  Church  set 
up  a  tabernacle  of  their  own.  Says  Furman : 
"It  scarcely  took  the  form  of  a  church:  there 
were  few,  very  few  Episcopalians  in  this 
town  or  country  at  that  period, — so  few  that 
they  were  not  able  to  settle  a  minister  among 
them  and  were  supplied  with  occasional  serv- 
ices from  the  clergymen  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  for  which  purpose  they  assembled  in  a 
room  of  the  old  one-and-a-half-story  fcrick 
house  known  as  No.  40  Fulton  street,  Brook- 
lyn, then  called  the  Old  Ferry  Road,  owned 
.by  Abiel  Titus,  Esq.  There  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  this  little  congregation  was  ever 
incorporated  as  a  church  or  had  any  regular 
officers.  The  first  regularly  established  Epis- 
copal church  in  this  town  or  county  was  that 
formed  in  the  year  1786.  The  congregation 
was  at  first  very  small,  not  having  in  it  more 
than  fifteen  or  sixteeen  families,  and  they  were 
not  able  to  go  to  much  expense  about  erect- 
ing a  church.  They  therefore  hired  the  old 
and  long  one-story  house  owned  by  Marvin 
Richardson  on  the  northwesterly  corner  of 
Fulton  and  Middagh  streets."  The  Rev. 
George  Wright  was  chosen  as  the  pastor  of 
this  little  flock,  and  from  this  humble  begin- 
ning sprang  the  now  famous  Church  of  St. 

The  Methodist  Episcopal  church  appar- 
ently antedated  the  Established  Church  of 
England  on  Long  Island.  The  pioneer  preach- 
er was  Captain  Thomas  Webb,,  of  the  British 
army,  who  held  services  in  a  house  he  rented 
in  New  York,  and  in  1766  frequently  crossed 
over  to  Brooklyn  and  held  forth  there.  He 
had  some  relatives  in  Jamaica  and  preached 
in  that  village  regularly,  building  up.  Dr. 
Prime  tells  us,  a  society  of  about  twenty-four 
persons, — half  of  them  negroes.  The  prog- 
ress made,  however,  was  slow.  In  1785  a 
congregation  was  formed  in  Sands  street,  in 


a  cooper's  shop,  by  WoUman  Hickson,  and 
from  that  beginning  developed  the  once 
famous  Methodist  church  in  Sands  street,  now 
only  a  memory,  ahhough  its  name  is  still  re- 
tained in  another  structure.  In  1793  Joseph 
Totten  and  George  Strebeck  were  appointed 
to  take  charge  of  the  entire  island,  laboring 
alternately  one  month  in  Brooklyn  and  a 
month  elsewhere.  In  1794  the  Brooklyn 
church  was  incorporated  and  in  1795  its  peo- 
ple had  completed  the  purchase  of  a  site  and 
erected  a  place  of  worship  on  Sands  street, 
the  site  now  being  part  of  the  territory  oc- 
cupied by  the  big  bridge.  In  1795  its  mem- 
bership was  given  as  twenty-three  whites  and 
twelve  negroes.  In  1820  a  church  was  estab- 
lished at  Southold,  and  another  ten  years  later 
at  Riverhead. 

Although  we  read  of  the  appearance  of 
Baptists  in  America  as  early  as  1662,  it  was 
not  till  long  afterward  that  the  denomina- 
tion really  won  a  foothold  on  Long  Island. 
A  congregation  was  formed  at  Oyster  Bay  in 
1700,  one  at  Brookhaven  in  1747,  and  one  at 
Newtown  in  1809;  but  it  was  not  until  1823 
that  a  church  was  organized  at  Brooklyn, — 
with  ten  members. 

In  another  chapter  we  tell  of  the  early  ex- 
periences of  the  Quakers  in  this  country  and 
their  reception  at  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  au- 
thorities and  Governor  Stuyvesant,  and  so 
need  only  remark  that  the  earliest  trace  of  a 
meeting-house  is  found  in  the  story  of  Oyster 
Bay,  where  we  are  told  one  was  set  up  in 
1659.  The  visit  of  George  Fox  to  America 
in  1672  did  much  to  strengthen  the  Friends, 
and  we  know  that  he  made  several  visits  to 
Gravesend  where  the  doctrines  of  his  people 
had  been  known  and  welcomed  to  a  more  or 
less  extent  since  1657.  It  was  at  Jericho,  a 
few  miles  from  Oyster  Bay,  that  the  first 
Long  Island  meeting-house  of  the  society,  of 
which  we  have  record,  was  erected,  in  1689, 
and  in  1694  another  was.  erected  at  Flushing. 
About  the  last  named  year  small  houses  of 
worship  were  also  erected  by  the  Friends  at 
Bethpage  and  Matinicock.     A  meeting-house 

was  maintained  at  Brooklyn  before  1730,  and 
slow  progress  was  made  until  in  1845  they  had 
twelve  meeting-houses  in  Kings  and  Queens 
counties  and  two  in  Suffolk.  It  can  hardly 
be  said  that  their  numbers  have  much  in- 
creased, compared,  at  least,  with  other  re 
ligious  bodies. 

Oyster  Bay  township  was  for  many  years 
the  centre  of  Quaker  activity  on  Long  Island, 
owing  to  the  zeal  and  work  of  Elias  Hicks,  a 
most  remarkable  man,  of  whose  labors  and 
life  an  account  appears  elsewhere  in  this  work. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Church  had  a  late 
beginning.  There  were  few  of  that  faith  on 
Long  in  early  times,  and  it  was  not  until 
after  the  Revolutionary  War  that  we  find 
traces  of  the  visits  of  missionary  priests  to  the 
island ;  but  the  results  of  their  labor  appears  to 
have  amounted  practically  to  nothing.  Early 
in  the  present  century  quite  a  number  of  mem- 
bers of  that  church  were  domiciled  in  Brook- 
lyn, but  they  crossed  the  ferry  and  worshipped 
in  old  St.  Peter's  Church  in  Barclay  street, 
New  York.  The  late  Cardinal  McCloskey,  in 
1868,  when  laying  the  corner-stone  of  the  still 
unfinished  cathedral  on  Lafayette  avenue,  re- 
ferred to  this  when  he  said : 

There  are  many  here  who  hardly  hoped 
to  see  this  day.  Of  that  number  I  can  men- 
tion one,  and  it  is  he  who  now  addresses  you. 
He  well  remembers  the  day  when  there  was 
neither  Catholic  church,  nor  chapel,  nor 
priest,  nor  altar,  in  all  these  surroundings. 
He  remembers  when,  as  a  youth,  when  Sun- 
day morning  came,  he,  as  one  of  a  happy 
group,  wended  his  way  along  the  shore  to 
what  was  then  called  Hick's  Ferry  to  cross 
the  river,  not  in  elegant  and  graceful  steamers 
as  now,  but  in  an  old  and  dingy  horse-boat; 
going,  led  by  the  hand  of  tender  and  loving 
parents,  to  assist  at  the  sacrifice  of  mass  in  the 
old  brick  church  of  St.  Peter's  in  Barclay 

In  fact  it  seems  that  the  rectors  of  St. 
Peter's  looked  upon  Long  Island  as  part  of 
their  parish,  and  for  many  years  were  in  the 
habit  of  sending  priests  across  the  ferry  to 
hold  services  and  perform  the  various  offices 



of  the  church.  Mass  was  celebrated  at  times 
in  private  houses,  and  while  smaller  bodies 
would  have  rushed  in  and  built  a  church  un- 
der the  circumstances,  the  Catholics  were  hin- 
dered from  doing  so  by  the  scarcity  of  priests, 
their  own  poverty  and  the  desire  of  the  church 
authorities  not  to  be  burdened  in  their  spirit- 
ual work  by  hopeless  accumulations  of  debt. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  second  decade  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  however,  the  then  exist- 
ing condition  of  things  was  really  regarded 
as  against  the  interests  of  Roman  Catholicism, 
and  on  January  7,  1822,  a  meeting  was 
held  to  consider  the  advisability  of  undertak- 
ing the  erection  of  a  church  building.  It 
was  then  found  that  only  seventy  of  the  pro- 
posed parishioners  were  able  to  contribute  in 
money  or  in  labor  to  the  project,  but  it  was 
finally  determined  to  proceed.  Cornelius 
Henry  offered  as  a  gift  a  piece  of  property 
at  Court  and  Congress  streets  (afterward, 
1836,  used  as  a  site  for  St.  Paul's  church)  ; 
but  it  was  thought  that  the  eight  lots  at  Jay 
and  Chapel  streets  would  be  much  more  con- 
venient and  these  were  secured.  The  price 
paid  was  $700.  The  erection  of  the  building 
was  at  once  proceeded  with,  and  on  August 
28,  1823,  St.  James'  church  started  in  its 
history.  From  St.  James'  the  church  spread 
out  all  over  the  island.  In  1835  a  chapel 
was  built  in  Flushing,  in  1838  another  at 
Jamaica.  A  preaching  station  was  established 
at  Islip  in  1840,  at  Smithtown,  at  Sag  Har- 
bor and  so  on.  In  1845  there  were  ten  Roman 
Catholic  churches  on  Long  Island :  now  there 
the  eighty-eight  in  the  borough  of  Brooklyn 
alone,  and  twenty-five  in  the  borough  of 

Of  the  other  religious  bodies  we  need  give 
little  more  than  the  dates  of  their  first  being 
represented  by  actual  church  buildings  erected 
by  them.  The  Hebrews  in  Brooklyn  in  1856, 
having  previously  crossed  over  to  New  York 
to  worship,  hired  a  room  which  they  fitted  up 
as  a  synagogue,  and  it  was  retained  until  the 
Synagogue  Beth  Israel  was  built  and  opened 
for  service  in  1862.  The  Unitarians  date  from 
1833,  the  Universalists  from  1841,  and  the 
Lutherans  from  1847. 

A  curious  feature  of  the  story  of  religion 
on  Long  Island  is  the  long  and  patient  strug- 
gle of  the  Swedenborgians.  Dr.  Prime  in  his 
history  spoke  of  their  first  church  as  follows : 
"In  1813  or  1814  a  member  of  the  Congre- 
gational church  at  Baiting  Hollow  by  the 
name  of  Horton  imbibed  the  doctrines  of 
Emanuel  Swedenborg  and  in  181 5  set  up  a 
separate  place  of  worship.  In  1831  a  New 
Jerusalem  church  was  organized,  consisting 
of  thirteen  members.  In  1839  a  house  of 
worship  twenty-four  by  thirty-six  feet  was 
erected,  but  until  recently  Mr.  Horton  has 
been  the  principal  conductor  of  their  services. 
Since  November,  1844,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Carll  has 
been  employed  here  a  part  of  the  time.  From 
fifteen  to  twenty  families  attend.  The  present 
(1845)  number  of  members  is  twenty-four." 

In  1839  one  of  the  members  of  that  church, 
Elijah  Terry,  organized  a  society  in  River- 
head,  with  ten  members.  They  built  a  church 
and  school-house  combined  and  engaged  part 
of  the  labors  of  Rev.  Mr.  Carll,  but  made  no 
further  progress  in  numerical  strength.  It  was 
not  until  1856  that  a  Swedenborgian  church 
was  organized  in  Brooklyn,  and  it  now  has 
three,  with  a  united  membership  of  249. 



aT  is  often  stated  by  newspaper  and 
iiiher  writers — sometimes  even  by 
rei)utable  historical  writers — that  Long 
Island  has  been  free  from  those  per- 
secutions which  form  a  blot  on  the  history 
of  some  of  the  other  sections  of  this  continent. 
Certainly,  they  tell  us,  there  were  persecu- 
tions on  Long  Island' — there  is  no  use  deny- 
ing it — but  they  were  not  such  as  came  from 
the  malignant  passions  of  the  people,  passions 
aroused  by  ignorance,  or  hysterical  enthu- 
siasm, or  prejudice,  or  popular  caprice.  Even 
those  who  admit  the  existence  of  such  a  blot 
assure  us  that  what  persecutions  there  were 
were  official  rather  than  popular.  "It  is  true," 
says  Dr.  Prime  (History,  page  57),  "that  at 
an  early  period  the  Dutch  Government  of  the 
New  Netherland  enacted  severe  laws  against 
the  Quakers  and  other  sects  whom  they  re- 
garded as  heretics ;  and  in  numerous  other  in- 
stances these  laws  were  enforced  with  a  de- 
gree of  cruelty  that  was  shocking  to  every  feel- 
ing of  humanity.  But  the  people  had  no  hand 
in  the  enactment  of  these  laws  and  but  few  "i 
them  could  be  induced  to  take  any  part  in 
their  execution."  But  we  must  remember  that 
these  were  persecutions,  and  also  that  these 
persecutions  were  rendered  possible  in  spite 
of  (he  arbitrary  arid  paternal  rule  of  the  Dutch 
Governors  only  by  the  fact  that  the  people 
either  acquiesced  in  them  or  were  indifferent 
to  them.  Obnoxious  laws — that  is,  laws 
which  were  really  obnoxious  to  the  hearts 
and    consciences    of    the    people — could    not 

easily  be  enforced  in  New  Netherland  even 
in  the  days  of  the  Dutch  regime,  and  a  peo- 
ple who  could  defy  Governor  Stuyvesant  and 
bring  him  to  terms  were  not  likely  to  be 
coerced  into  actively  supporting  any  law  of 
which  they  did  not  more  or  less  heartily  ap- 
prove. The  Director  was  a  powerful  poten- 
tate in  the  days  when  old  Governor  Pietrus 
stumped  about,  but  he  needed  the  help  of  the 
people  when  action  was  necessary. 

There  certainly  were  times  of  persecution 
on  Long  Island,  as  elsewhere;  but  they  were 
never  carried  to  the  same  extent  as  in  many 
parts  of  New  England;  and  indeed  it  seems 
to  us  that  so  long  as  a  man  behaved  himself 
even  in  the  western  end  of  the  island  where 
the  Dutch  influence  was  most  secure,  his  re- 
ligious or  other  sentiments  were  seldom,  if 
ever,  interfered  with.  When  we  went  around 
proclaiming  his  differences  with  the  ruling 
regime,  or  with  the  views  held  by  the  mass 
of  the  people,  then  trouble  began.  In  the 
eastern  end,  where  Puritan  ideas  held  sway, 
each  community  passed  judgment  on  each 
new-comer,  and  if  he  did  not  prove  acceptable 
he  was  told  to  pass  on.  If  he  obeyed  quietly, 
that  was  the  end  of  the  matter.  But  even 
among  the  Long  Island  Puritans  a  Quaker 
or  other  heretic  was  never  persecuted  for 
the  sake  of  his  belief  unless  he  persisted  in 
proclaiming  that  belief  "from  the  housetops."' 

That  was  the  trouble  with  the  Quakers  at 
the  beginning  of  their  story  in  New  Nether- 
land, and  that  really  led  to  all  that  was  done 



against  them  in  the  way  of  persecution  on 
Long  Island.  The  Friends  at  that  time  were 
an  aggressive  body ;  and  in  the  New  World, 
wdiere  they  expected  that  freedom  of  con- 
science would  prevail,  they  never  lost  an  op- 
portunity of  preaching  the  Word  and  pro- 
claiming their  doctrines.  This  aggressiveness 
led  to  their  persecution  in  New  England  and 
to  the  severe  penal  laws  there  enacted  against 
them.  But  penal  laws  have  never  yet  been 
able  to  kill  religious  sentiment.  Even  the 
scaffold  did  not  crush  out  Quakerism  in  Bos- 
ton, and  public  whippings  and  banishments 
and  confiscations  only  served  to  show  that 
these  pe(3ple  were  perfectly  willing  to  suffer 
and  even  to  die  for  the  sake  of  the  dictates 
of  their  conscience.  They  aimed  to  bring 
about  a  universal  religion,  they  had  no  respect 
for  mere  forms,  and  believed  the  spirit  could 
and  did  find  utterr.nce  even  through  the  most 
ignorant  voice,  and  they  put  women,  as  public 
exhorters  and  in  religious  and  all  other  mat- 
ters, on  an  equality  with  men.  They  scowled 
at  form,  at  "isms,"  at  lavishness  in  dress,  and 
at  mere  human  authority,  whether  manifested 
on  a  throne  or  in  a  pulpit.  To  them  the 
theocratic  notions  of  New  England  were  as 
utterly  unworthy  of  regard  as  the  claims  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  or  that  of  England.  It 
was  a  theocracy  founded  on  work ;  their 
theocracy  was  founded  of  the  Spirit;  it  was  a 
theocracy  founded  on  worldly  principles,  on 
arms,  on  oaths,  preserving  social  distinctions 
and  upholding  the  authority  of  the  civil  mag- 
istrate, the  representative  of  royalty,  a  com- 
bination at  once  of  the  cross  and  the  sword ; 
their  theocracy  was  measured  only  by  love. 
Their  ideas  of  religious  toleration  were  com- 
plete and  thoroughgoing,  the  ideas  of  the  Pu- 
ritans on  that  question  were  bounded  by  their 
meeting  places  and  their  church  edicts.  Cer- 
tainly these  early  Quakers  were  extravagant 
in  many  ways,  even  at  times  extravagant 
enough  to  shock  all  sense  of  decency  and  pro- 
priety; but  they  were  terribly  in  earnest  and 
openly  and  vigorously  proceeded,  as  they  de- 
clared the  Spirit  impelled  them,  to  denounce 

what  they  regarded  as  the  shortcomings  of  the 
Puritan  system  as  practiced  in  New  England 
as  soon  as  they  reached  that  favored  land  and 
surveyed  its  fleshpo'ts  and  extravagances.  To 
the  Puritan,  regarding  himself  as  the  most 
perfect  product  of  the  religious  spirit  of  the 
time,  the'  representative  of  the  chosen  prophets 
of  old,  the  highest  development  of  religious 
thought  and  toleration,  the  extravagances  of 
the  Quakers,  and  in  particular  the  e.xtrava- 
graces  of  the  Quaker  women,  were  all  wrong 
and  needed  to  be  repressed  with  a  strong 
hand ;  and  the  strong  hand  at  once  put  forth 
all  its  strength. 

In  August,  1675,  a  boat  arrived  in  New 
York  Bay  from  New  England,  having  on 
board  eleven  Quakers  who  had  been  expelled 
from  that  colony.  Two  of  them,  women,  as 
soon  as  they  landed  in  New  Amsterdam,  began 
preaching  on  the  streets  to  the  astonishment 
and  disgust  of  old  Peter  Stuyvesant,  a 
straight-laced,  single-minded  supporter  of  the 
Dutch  church.  He  did  not  understand  the 
Quakers'  theology,  and  as  they  seemed  to  him 
to  mix  questions  of  public  policy  along  with 
their  religion  he  soon  pronounced  their  senti- 
ments and  ongoings  seditious,  heretical  and 
abominable.  That  settled  the  Quaker  ques- 
tion and  peace  of  mind  in  New  Amsterdam 
for  the  time  being. 

The  Quaker  visitors  soon  scattered  in  pur- 
suance of  their  mission  to  disseminate  their 
doctrines,  but  at  least  one  of  them,  Robert 
Hodgson,  went  to  Long  Island  and  as  he  jour- 
neyed held  conventicles  by  the  way.  He  was 
arrested  for  this  at  Hempstead  and  promptly 
lodged  in  jail,  along  with  two  women  who 
had  entertained  him  in  their  home.  Stuy- 
vesant at  once  ordered  the  three  prisoners  to 
be  sent  to  New  Amsterdam,  where  he  seems 
to  have  released  the  women  after  giving  them 
the  supreme  benefit  of  a  piece  of  his  mind. 
Hodgson,  however,  was  to  feel  the  full  force 
of  the  ire  of  the  doughty  Governor.  He  was 
sentenced  to  two  years'  imprisonment  at  hard 
labor  or  pay  a  fine  of  600  guilders.  Such  a 
fine  was  beyond  his  power  to  liquidate  and  he 



was  quickly  put  to  the  alternative.  Chained  to 
a  wheelbarrov/,  he  was  ordered  to  work,  but 
refused,  and  was  thereupon  lashed  by  a  negro 
until  he  fainted.  He  remained  in  prison  for 
some  months,  scourged  at  frequent  intervals 
until  insensibility  rendered  the  infliction  of 
further  pain  unnecessary,  and  was  humiliated 
in  many  ways.  The  cruelty  practiced  toward 
him  was  brutal  in  the  extreme  and  its  effects 
were  threatening  even  his  life.  Then  from 
sheer  pity  at  his  awful  condition  the  Gover- 
nor's sister  interposed  on  his  behalf  and  he 
was  released,  under  a  new  sentence  of  banish- 
ment from  the  province. 

The  Governor  seems  never  to  have  lost  his 
enmity  to  the  Quakers ;  but  it  is  possible  that 
his  venom  was  aroused  by  his  political  notions 
and  by  reasons  other  than  religious.  He  cer- 
tainly did  not  love  their  religious  views,  yet 
had  they  entertained  these  quietly  it  is  pos- 
sible he  would  not  have  bothered  his  head 
about  them.  But  he  hated  to  see  women 
preaching  in  public,  and  especially  in  the  public 
streets,  and  he  was  opposed  to  conventicles 
or  unauthorized  religious  meetings,  because 
such  gatherings,  especially  among  people  of 
English  birth  or  New  England  associations, 
might  be  used  to  hatch  conspiracies  against 
the  State  or  colony.  So  he  determined  to 
stamp  out  conventicles  whenever  he  found 
them,  paying  particular  attention  to  Long 
Island,  which  was  peculiarly  subject  to  infec- 
tion from  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island. 
Prosecutions  were  accordingly  directed  from 
time  to  time  against  William  and  John  Bowne, 
Henry  Townsend,  John  Townsend,  Samuel 
Spicer,  John  Tilton,  William  Noble,  Edward 
Hart  and  Edward  Feake,  all  of  whom  openly 
confessed  their  adherence  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  Quakers.  Most  of  these  (including 
Spicer,  Tilton  and  the  Bowne  family)  were 
residents  of  Gravesend,  and  several,  it  is  said, 
had  accompanied  Lady  Moody  from  New 
England.  In  fact  her  ladyship's  home  was 
the  headquarters  of  Quakerism,  although  she 
did  not  seem  to  have  embraced  all  its  teacli- 
ings  until  a  later  period  in  her  career. 

The  Townsends  belonged  to  Flushing  and 
the  story  of  their  persecution  was  different 
from  that  of  the  others,  inasmuch  as  it  evoked 
a  spirited  protest  from  their  fellow  citizens. 
On  September  15,  1657,  Henry  Townsend 
was  adjudged  guilty  of  calling  conventicles 
and  fined  eight  pounds  (Flanders),  with  the 
alternative  of  leaving  the  province.  On  the 
news  of  this  becoming  public  the  people  of 
Flushing  and  Jamaica  held  a  public  meeting 
and  drew  up  a  remonstrance  ta  the  Governor 
in  which  they  admonished  him  that  Scriptur- 
ally  he  was  wrong  in  his  policy  of  suppression, 
and  that  he  was  also  acting  in  disregard  of  the 
laws  of  the  Province,  and  against  the  tenor 
and  the  purport  of  the  patent  under  which 
these  two  communities  were  prospering.  This 
document  was  signed  by  Edward  Hart,  the 
clerk  of  the  meeting,  Tobias  Feaks,  the  local 
Sherifif,  and  by  William  Noble,  Nicholas  Par- 
sell,  William  Thorne,  Sr.,  Michael  Milner, 
William  Thorne,  Jr.,  Henry  Townsend,  Nich- 
olas Blackford,  George  Wright,  Edward  Terk, 
John  Foard,  Mirabel  Free,  Henry  Bamtell, 
John  Stoar,  N.  Cole,  Benjamin  Hubbard,  Ed- 
ward Hart,  John  Maidon,  John  Townsend,  Ed- 
ward Farrington,  Philip  Ed,  William  Pidgion, 
George  Blee,  Elias  Doughtre,  Antonie  Field, 
Richard  Horton,  Nathaniel  Coe,  Robert  Field, 
Sr.,  and  Robert  Field,  Jr. 

As  will  be  seen  by  these  names  the  Dutch 
population  seemingly  took  no  interest  in  this 
affair  and  it  was  left  for  those  of  British 
stock  to  take  the  initiative  in  this  skirmish 
for  religious  liberty.  Very  likely  all  of  those 
who  signed  the  document  were  themselves 
Quakers,  or  had  pronounced  leanings  toward 
Quakerism ;  but  be  that  as  it  may  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  so  far  as  the  Dutch  were 
concerned  they  were  heartily  in  accord  with 
the  position  assumed  by  Stuyvesant.  Sheriff 
Feaks  presented  the  remonstrance  to  the  Gov- 
ernor and  was  promptly  arrested.  Farring- 
ton and  Noble,  two  of  the  signers  who  held 
office  as  Magistrates,  were  arrested  as  soon 
as  possible  after  the  redoubtable  Governor 
Peter  had  deciphered  their  names  in  the  re- 



monstrance,  or  Nicasius  De  Sille,  his  Attorney 
General,  had  deciphered  them  for  him.  Clerk 
Hart  was  also  called  in  question,  admitted 
drawing  up  the  remonstrance  and  was  there- 
upon promptly  arrested.  Townsend  was  again 
fined.  On  January  8,  1658,  the  Magistrates 
of  Jamaica  (Rustdorp)  turned  informers  and 
conveyed  word  to  the  irate  Governor  that 
Henry  Townsend  was  still  having  conventicles 
in  his  house.  So  he  was  cited  to  appear  be- 
fore Stuyvesant.  His  brother  John  was  also 
cited,  but  as  his  connection  with  the  whole 
matter  was  not  clear  he  was  held  under  only 
fi2  bail  to  ensure  his  appearance  when  de- 
sired by  the  authorities. 

The  position  of  Henry  was  more  grave, 
and  we   quote   from  Thompson : 

On  the  15th  of  January  Henry  Townsend 
attended  and  was  told  by  the  Attorney  General 
that  as  he  had  treated  the  placards  of  the  Di- 
rector General  and  Council  with  contempt  and 
persisted  in  lodging  Quakers,  he  should  be 
condemned  in  an  amende  of  £100  (Flanders) 
to  be  an  example  for  other  transgressors  and 
contumelious  offenders  of  the  good  order  and 
placards  of  the  Director  General  and  Council 
in  New  Netherland,  and  so  to  remain  ar- 
rested till  the  said  amende  be  paid,  besides 
the  costs  and  mises  of  Justice. 

On  the  28th  Sheriff  Peaks  was  brought 
from  prison,  and  "though,"  says  the  record, 
"he  confessed  he  had  received  an  order  of  the 
Director  General  not  to  admit  into  the  afore- 
said village  (Jamaica)  any  of  that  heretical 
and  abominable  sect  called  Quakers,  or  pro- 
cure them  lodgings,  yet  did  so  in  the  face  of 
the  placards,  and,  what  was  worse,  was  a 
leader  in  composing  a  seditious  and  detestable 
chartabel,  delivered  by  him  and  signed  by  him, 
and  his  accomplices,  wherein  they  justify  the 
abominable  sect  of  the  Quakers,  who  treat  with 
contempt  all  political  and  ecclesiastical  author- 
ity and  undermine  the  foundations  of  all  gov- 
ernment and  religion."  He  was  therefore  de- 
graded from  his  office  and  sentenced  to  be 
banished  or  pay  an  amende  of  200  guilders. 

On  the  26th  of  March,   1658,  the  Gover- 

nor, in  order  to  prevent  as  much  as  possible 
the  consequences  of  Quaker  influence  among 
the  people,  resolved  to  change  the  municipal 
government  of  the  town  of  Flushing,  and 
therefore,  after  formally  pardoning  the  town 
for  its  mutinous  orders  and  resolutions,  an- 
nounced that  "in  future  I  shall  appoint  a 
sheriff,  acquainted  not  only  with  the  Dutch 
language  but  with  Dutch  practical  law,  and 
that  in  future  there  shall  be  chosen  seven  of 
the  most  reasonable  and  respectable  of  the  in- 
habitants to  be  called  tribunes  or  townsmen, 
and  whom  the  sheriff  and  magistrates  shall 
consult  in  all  cases;  and  a  tax  of  twelve 
stivers  per  morgen  is  laid  on  the  inhabitants 
for  the  support  of  an  orthodox  minister,  and 
such  as  do  not  sign  a  written  submission  to 
the  same  in  six  weeks  may  dispose  of  their 
property  at  their  pleasure  and  leave  the  soil 
of  this  government." 

On  the  council  records  of  January  8,  1661 
(says  Thompson),  it  is  stated  that  the  Gov- 
ernor addressed  the  people  of  Jamaica,  in- 
forming them  that  he  had  received  their  peti- 
tion for  a  minister  to  baptize  some  of  their 
children,  and  their  information  that  the  Qua- 
kers and  other  sects  held  private  conventicles. 
He  tells  them  that  he  had  dispatched  his 
deputy  sheriff.  Resolve  Waldron,  and  one  of 
his  clerks,  Nicholas  Bayard,  to  take  notice 
thereof,  and  requiring  the  inhabitants  to  give 
exact  information  where  and  in  what  house 
such  unlawful  conventicles  were  kept,  what 
men  or  women  had  been  present  who  called 
the  meeting,  and  of  all  the  circumstances  ap- 
pertaining thereto.  In  consequence  of  this 
inquisitorial  espionage  of  the  Governor's  dep- 
uty, Henry  Townsend  was  a  third  time 
dragged  to  the  city  and  again  incarcerated  in 
the  dungeons  at  Fort  Amsterdam.  On  the 
day  following  he  and  Samuel  Spicer,  who  had 
also  given  entertainment  to  a  Quaker  at  his 
mother's  house  in  Gravesend,  were  brought 
from  their  loathsome  prison.  It  was  proved 
by  witnesses  procured  for  the  occasion  that 
Townsend  had  given  lodging  to  a  Quaker, 
and  besides  notifying  his  neighbors  had  even 
allowed  him  to  preach  at  his  house  and  in  his 
presence,  also  that  Spicer  was  present  both  at 
the  meeting  at  Jamaica  and  Gravesend  and 
procured    lodging    for    the    Quaker    at    his 



mother's  house.  They  were  accordingly  con- 
demned in  an  amende  of  600  guilders  each, 
in  conformity  to  the  placard  respecting  con- 
venticles, and  to  be  imprisoned  until  such 
amende  be  paid.  And  further,  that  Henry 
Townsend  be  banished  out  of  the  province,  for 
an  example  to  others.  The  widow  Spicer, 
mother  of  Samuel,  was  also  arrested,  accused 
and  condemned  to  an  amende  of  £15  (Flan- 

The  case  of  John  Tilton  and  his  wife, 
Mary,  is  also  interesting.  Tilton  settled  in 
Gravesend  at  the  same  time  as  Lady  Moody 
and  probably  accompanied  her  from  New  Eng- 
land, where  doubtless  he  got  his  first  impres- 
sions of  the  doctrines  of  the  Friends,  the 
"abominable  sect,"  according  to  Stuyvesant, 
"who  vilify  both  the  political  magistrates  and 
the  ministers  of  God"s  holy  Word."  Tilton 
and  his  wife  were  arrested  October  5,  1662, 
and  lodged  in  the  prison  at  Fort  Amsterdam. 
They  remained  in  durance  vile  for  a  few  days, 
when  they  were  brought  before  the  Council, 
found  guilty  of  entertaining  Quakers  and  at- 
tending conventicles  and  ordered  to  leave  the 
province  before  the  20th  of  November  fol- 
lowing, under  the  alternative  penalty  of  being 
publicly  whipped.  Their  sentences  seem  to 
have  been  remitted,  however,  probably  through 
the  influence  of  Lady  Moody,  for  Mary  Tilton 
continued  to  reside  at  Gravesend  until  her 
death,  May  23,  1683,  and  John  Tilton  also 
maintained  his  home  there  until  he,  too,  passed 
away,  in  1688.  He  was,  we  take  it,  a  man 
of  deep  religious  sentiment  and  so  continued 
to  the  end,  most  probably  becoming  more  and 
more  devoted  to  Quakerism  as  the  time  went 
on,  for  by  his  will,  which  he  had  drawn  up 
about  a  year  before  his  death,  he  bequeathed 
a  piece  of  land  as  a  burial  ground  "for  all 
persons  in  ye  everlasting  truthe  of  the  Gos- 

In  many  ways  the  most  notable  of  all 
Stuyvesant's  experiences  with  Quakers  lay 
around  the  case  of  John  Bowne,  of  Flushing, 
not  only  because  the  extreme  measure  which 
he  adopted  showed  the  malignancy  of  his  feel- 

ings toward  these  people,  but  because  it 
brought  down  upon  him,  what  he  probably 
felt  more  keenly  than  he  could  any  other  form 
of  misfortune,  a  clear-cut  rebuke  from  his 
home  Government  and  the  nullification  of  the 
sentence  he  imposed. 

On  September  i,  1662,  Bowne  was  ar- 
rested, and  on  the  14th  of  that  month  the 
Governor  and  his  Council  considered  his  case 
and  imposed  a  fine  of  £25  on  his  being  found 
guilty  of  lodging  Quakers  and  permitting 
conventicles  to  be  held  in  his  house.  Being 
a  man  of  substance,  he  was  permitted  at  once 
to  go  at  large ;  but  as  he  showed  no  intention 
of  paying  his  fine  he  was  again  arrested.  On 
Bowne  peremptorily  refusing  to  pay,  the  Gov- 
ernor determined  to  make  a  terrible  example 
of  him  and  ordered  him  to  be  deported  to 
Holland  and  there  be  punished  by  the  highest 
authorities  and  in  a  manner  in  keeping  with 
the  enormity  of  the  case.  Accompanying 
Bowne  was  a  formal  letter  on  his  offense, 
drawn  up  by  the  Governor  and  Council  and 
addressed  to  the  Directors  of  the  West  India 
Company,  "honorable,  right  respectable  gentle- 
men," Stuyvesant  called  them. 

In  the  communication  the  authorities  were 
told  how  the  Governor's  "placards"  against 
Quakerism  were  treated  with  contempt,  how 
the  local  authorities  complained  about  the 
"unsufferable  obstinacy"  of  these  people^  and 
so  forth.  "Among  others  as  one  of  their 
principal  leaders,  named  John  Bowne,  who  for 
his  transgressions  was,  in  conformity  to  the 
placards,  condemned  in  an  amende  of  150' 
guilders  in  seawant,  who  has  been  placed  un- 
der arrest  more  than  three  months  for  his 
unwillingness  to  pay,  obstinately  persisting 
in  his  refusal,  in  which  he  still  continues,  so 
that  we  at  last  resolved,  or  rather  were  com- 
pelled, to  transport  him  in  ship  from  this 
province  in  the  hope  that  others  might,  by  it, 
be  discouraged.  If,  nevertheless,  by  these 
means  no  more  salutary  impression  i,S'  made 
upon  others,  we  shall,  though  against  our  in- 
clinations, be  compelled  to  prosecute  such 
persons  in  a  more  severe  manner,  on  which 



we  previously  solicit  to  be  favored  with  your 
honors'  wise  and   far-seeing  judgment." 

Bowne's  case  was  patiently  investigated 
by  the  West  India  Company  at  Amsterdam, 
and  he  was  finally  set  at  liberty  and  declared 
free  to  return  to  his  home  across  the  sea 
whenever  he  so  listed.  Besides,  the  company 
sent  the  Governor  a  letter,  dated  Amster- 
dam, April  6,  1663,  conveying  a  most  severe 
and  pointed  rebuke  for  his  entire  policy 
against  the  Quakers,  saying,  "Although  it  is 
our  anxious  desire  that  similar  and  other  sec- 
tarians (Quakers,  etc.)  may  not  be  found 
among  us,  yet  we  doubt  extremely  the  policy 
of  adopting  rigorous  measures  against  them. 
In  the  youth  of  your  existence  you  ought 
rather  to  encourage  than  check  the  popula- 
tion of  the  colony.  The  consciences  of  men 
ought  to  be  free  and  unshackeled  as  long 
as  they  continue  moderate,  peaceable,  inof- 
fensive and  not  hostile  to  the  Government. 
Such  have  been  the  maxims  of  prudence  and 
toleration  by  which  the  Magistrates  of  this 
city  have  been  governed,  and  the  consequences 
have  been  that  the  oppressed  and  persecuted 
of  every  country  have  found  among  us  an 
asylum  from  distress.  Follow  in  the  same 
steps  and  you  will  be  blessed." 

The  blood  in  Peter  Stuyvesant's  veins 
doubtless  bounded  with  such  vigor  when  he 
read  this  stinging  but  polite  rebuke  that  he 
must  have  felt  it  circulate  even  in  the  silver 
ferrule  of  his  wooden  leg!  We  can  imagine 
how  he  swore ;  but  it  was  the  beginning  of 
the  end;  his  reign  was  virtually  over  and  his 
whims  and  prejudices  and  opinions  were  be- 
ginning to  lose  their  authority.  L^nknown  to 
him  then,  the  enemy  was  almost  at  his  gates, 
and  by  the  time  John  Bowne  reached  New 
Amsterdam  on  his  return  from  Europe  the 
Province  was  in  the  hands  of  the  British  and 
Stuyvesant  had  retired  to  his  Bouwerie,  to 
nurse  his  wrath  and  moralize  over  his  fallen 
greatness  as  best  he  could.  It  is  said  that  he 
afterward  acquired  a  measure  of  respect  for 
Bowne  and  was  impelled  to  regard  him  as  a 
good,   honest  citizen.     That  we  doubt.     But 

the  Governor  was  himself  an  honest  man,  a 
man  of  undoubted  courage,  and  he  probably 
could  not  help  entertaining  a  feeling  of  ad- 
miration for  the  man  who  had  worsted  him 
in  the  height  of  his  power  and  had  drawn 
down  upon  him  the  frowns  of  those  whom  he 
duteously  regarded  as  "the  salt  of  the  earth." 
But  Governor  Stuyvesant  was  not  the  only 
persecutor  of  the  Quakers  in  Long  Island. 
The  same  prejudice  existed  in  the  eastern  di- 
vision of  the  island  against  these  people  that 
existed  in  the  west  where  the  Dutch  ruled, 
possibly  because  the  people  in  the  east  were 
in  touch  with  the  dwellers  in  New  England, 
and  the  stories  of  the  doings  of,  and  against, 
these  religious  enthusiasts  aroused  the  same 
sentiment  of  animosity  east  of  Oyster  Bay 
that  existed  in  Boston  and  Rhode  Island.  We 
find  a  notable  instance  of  this  in  the  history 
of  Southold.  One  of  the  most  outspoken  and 
troublesome  of  the  New  England  Quakers, 
Humphrey  Norton,  made  a  name  for  himself 
there  by  the  force  of  his  denunciations  against 
the  Puritan  preachers  and  by  the  assiduity 
with  which  he  wrote  insulting  letters  to  the 
Magistrates  wherever  he  sojourned.  He  had 
no  sooner  reached  Southold  on  his  travels  than 
he  went  to  its  church,  interrupted  good  old 
Dominie  Youngs  in  his  discourse,  denounced 
the  local  authorities,  and  raised  a  disturbance 
all  around.  This  was  more  than  Southold 
could  endure :  so  Norton  was  at  once  placed 
in  confinement  and  as  soon  as  possible  sent 
to  Connecticut  for  trial.  That  event  took  place 
in  March,  1658,  when  he  was  duly  convicted, 
after  conducting  himself  in  "an  insolent  and 
boisterous"  way  in  the  presence  of  the  judges. 
After  careful  consideration  these  Solons  de- 
clared that  "the  least  they  could  do  and  dis- 
charge good  conscience  towards  God"  was  to 
order  Norton  to  pay  a  fine  of  £20,  to  be 
severely  whipped,  to  be  branded  with  the  letter 
H  upon  his  hand,  and  then  to  be  banished 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court.  This  was 
a  pretty  cumulative  array  of  punishments; 
but  certainly  Norton's  manner  and  methods 
were  not  such  as  to  inspire  much  sympathy 



for  his  religious  views ;  and  in  his  case,  at  ail 
events,  he  was  probably  punished  as  much  for 
being  a  general  disturber  of  the  peace,  and 
for  his  outspoken  contempt  for  the  lawful 
rulers  of  the  people,  as  for  his  theological 
tenets.  In  the  eastern  end  of  the  island  the 
Quakers  were  regarded  as  malefactors  and 
as  people  to  be  shuned,  but  this  seems  to 
have  been  the  only  instance  when  the  law  was 
invoked  against  one  of  them  and  pushed  to 
its  limit.  But  it  was  not  for  nearly  a  century 
later  that  the  animus  against  the  Friends  sub- 
sided, and  by  that  time  these  people  had  them- 
selves thrown  off  much  of  the  vehemence  and 
angularities  which  had  for  a  long  time  raised 
up  enemies  against  them  wherever  they  went. 

Under  the  British  Government  they  found 
no  more  scope  for  their  antics  than  they  had 
experienced  under  doughty  old  Peter.  In  the 
opening  of  the  eighteenth  century  we  read  of 
a  case  which  created  a  great  deal  of  interest 
in  its  day,  and  with  a  recapitulation  of  its  in- 
cidents we  may  fittingly  close  this  section  of 
the  present   chapter. 

(Joe  of  the  strangest  and  most  erratic  of 
the  early  preachers  in  America  was  George 
Keith,  who  was  born  at  Aberdeen,  Scotland,  in 
1645.  He  was  educated  at  Mareschal  College, 
with  the  view  of  becoming  a  Presbyterian 
clergyman.  Soon  after  he  was  graduated, 
Keith  renounced  Presbyterianism  and  joined 
the  Society  of  Friends.  He  was  then  induced 
by  the  leading  Quakers  in  his  native  city  to 
emigrate  to  America,  with  the  view  not  only 
of  improving  his  own  temporal  position  but 
also  of  helping  to  spread  their  doctrines  in 
the  New  World.  He  arrived  at  New  YorJc 
in  1684,  and  for  four  years  was  Surveyor  of 
New  Jersey.  In  1689  he  removed  to  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  conducted  a  Friends'  school, 
but  that  occupation  was  too  quiet  and  monot- 
onous to  suit  his  notions,  and  he  soon  gave  it 
up.  We  next  find  him  traveling  through  the 
country  like  a  Quaker  Don  Quixote  trying  to 
win  people  over  to  the  views  of  the  Society. 
In  New  England  he  engaged  in  heated  con- 
troversies    with     Increase     Mather,     Cotton 

Mather  and  others,  and  he  made  considerable 
commotion,  but,  so,  far  as  can  be  made  out, 
few  converts.  On  his  return  to  Philadelphia, 
being  in  a  belligerent  mood,  he  quarreled  with 
the  Quakers  there,  the  quarrel  being  undoubt- 
edly caused  by  his  own  infirm  temper,  his  own 
sense  of  the  failure  of  his  mission,  and  to 
some  peculiar  innovations  he  advocated  and 
which  none  of  the  brethren  seemed  disposed 
to  listen  to.  Then  he  went  to  England  and 
laid  his  whole  case  before  William  Penn ;  but 
that  leader  denounced  him  as  an  apostate  and 
Keith  was  excommunicated  from  the  Society, 
as  completely  as  the  gentle  Quakers  could 
excommunicate  anybody. 

Then  Keith  founded  a  religious  denomina- 
tion of  his  own,  which  he  called  the  Christian 
or  Baptist  Quakers  (properly  called  the 
Keithians),  and  in  which  he  had  a  chance  for 
ventilating  some  original  views  he  held  on 
the  millennium  and  concerning  the  transmi- 
gration of  souls.  The  Keithians,  however,  did 
not  hold  long  together,  and  in  1701  its  founder 
was  a  full-fledged  and  enthusiastic  minister 
of  the  Church  of  England!  Here,  probably, 
because  years  had  softened  the  natural  con- 
tentiousness of  his  disposition,  or  the  church 
itself  allowed  more  latitude  for  individual 
views  on  various  doctrinal  matters,  he  found 
a  secure  foothold.  Nay,  more,  he  found  an 
opportunity  for  repaying  the  Society  of 
Friends  for  its  rather  summary  treatment  of 
him.  He  was  sent  as  a  missionary  to  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  Jersey,  with  the  view  of 
converting,  or  perverting,  as  many  Quakers 
as  possible,  and  he  afterward  was  wont  to 
boast  that  in  that  expedition  some  700  Friends 
were  by  his  instrumentality  received  into  com- 
munion with  the  English  Church.  It  was  then 
that  he  visited  Long  Island.  Soon  after  his 
return  to  England  he  was  appointed  vicar  of 
Edburton,  in  Essex,  and  in  that  beautiful 
parish  his  declining  years  were  spent  in  tran- 

Keith  was  a  man  of  a  decidedly  superior 
cast  of  intellect,  an  eloquent  and  attractive 
speaker  and  preacher,  an  able  and  ready  con- 



troversialist,  and,  but  for  his  choleric  disposi- 
tion, would  have  lived  a  life  of  more  than 
ordinary  usefulness  and  might  even  Imve  at- 
tained to  real  power  and  eminence.  He  was 
a  voluminous  writer,  and  in  the  fifty  or  more 
volumes,  some  in  bulky  quarto,  or  pamphlets 
which  we  know  to  have  come  from  his  pen, 
we  can  trace  the  current  of  his  religious  views 
through  all  their  changes.  He  appears  in 
them  all  to  have  been  singularly  honest,  made 
no  attempt  to  conceal  or  belittle  his  own  de- 
nominational changes  and  even  published  re- 
tractions of  his  own  published  writings.  His 
later  works  were  mainly  taken  up  with  what 
he  regarded  as  the  fallaciousness  of  Quaker- 
ism, and  he  attacked  the  Society  of  Friends 
from  every  point  of  view  and  with  the  utmost 
savagery ! 

On  March  24,  1702,  Samuel  Bownas  left 
England,  as  a  missionary  from  the  Society  of 
Friends,  and  landed  at  Baltimore.  From  there 
after  a  while  he  started  out  on  a  preaching  ex- 
pedition, but  wherever  he  went  he  was  fol- 
lowed by  Keith,  who  by  that  time  had  fairly 
entered  upon  his  campaign  against  his  former 
co-religionists,  and  the  two  passed  through 
Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  to  Long  Island, 
the  one  preaching  the  Gospel  of  love,  the  other 
virtually  the  "gospel"  of  hate.  At  Hempstead, 
on  November  21,  1702,  Bownas  preached  in 
the  home  of  Thomas  Pearsall.  Then  know- 
ing the  despicable  attitude  of  the  reigning 
Governor,  Lord  Cornbury,  toward  all  shades 
of  sectarianism,  Keith,  finding  he  could  silence 
Bownas  in  no  other  way,  manipulated  matters 
so  that  information  of  the  meeting  should  be 
laid  before  the  magistracy.  As  a  result  Bow- 
nas was  arrested  on  November  29,  while  en- 
gaged in  a  "conventicle"  in  a  house  at  Flush- 
ing. He  was  taken  to  Jamaica  and  given  an 
examination  before  Justices  Joseph  Smith., 
Edward  Burroughs,  John  Smith  and  Jonathan 
Whitehead;  but  the  result  of  the  hearing  was 
never  in  doubt,  although  it  is  said  that  White- 
head not  only  sympathized  with  the  prisoner 
but  would  have  set  him  at  liberty.  He  was 
■ordered  to  give  bail  in  £2,000  to  answer,  but 

he  replied  that  he  would  give  no  bail,  not  even 
were  it  reduced  to  three-half  pence.  Justice 
Whitehead  expressed  his  willingness  to  pro- 
vide the  bail,  but  the  prisoner  remained  ob- 
durate and  was  sent  to  prison  for  three 
months.  He  passed  the  days  of  his  incarcera- 
tion in  learning  how  to  make  shoes,  in  which 
he  ultimately  became  so  proficient  that  he  was 
able  to  earn  fifteen  shillings  a  week  and  so 
support  himself  wherever  he  went. 

In  February,  1703,  Bownas  was  duly 
brought  to  trial  at  a  special  Oyer  and  Ter- 
miner Court  held  in  Jamaica,  with  Chief  Jus- 
tice Bridges  and  Justices  Robert  Miller, 
Thomas  Willet,  John  Jackson  and  Edward 
Burroughs  as  associates.  A  grand  jury  was 
impanelled,  consisting  of  Richard  Cornell, 
Ephraim  Goulding,  John  Clayer,  Isaac  Hicks, 
Robert  Hubbs,  Reginald  Mott,  Richard  Val- 
entine, Nathaniel  Coles,  Joseph  Dickerson, 
Isaac  Doughty,  Samuel  Emery,  John  Smith, 
John  Sering,  John  Oakley,  Samuel  Hallet, 
Richard  Alsop,  John  Hunt,  James  Clement  and 
William  Bloodgood,  men  whose  memory 
should  ever  he  held  in  honor  by  all  who  value 
the  blessings  of  religious  liberty  and  tolera- 
tion. An  indictment  against  Bownas  was  pre- 
scribed to  this  Grand  Jury  for  consideration 
and  approval,  but  it  was  returned  to  the 
bench  indorsed  "Ignoramus,"  the  legal  term 
formerly  used  on  a  bill  of  indictment  when 
there  was  not  deemed  sufficient  evidence  to 
convict  or  sufficient  ground  to  form  an  of- 
fense. The  Judges  appear  to  have  stormed 
and  threatened,  but  the  members  of  the  Grand 
Jury  not  only  remained  unmoved  but  even 
threatened  the  Judges  in  their  turn.  Bownas 
was  re-committed  to  prison.  Judge  Bridges 
ordering  him  to  be  confined  more  closely  than 
ever  and  threatening  even  to  send  him  to  Eng- 
land in  chains.  The  little  crisis  created  quite 
a  commotion  and  Keith  made  it  the  excuse 
for  issuing  a  pamphlet  on  the  case  full  of  the 
vituperation  of  which  he  was  such  a  master 
and  which  so  vilified  Bownas  that  it  defeated 
its  purpose  and  added  to  the  number  of  the 
Quaker's  friends.     One  of  the  Grand  Jurors, 



Thomas  Hicks,  visited  Bownas  in  prison  and 
comforted  him  to  the  best  of  his  abiHty,  assur- 
ing him  that  the  threat  to  send  him  to  England 
could  not  be  carried  out,  as  it  was  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  laws  of  the  province.  De- 
spite his  many  friends,  however,  Bownas  re- 
mained in  close  confinement  until  October, 
when  he  again  faced  a  grand  jury.  It  also 
considered  his  case,  indorsed  the  word  "Ignor- 
amus" across  the  indictment  and  he  was  ac- 
cordingly discharged  from  custody  and  legal 

The  movement  against  witchcraft  which  is 
such  a  foul  disgrace  in  the  history  of  New 
England  as  well  as  of  old  England,  may  well 
be — as  it  often  is — put  down  among  the  list  of 
religious  persecutions  which,  together  or  sin- 
gly, darken  the  story  of  the  Christian  religion. 
In  the  case  of  witchcraft  there  was  added  not 
only  the  horror  of  an  alleged  association  with 
the  Prince  of  Darkness  and  his  cohorts,  and 
the  implied  upsetting  of  all  goodness  and 
piety, but  also  a  sense  of  personal  danger  which 
brought  the  resultant  malignant  horrors  of 
witchcraft  into  the  homes  even  of  the  humblest 
people,  and  so  imposed  on  all  the  duty  of 
suppressing  it  not  alone  by  the  meshes  of  the 
law  but  also  by  any  means  which  might  safely 
bring  it  about.  The  witch,  unlike  the  Quaker, 
was  not  alone  the  enemy  of  the  magistrate 
and  the  minister,  but  of  all  classes  of  the  peo- 
ple, for  the  spells  and  cantrips  of  all  those 
who  had  sold  themselves  to  the  Evil  One  were 
directed  as  freely  against  the  babe  in  the 
cradle,  the  woman  engaged  in  her  household 
duties,  the  farmer  in  the  field,  against  the  live 
stock,  the  growing  crop,  the  ship  at  sea,  as 
against  those  who  held  high  places,  those  who 
made  and  enacted  the  laws ;  against  the  man- 
sion, the  cottage.  Therefore  we  can  understand 
how,  when  the  delusion  against  witchcraft 
once  seized  the  popular  mind,  it  aroused  pas- 
sions and  instigated  cruelties  to  an  extent  at 
which  in  the  present  day  we  wonder  and 

To  the  credit  of  Long  Island  be   it  said 

that  while  the  people  there  seemed  to  fully 
realize  all  the  imputations  against  witchcraft, 
to  believe  in  them,  and  to  possess  a  fair  share 
of  the  element  of  superstition  which  seems  to 
enter  into  the  human  mental  make-up  in  spite 
of  education,  of  experience,  of  the  dictates  of 
science  and  common  sense,  they  did  not  pro- 
ceed to  any  of  the  outrageous  excesses  which 
disfigure  the  annals,  for  instance,  of  Boston. 
We  do  not  read  of  torturings  and  persecutions 
and  indignities  and  wanton  insults  which 
throw  such  a  hideous  haze  over  the  story  of 
New  England's  greatness.  Still  the  craze 
found  root  in  what  we  now  call  the  Empire 
State  and  its  most  noted  local  instances  form 
part  of  the  record  of  Long  Island.  The  most 
curious  of  these  took  place  in  1660,  when 
Mary  Wright  was  arrested  in  Oyster  Bay 
charged  with  having  sold  herself  to  Satan 
and  with  practicing  witchcraft.  We  know 
nothing  of  the  details  of  her  alleged  crimes 
and  misdemeanors,  but  local  gossip  and  in- 
herent fear  doubtless  called  aloud  for  her. con- 
viction. She  was  old,  and  poor,  and  ignorant, 
and  apparently  without  any  friends.  The  local 
Dogberrys  sat  in  judgment  on  her  case,  but, 
after  due  cogitation,  concluded  it  was  too  in- 
volved to  be  understood  by  them  or  too  dia- 
bolical in  its  nature  for  them  to  inflict  a  severe 
enough  punishment.  Possibly,  too,  they  want- 
ed to  get  rid  of  a  case  which  seemed  to  be 
full  of  trouble  all  around  and  in  which  any 
punishment  they  should  inflict  might  by  some 
unseen  agency  result  in  their  own  spiritual 
and  natural  undoing.  So  they  resolved  to 
steer  clear  of  it  altogether  and  sent  the  poor 
woman  for  trial  to  the  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, where  all  the  most  absolute  and  up- 
to-date  methods  of  detecting  witchcraft  were 
employed  with  the  most  perfect  results.  There 
she  was  conducted  and  in  due  time  tried ;  but 
as  no  evidence  could  be  found  she  was  ac- 
quitted. Her  evil  fate,  however,  still  pursued 
her,  for  she  was  no  sooner  cleared  of  the 
charge  of  being  a  witch  than  she  was  accused 
of  being  a  Quaker,  and  on  that  grave  indict- 



ment  she  was  tried,  found  guilty,  sentenced 
to  banishment,  and  so  passes  from  our  view. 

Somewhat  similar  in  several  of  its  details 
was  the  case  of  Goody  Garlicke  of  Easthamp- 
ton,  who,  in  1657,  was  arrested  and  hailed 
before  the  magistrates  of  that  town  charged 
with  practicing  witchcraft.  The  evidence 
against  her  was  held  to  be  remarkably  clear 
and  involved  among  other  details  the  death 
of  a  child.  Goody,  before  her  marriage  to 
John  Garlicke,  had  been  employed  as  a  do- 
mestic in  the  house  of  Lion  Gardiner.  One  of 
the  other  women  servants  employed  about  the 
place  had  taken  an  Indian  child  to  nurse  for 
the  sake  of  some  small  remuneration  therefor, 
and  in  doing  so  had  starved  her  own  child 
who  pined  away  and  died.  To  shield  herself 
from  the  consequences  of  her  own  cruelty  and 
neglect  she  ascribed  the  death  of  her  child  to 
witchcraft  and  in  due  time  openly  accused 
Goody  of  being  the  witch.  From  this,  how- 
ever, she  was  ultimately  cleared  by  the  evi- 
dence, of  Lion  Gardiner,  who  openly  accused 
the  mother  of  being  a  murderess.  The  mag- 
istrates of  Easthampton,  however,  with  the 
evidence  before  them,  entertain  no  doubt  of 
Goody's  guilt,  but,  owing  to  the  heinousness 
of  the  crime,  ordered  the  case  sent  to  the  Gen- 
eral Court  at  Hartford  for  final  adjudication. 
There  the  matter  seemed  to  have  somehow 
ended.  It  is  indeed  doubtful  if  Goody  was 
really  deported  to  Hartford,  and  probably  the 
influence  of  Gardiner  saved  her  from  further 
legal  persecution,  if  it  did  not  restore  her  to  the 
good  opinion  and  confidence  of  her  neighbors 
and  gossips. 

Brookhaven  furnishes  us  with  a  case  which 
gives  us  a  much  clearer  view  than  do  either 
of  the  above  of  the  manner  in  which  such 
prosecutions  were  carried  on.  In  1665  Ralph 
Hall  and  his  wife  were  suspected  by  their 
neighbors  at  Setauket  with  practicing  witch- 
craft, and  probably  Dominie  Brewster,  a  de- 
scendant of  one  of  the  Pilgrims  and  a  Puritan 
of  the  strictest  school,  believed  in  their  guilt 
or  otherwise  the  case  would  never  have  reach- 
ed the  stage  of  public  trial.     As  in  the  other 

cases  the  local  authorities  declined  the  final 
adjudication  of  the  matter  and  after  a  hearing 
the  prisoners  were  sent  to  New  York.  There 
the  trial  came  off  Oct.  2,  1665,  before  a  jury 
composed,  as  will  be  seen,  of  six  men  belong- 
ing to  Long  Island  and  six  from  the  city  of 
New  York.  We  copy  the  account  of  the  trial 
wiiich  appears  in  O'Callaghan's  "Documentary 
History,"  vol.  4,  page  133 : 

At  ye  Court  of  Assizes  held  in  New  Yorke 
ye  2d  day  of  October  1665  &c. 

The  Tryall  of  Ralph  Hall  and  Mary  his 
wife,  upon  suspicion  of  Witchcraft. 

The  names  of  the  Persons  who  served  on 
the  Grand  Jury:  Thomas  Baker,  fforeman  of 
ye  Jury,  of  East  Hampton ;  Capt.  John  Sy- 
monds  of  Hempsteed ;  Mr.  Hallet,  Anthony 
Waters,  Jamaica ;  Thomas  Wandall  of  Marsh- 
path  Kills  ;  Mr.  Nicolls  of  Stamford  ;  Balthazer 
de  Haart,  John  Garland,  Jacob  Leisler,  An- 
thonio  de  Mill,  Alexander  Munro,  Thomas 
Searle,  of  New  Yorke. 

The  Prisoners  being  brought  to  the  Barr 
by  Allard  Anthony,  Sheriffe  of  New  Yorke, 
This  following  Indict  was  read,  first  against 
Ralph  Hall  and  then  agst  Mary  his  wife,  vizt. 

The  Constable  and  Overseers  of  the  Towne 
of  Seatallcott,  in  the  East  Riding  of  York- 
shire upon  Long  Island,  Do  Present  for  our 
soveraigne  Lord  the  King,  That  Ralph  Hall 
of  Seatallcott  aforesaid,  upon  ye  25th  day  of 
December ;  being  Christmas  day  last,  was 
Twelve  Monthes,  in  the  15th  yeare  of  the 
Raigne  of  our  Soveraigne  Lord,  Charles  ye 
Second,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  Eng- 
land, Scotland,  ffrance  and  Ireland,  Defender 
of  the  ffaith  &c,  and  severall  other  dayes  and 
times  since  that  day,  by  some  detestable  and 
wicked  Arts,  commonly  called  Witchcraft  and 
Sorcery,  did  (as  is  suspected)  maliciously  and 
feloniously,  practice  and  Exercise  at  the  said 
Towne  of  Seatalcott  in  the  East  Riding  of 
Yorkshire  on  Long  Island  aforesaid,  on  the 
Person  of  George  Wood,  late  of  the  same 
place  by  which  wicked  and  detestable  Arts,  the 
said  George  Wood  (as  is  suspected)  most 
dangerously  and  mortally  sickned  and  lan- 
guished. And  not  long  after  by  the  aforesaid 
wicked  and  detestable  Arts,  the  said  George 
Wood   (as  is  likewise  suspected)    dyed. 

Moreover,  The  Constable  and  overseers  of 
the  said  Towne  of  Seatalcott,  in  the  East  Rid- 
ing of  Yorkshire  upon  Long  Island  aforesaid, 
do  further  Present  for  our  Soveraigne  Lord 



the  King,  That  some  while  after  the  death  of 
the  aforesaid  George  Wood,  The  said  Ralph 
Hall  did  (as  is  suspected)  divers  times  by  ye 
like  wicked  and  detestable  Arts,  commonly 
called  Witchcraft  and  Sorcery,  Maliciously 
and  feloniously  practise  and  Exercise  at  the 
said  Towne  of  Seatalcott,  in  the  East  Riding 
of  Yorkshire  upon  Long  Island  aforesaid,  on 
the  Person  of  an  Infant  Childe  of  Ann  Rogers, 
widdow  of  ye  aforesaid  George  Wood  deceas- 
ed, by  wh  wicked  and  detestable  Arts,  the  said 
Infant  Childe  (as  is  suspected)  most  danger- 
ously &  mortally  sickned  and  languished,  and 
not  long  after  by  the  said  Wicked  and  de- 
testable Arts  (as  is  likewise  suspected)  dyed. 
And  so  ye  said  Constable  and  Overseers  do 
Present,  That  the  said  George  Wood,  and  the 
sd  Infante  sd  Childe  by  the  wayes  and 
meanes  aforesaid,  most  wickedly  maliciously 
and  feloniously  were  (as  is  suspected)  mur- 
dered by  the  said  Ralph  Hall  at  the  times 
and  place  aforesaid,  agst  ye  Peace  of  Our 
Soveraigne  Lord  ye  King  and  against  the 
Laws  of  this  Government  in  such  Cases  Pro- 

The  like  Indictmt  was  read,  against  Marv 
the  wife  of  Ralph  Hall. 

There  upon,  severall  Depositions,  accusing 
ye  Prisonrs  of  ye  fact  for  which  they  were 
endicted  were  read,  but  no  witnesse  appeared 
to  give  Testimony  in  Court  vive  voce. 

Then  the  Clarke  calling  upon  Ralph  Hall, 
bad  him  hold  up  his  hand,  and  read  as  follows  : 

Ralph  Hall  thou  standest  here  indicted, 
for  that  having  not  ye  feare  of  God  before 
thine  eyes.  Thou  did'st  upon  the  25th  day  of 
December,  being  Christmas  day  last  was  12 
moneths,  and  at  seu'all  other  times  since,  as 
is  suspected,  by  some  wicked  and  detestable 
Arts,  commonly  called  witchcraft  and  Sorcery, 
maliciously  and  feloniously  practice  and  Exer- 
cise, upon  the  Bodyes  of  George  Wood,  an 
Infant  Childe  of  Ann  Rogers,  by  which  said 
Arts,  the  said  George  Wood  and  the  Infant 
Childe  (as  is  suspected)  most  dangerously 
and  mortally  fell  sick,  and  languisht  unto 
death.  Ralph  Hall,  what  dost  thou  say  for 
thyselfe,  art  thou  guilty,  or  not  guilty? 

Marv  the  wife  of  Ralph  Hall  was  called 
upon  in  like  manner. 

They  both  Pleaded  not  guilty  and  threw 
themselves  to  bee  Tried  bv  God  and  the  Coun- 

Whereupon,  their  case  was  referr'd  to  ye 
Jury,  who  brought  in  to  the  Court,  the  follow- 
ing verdict  vizt: 

Wee  having  seriously  considered  the  Case 

committed  to  our  Charge,  against  ye  Prisoners 
at  the  Barr,  and  having  well  weighed  ye  Evi- 
dence, of  what  the  woman  is  Charged  with, 
but  nothing  considerable  of  value  to  take  away 
her  life.  But  in  reference  to  the  man  wee 
finde  nothing  considerable  to  charge  him  with. 
The  Court  there  upon  gave  this  sentence. 
That  the  man  should  bee  bound  Body  and 
Goods  for  his  wive's  Appearance,  at  the  next 
Sessions,  and  so  on  from  Sessions  to  Sessions 
as  long  as  they  stay  within  this  Government, 
In  the  meanwhile  to  bee  of  ye  good  Behavior. 
So  they  were  return 'd  into  the  Sheriffs  Cus- 
tody and  upon  Entring  into  a  Recognizance, 
according  to  the  Sentence  of  the  Court,  they 
were  released. 

The  end  of  the  case  was  reached  some 
three  years  later,  when  Governor  Nicolls  per- 
emptorily removed  it  from  further  legal  con- 
sideration by  issuing  the  following  order: 

A  Release  to  Ralph  Hall  &  Mary  his  wife 
from  ye  Recognizance  they  entered  into  at  the 

These  Are  to  Certify  all  whom  it  may 
Concerne  That  Ralph  Hall  &  Mary  his  wife 
(at  present  living  upon  Great  Minifords  Isl- 
and) are  hereby  released  acquitted  from  any 
&  all  Recognizances,  bonds  of  appearance  or 
other  obligations — entred  into  by  them  or 
either  of  them  for  the  peace  or  good  behavior 
upon  account  of  any  accusation  or  Indictment 
upon  suspition  of  Witch  Craft  brought  into 
the  Cort  of  Assizes  against  them  in  the  year 
1665.  There  haueving  beene  no  direct  proofes 
nor  furthr  prosecucon  of  them  or  either  of 
them  since — Giuen  undr  my  hand  at  Fort 
James  in  New  Yorke  this  21st  day  of  Aug- 
ust, 1668.  R.  NICOLLS. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  influence  of  the 
Dutch  preachers  as  well  as  the  presence  among 
the  population  of  so  much  Dutch  pi-actical 
common  sense  not  only  prevented  the  spread 
of  the  witchcraft  craze  to  the  western  end 
of  the  island  but  exerted  a  material  influence 
in  averting  its  wild  development  in  the  eastern 
section.  Indeed  the  Dutch  influence  was 
everywhere  sturdily  set  against  it  and  it  is 
to  this  factor  more  than  to  anything  else  that 
the  State  of  New  York  is  free  from  a  re- 
proach which  darkens  the  bright  pages  of  the 
record  of  so  many  other  places  in  the  Old 
World  and  the  New. 



IMOXG  the  curiosities  which  the  his- 
tory of  Long  Island  brings  before 
us,  none  is  more  interesting  than  the 
story  of  the  noted  pirate,  Captain 
Kidd,  whose  name  was  and  is  more  or  less 
closely  associated  with  every  wild  and  dan- 
gerous-looking nook  and  eddy  of  its  ex- 
tensive coast  line  north  and  south.  The 
historians  have  not  dealt  kindly  with  the  mem- 
ory of  Capt.  Kidd,  and  so  far  as  our  reading 
goes  not  one  of  them  has  found  a  single  re- 
deeming feature  in  his  character  on  which 
to  base  a  word  of  praise  or  a  sentiment  of 
regret  at  the  outcome  of  his  strange  career. 
He  was  a  pirate,  pure  and  simple,  with  all 
the  usual  attributes  of  his  class,  was  captured 
and  hanged  and  by  his  ignominious  death  sat- 
isfied the  ends  of  justice:  such  is  the  popular 
and  historical  summing  up.  The  many  vague 
stories  afloat  concerning  him,  most  of  which 
gives  a  human  touch  to  his  character,  are 
cavalierly  dismissed  without  a  thought  of  in- 
vestigation, by  a  wave  of  the  hand,  as  it  were, 
while  every  attributed  crime  is  rehearsed  as 
solemn  and  unqualified  truth. 

In  his  "History  of  the  United  States," 
Bancroft  dismisses  the  case  of  Capt.  Kidd  in 
this  wise :  "In  the  attempt  to  suppress  piracy^ 
the  prospect  of  infinite  booty  to  be  recovered 
from  pirates  or  to  be  won  from  the 
enemies  of  England,  gained  from  the  King 
and  Admiralty  a  commission  for  William 
Kidd  and  had  deluded  Bellomont  into  a  part- 
nership in  a  private  expedition.  Failing  in 
his  hopes  of  obtaining  opulence,  Kidd  found 

his  way,  as  a  pirate,  to  the  gallows.  In  the 
House  of  Commons  the  transaction  provoked 
inquiry  and  hardly  escaped  censure." 

Divested  of  all  prejudice  and  unsubstan- 
tiated data,  the  actual  life  story  of  this  man 
may  be  outlined  as  follows : 

\\'illiam  Kidd  was  born  about  1650,  it  is 
thought,  at  Greenock,  Scotland,  at  which  place 
his  father,  was,  it  is  said,  a  clergyman.  The 
father  was  a  man  distinguished  not  only  for 
his  piety,  but  for  his  steadfast  adherence  to 
principle,  for  he  "suffered,"  to  use  a  favorite 
word  of  the  old  Scottish  Covenanters,  for  his 
views  of  Church  and  State  Government.  He 
was  tortured,  we  are  told,  by  "the  boot,"  a 
hideous  instrument,  but  remained  stanch  to  his 
principles  until  his  death,  August  14,  1679. 
There  is  no  evidence  to  support  all  this,  but 
the  literary  eflfect  is  excellent.  At  an  early 
age  William  was  sent  to  sea  and  seems  to 
have  risen  rapidly  until  he  was  given  command 
of  a  merchant  vessel.  He  won  a  reputation 
not  only  as  a  skillful  mariner,  but  as  one 
who  was  ready  as  well  as  able  to  defend  his 
ship  against  all  sorts  of  marauders.  He  had 
sailed  a  vessel  between  New  York  and  Lon- 
don for  several  years  and  was  well  known 
in  the  former  city  not  only  as  a  daring  and 
able  seaman  but  as  a  man  of  culture. 

According  to  Mrs.  Lamb  ("History  of 
New  York,"  vol.  i,  p.  425),  he  had  "a  com- 
fortable and  pleasant  home  in  Liberty  street. 
New  York,  and  a  wife  beautiful,  accomplished 
and  of  the  highest  respectability.  She  was 
Sarah  Oort,  the  widow  of  one  of  his  fellow- 



officers.  They  were  married  in  1691,  and  at 
the  time  of  his  departure  for  the  Eastern 
Ocean  they  had  one  charming  little  daughter." 
He  seems  by  that  time  to  have,  to  a  great 
extent,  retired  from  the  sea,  and  to  have  won 
not  only  a  modest  fortune,  but  a  most  en- 
viable reputation.  He  was  personally  ac- 
quainted with  the  leading  men  in  the  colony 
and  held  by  all  in  the  highest  esteem,  as  an 
honest,  law-abiding,  respectable  citizen,  and 
one  who  had  done  the  colony  much  service. 
The  first  mention  of  him  in  authentic  Col- 
onial history  occurs  in  1691,  in  which  year 
the  Journal  of  the  New  York  Colonial  Assem- 
bly tells  us  that  on  the  i8th  day  of  April 
much  credit  was  allowed  to  be  due  to  him 
"for  the  many  and  good  services  done  for  the 
Province,  in  attending  with  his  vessels."  But 
in  what  capacity  or  for  what  object  he  thus 
"attended  with  his  vessels"  does  not  appear. 
It  was  also  declared  that  he  ought  to  be 
suitably  rewarded.  Accordingly,  on  the  14th 
day  of  May  following,  it  was  ordered  by  the 
same  Assembly  "that  the  sum  of  £150  be  paid 
to  Capt.  Kidd"  as  a  "suitable  aclmowledgment 
for  the  important  benefits  which  the  colonies 
had  received  from  his  hands."  The  presump- 
tion is  that  these  services  were  in  some  way 
connected  with  the  protection  of  the  Colonial 
merchant  marine  from  the  attacks  of  the 
pirates  at  that  time  hovering  along  the  coasts 
of  the  northern  colonies.  Indeed  the  harbor 
of  Xew  York  was  no  stranger  to  such  piratical 
vessels,  and  the  commerce  between  the  out- 
laws and  "the  people  of  figure"  in  that  city 
was  not  inconsiderable.  In  fact,  it  was  no 
great  secret  that  the  coast  pirates  were  fre- 
quently operating  in  the  Sound,  and  were 
freely  supplied  with  provisions  by  the  inhab- 
itants of  Long  Island.  Still  further,  it  was 
well  known  in  the  year  1695  that  the  English 
freebooters  had  fitted  out  vessels  in  the  very 
harbor  of  New  York  itself.  On  the  arrival  in 
New  York  harbor  of  the  pirate  vessels  from 
their  cruises  their  goods  were  openly  sold  in 
the  city,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Colonial 
Government  was  such  that  collusion,  if  not 

direct   partnerships,   between   the   pirates   and 
the  public  authorities  was  not  doubted. 

In  1695  the  Earl  of  Bellomont  was  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  New  York  and  one  of 
the  most  imperative  of  the  instructions  given 
him  was  to  put  down  the  piracy  which  was 
then  so  flauntingly  carried  on  in  the  New 
World  with  New  York  as  one  of  its  centres,  a 
centre  where  much  of  the  booty  obtained  by  the 
sea  robbers  was  easily  disposed  of,  and  where 
many  of  the  pirate  captains  were  living  im 
opulent  retirement.  Macaulay  tells  us  that  be- 
fore Bellomont  sailed  for  his  post  King  Will- 
iam spoke  to  him  sternly  about  the  freebooting 
which  was  the  disgrace  of  the  colonies.  "I 
send  you,  my  Lord,  to  New  York,"  he  said, 
"because  an  honest  and  intrepid  man  is  wanted 
to  put  these  abuses  down  and  because  I  be- 
lieve you  to  be  just  such  a  man."  As  soon 
as  Bellomont  landed  in  New  York  he  made 
known  his  purpose  among  such  of  the  col- 
onists whose  official  or  commercial  position 
might  render  their  advice  and  co-operation 
valuable.  Robert  Livingston  (the  founder  of 
the  famous  New  York  family)  entered  heart- 
ily into  the  views  of  the  new  Governor  and 
suggested  that  the  task  of  exterminating  the 
pirates  should  be  given  to  Captain  Kidd. 
Lord  Macaulay,  who  has  become  the  authority 
from  whom  most  of  the  recent  biographies 
of  Kidd  derive  their  data,  says  ("History  of 
England,  Chap.  25)  : 

Kidd  had  passed  most  of  his  life  on  the 
waves,  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  sea- 
manship, had  had  opportunities  of  showing 
his  valor  in  action  with  the  French  and  had 
retired  on  a  competence.  No  man  knew  the 
eastern  seas  better.  He  was  perfectly  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  haunts  of  the  pirates  who 
prowled  between  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and 
the  Straits  of  Malacca  and  he  would  under- 
take, if  he  were  entrusted  with  a  single  ship 
of  thirty  or  forty  guns,  to  clear  the  Indian 
Ocean  of  the  entire  race.  The  brigantines  of 
the  rovers  were  numerous,  no  doubt,  but  none 
of  them  was  large ;  one  man-of-war  which  in 
the  Royal  Navy  would  hardly  rank  as  a  fourth 
rate,  would  easily  deal  with  them  all  in  suc- 
cession and  the  lawful  spoils  of  the  enemies 



of  mankind  would  much  more  than  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  expedition. 

Bellomont  was  charmed  with  this  plan  and 
recommended  it  to  the  King.  The  King  re- 
ferred it  to  the  Admiralty.  The  Admiralty 
raised  difficulties,  such  as  are  perpetually 
raised  when  any  deviation,  whether  for  the 
better  or  for  the  worse,  from  the  established 
order  of  proceeding  is  proposed.  It  then  oc-' 
curred  to  Bellomont  that  his  favorite  scheme 
might  be  carried  into  effect  without  any  cost 
to  the  State.  A  few  public-spirited  men  might 
easily  lit  out  a  privateer  that  would  soon 
make  the  Arabian  Gulf  and  the  Bay  of  Bengal 
secure  highways  for  trade.  He  wrote  to  his 
friends  in  England  imploring,  remonstrating, 
complaining  of  their  want  of  public  spirit. 
Six  thousand  pounds  would  be  enough.  That 
sum  would  be  repaid,  and  repaid  with  large 
interest  from  the  sale  of  prizes,  and  an  es- 
timable benefit  would  be  conferred  on  the 
Kingdom  and  the  world.  His  urgency  suc- 
ceeded. (Lord)  Shrewsbury  and  (Lord) 
Romnev  contributed.  Orford,  though,  as  First 
Lord  of  the  Admiralty  he  had  been  unwilling 
to  send  Kidd  to  the  Indian  Ocean  with  a 
King's  ship,  consented  to  subscribe  a  thou- 
sand pounds.  Somers  (Keeper  of  the  Great 
Seal)  subscribed  another  thousand.  A  ship 
called  the  Adventure  Galley  was  equipped  in 
the  Port  of  London  and  Kidd  took  the  com- 
mand. He  carried  with  him.  besides  the  or- 
dinary letters  of  marque,  a  commission  under 
the  Great  Seal  empowering  him  to  seize  pirates 
and  take  them  to  some  place  where  they  could 
be  dealt  with  according  to  law.  Whatever 
right  the  King  might  have  to  the  goods  found 
in  the  possession  of  these  malefactors  he 
granted,  by  letters  patent,  to  the  persons  who 
had  been  at  the  expense  of  fitting  out  the  ex- 
pedition, reserving  to  himself  only  one-tenth 
part  of  the  gains  of  the  adventure,  which  were 
to  be  paid  into  the  treasury.  With  the  claim 
of  merchants  to  have  back  the  property  of 
which  they  had  been  robbed,  his  Majesty,  of 
course,  did  not  interfere.  He  granted  away, 
and  could  grant  away,  no  rights  but  his  own. 
The  press  for  sailors  to  man  the  Royal 
Navy  was  at  that  time  so  hot  that  Kidd  could 
not  obtain  his  full  complement  of  hands  on 
the  Thames.  He  crossed  the  Atlantic,  visited 
New  York  and  there  found  volunteers  in 
abundance.  At  length  in  February,  1697,  he 
sailed  from  the  Hudson  with  a  crew  of  more 
than  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  in  July 
reached  the  coast  of  Madagascar. 

Robert  Livingston  was  one  of  the  share- 
holders in  this  syndicate  and  Kidd  himself 
seems  to  have  invested  some  hard  cash  in  it. 
On  his  way  to  New  York  he  captured  a  French 
ship,  which  he  carried  to  the  Hudson  with 
him.  The  date  for  the  sailing  of  the  expedi- 
tion is  erroneously  given  by  Macaulay  and 
should  have  been  September  6,  1696,  for  in 
January,  1697,  Kidd  was  at  work  among  the 
followers  of  the  black  flag  off  Madagascar. 
During  the  interval  between  his  arriving  in 
the  Hudson  and  finally  leaving  it  on  his  mem- 
orable expedition,  he  seems  to  have  cleared 
the  vicinity,  and  especially  the  shores  of  Long 
Island,  from  the  horde  of  pirates  who  infested 
it.  All  writers  seem  to  agree  that  when  Kidd 
started  out  on  the  voyage  which  was  to  place 
his  name  on  a  pedestal  of  infamy  along  with 
that  of  Henry  Morgan  he  had  no  idea  of 
turning  pirate  on  his  own  account.  Macaulay 
sums  up  the  general  opinion  by  saying: 

It  is  possible  that  Kidd  may  at  first  have 
meant  to  act  in  accordance  with  his  instruc- 
tions. But  on  the  subject  of  piracy  he  held 
the  notions  which  were  then  common  in  the 
North  American  Colonies,  and  most  of  his 
crew  were  of  the  same  mind.  He  found  him- 
self in  a  sea  which  was  constantly  traversed 
by  rich  and  defenseless  merchant  ships,  and 
he  had  to  determine  whether  he  would  plun- 
der those  ships  or  protect  them.  The  rewards 
of  protecting  the  lawful  trade  was  likely  to  be 
comparatively  small.  Such  as  they  were  they 
would  be  got  only  by  first  fighting  with  des- 
perate ruffians  who  would  rather  be  killed 
than  taken,  and  by  then  instituting  a  proceed- 
ing and  obtaining  a  judgment  in  a  Court  of 
Admiralty.  The  risk  of  being  called  to  a 
severe  reckoning  might  not  unnaturally  seem 
small  to  one  who  had  seen  many  old  bucca- 
neers living  in  comfort  and  credit  at  New 
York  and  Boston. 

Whatever  was  the  process  of  reasoning 
or  evolution,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Ad- 
venture soon  became  a  terror  to  all  trading 
vessels  in  the  Indian  seas  and  that  on  Novem- 
ber 23,  1698,  an  order  was  sent  to  all  the  Gov- 
ernors of  British  colonics  ordering  the  cap- 
ture of  the  ship  and  the  arrest  of  Kidd  and 



his  crew.  In  tlie  course  of  his  "business"  the 
Adventure  was  abandoned  for  another  ship 
which  he  had  captured,  the  San  Antonio,  and 
in  that  vessel  he  returned  to  America,  anchor- 
ing in  Gardiner's  Bay;  but  according  to  local 
report  only  for  a  short  time,  as  he  seems  to 
have  kept  constantly  on  the  move  and  entered 
every  safe  harbor  on  the  shore  of  Long  Island. 
During  the  time  those  movements  were  being 
executed  he  was  negotiating  for  his  personal 
safety  with  his  employer,  Lord  Bellomont, 
the  emissary  being  a  Boston  lawyer  named 
James  Emett.  The  matter  might  have  been 
satisfactorily  arranged  to  all  concerned  had 
not  Kidd's  notoriety  made  even  his  name  a 
by-word  of  reproach  and  infamy  on  both  sides 
of  the  Atlantic.  Bellomont  declined  to  com- 
mit himself  to  any  terms,  but  his  demeanor 
to  the  emissary  was  such  that  Kidd  deter- 
mined to  trust  himself  in  Boston  and  to  per- 
sonally interview  his  noble  employer.  There 
he  was  ordered  to  appear  before  the  Council 
and  his  arrest  followed.  He  was  vaguely 
charged  with  piracy,  massacre,  wanton  de- 
struction of  property,  brutality  to  his  men  and 
to  all  who  fell  into  his  clutches.  The  result 
was  he  was  sent  to  England  and  was  there 
tried  for  piracy  and  for  the  murder  of  Will- 
iam Moore,  one  of  his  crew,  found  guilty 
.and,  with  nine  of  his  sailors,  was  hanged  Rlay 
24,  1701. 

In  reviewing  all  the  evidence  thus  placed 
before  us  it  seems  impossible  to  arrive  at  any 
other  conclusion  than  that  Kidd  made  two 
grave  mistakes, — the  first  in  touching  British 
ships,  and  the  second  in  being  found  out.  If 
ever  a  licensed  pirate  was  sent  adrift  that 
pirate  was  William  Kidd.  Even  the  lines  we 
have  quoted  from  Macaulay  show  that  he  was 
sent  forth  with  a  commission  under  the  Great 
Seal  of  England  in  his  pocket  to  prey  upon 
the  high  seas  and  to  return  as  large  a  dividend 
as  possible  to  those  who  invested  in  the  en- 
terprise. It  was  a  joint  stock  speculation, 
nothing  more,  and  Kidd  was  induced  by  tht 
necessity,  to  use  a  modern  phrase,  "of  making 
money  for  his  stockiiolders,"  to  capture  any 

fat  prize  which  came  in  his  way.  Money 
could  not  be  made  fighting  pirates,  as  Ma- 
caulay admits,  and  it  had  to  be  made  some- 
how. Financially  Kidd  was  a  success.  He 
brought  home  on  the  San  Antonio  alone 
£14,000,  more  than  enougU  to  recoup  his 
stockholders,  principal  and  interest,  and  there 
were  besides  vague  stories  of  other  treasure, 
fabulous  in  amount,  which  lay  in  the  hold  of 
the  vessel  when  she  first  anchored  in  Gardi- 
ner's Bay.  But  the  hue  and  cry  had  gone 
f©rth,  Kidd  had  certainly  passed  over  the 
boundary  between  right  and  wrong  which  his 
patrons  had  vaguely  laid  down,  and  the  honest 
shipping  interests  of  the  world  arose  against 
him.  Being  the  executive  head  of  the  en- 
terprise, he  was  made  to  furnish  an  example, 
with  several  of  his  sea  companions  accom- 
panying him  as  ballast. 

The  matter  was  made  the  occasion  of  a 
memorable  debate  in  Parliament  in  which 
Somers  and  the  rest  of  the  syndicate  were 
held  up  as  partners  of  the  piratical  Adventure, 
who  gave  the  protection  of  the  Great  Seal  to 
their  own  nefarious  business  enterprise,  men 
who  invested  a  thousand  pounds  each  and 
expected  to  get  back  tens  of  thousands  when 
the  expedition  should  return  "laden  with  the 
spoils  of  ruined  merchants."  It  was  made  a 
question  of  the  life  or  death  of  the  Ministry 
of  the  day,  but  the  friends  of  the  syndicate 
prevailed,  and  the  owners  of  the  Adventure 
were  indorsed  by  a  vote  of  189  votes  in  the 
House  of  Commons  against  an  opposition  of 
133.  And  so  ended  the  Parliamentary  story  of 
the  Adventure.  When  the  vote  was  cast  Kidd 
ceased  forever  to  be  a  factor  in  politics  and 
his  memory  is  now  popularly  enrolled  only 
in  the  long  gallery  of  notorious  enemies  of 
society.  His  name  became  a  synonym  for  nnir- 
der  and  rapine,  was  used  by  mothers  to 
frighten  tlieir  children,  and  all  sorts  of  evil 
deeds  and  wanton  cruelties  were  fixed  upon 
him  by  the  ballad-mongers,  who  found  in  the 
legends  of  his  career  a  rare  field  for  their 
crude  imaginations. 

Long  Island  is  full  of  stories  of  Captain 



Kidd,  very  few  of  which  contain  much  more 
than  a  bare  modicum  of  truth.  Mr.  W.  D. 
Stone,  of  the  New  York  Commercial  Adver- 
tiser, once  wrote  an  article  on  the  pirate,  in 
which  he  told  about  all  of  the  Long  Island 
traditions  which  could  readily  be  substan- 
tiated.   He  said : 

It  is  beyond  doubt  true  that  Long  Island 
contained  several  of  his  hiding  places.  "Kidd's 
Rock"  is  well  known  at  Manhasset.  up  on 
Long  Island,  to  this  day.  Here  Kidd  is  sup- 
posed to  have  buried  some  of  his  treasures, 
and  many  have  been  the  attempts  of  the  cred- 
ulous in  that  section  to  find  the  hidden  gold. 
There  is  also  no  doubt  that  he  was  wont  to 
hide  himself  and  his  vessel  among  those 
curious  rocks  in  Sachem's  Head  Harbor,  called 
the  "Thimble  Islands."  In  addition  to  the 
"Pirates'  Cavern,"  in  this  vicinity,  there  is 
upon  one  of  these  rocks,  sheltered  from  the 
view  of  the  Sour.d,  a  beautiful  artificial  exca- 
vation in  an  oval  form  holding,  perhaps,  the 
measure  of  a  barrel  still  called  "Kidd's  Punch 
Bowl."  It  was  here,  according  to  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  neighborhood,  that  he  used  to 
carouse  with  his  crew.  It  is  also  a  fact  beyond 
controversy  that  he  was  accustomed  to  anchor 
his  vessel  in  Gardiner's  Bay.  Upon  one  occa- 
sion in  the  night  he  landed  upon  Gardiner's 
island  and  requested  Mrs.  Gardiner  to  pro- 
vide a  supper  for  himself  and  his  attendants. 
Knowing  his  desperate  character,  she  dared 
not  refuse,  and  fearing  his  displeasure  she 
took  great  pains,  especially  in  roasting  a  pig. 
The  pirate  chief  was  so  pleased  with  her  cook- 
ing that  on  going  away  he  presented  her  with 
a  cradle  blanket  of  gold  cloth.  It  was  of 
velvet  inwrought  with  gold  and  very  rich.  A 
piece  of  it  yet  remains  in  the  possession  of 
the  Gardiner  family,  and  a  still  smaller  piece 
is  in  my  possession,  it  having  been  given  to 
my  father,  the  late  Col.  William  L.  Stone,  by 
one  of  the  descendants  of  that  family. 

On  another  occasion,  when  he  landed  upon 
the  island,  Kidd  buried  a  small  casket  of  gold 
containing  articles  of  silver  and  precious 
stones  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Gardiner,  but 
under  the  most  solemn  injunction  of  secrecy. 
*  *  *  He  appears  to  have  disclosed  tlie 
fact  of  having  buried  treasure  on  Gardiner's 
island,  for  it  was  demanded  by  the  Earl  of 
Jk-llomont  and  surrendered  by  Mr.  Gardiner. 
I  have  seen  the  original  receipts  for  thj 
an-.ount,   with  the  different   items  of  the  de- 

posits. They  were  by  no  means  large,  and 
afford  no  evidence  of  such  mighty  "sweep- 
ings of  the  sea,"  as  has  been  told  of  by  tra- 
dition. Of  gold,  in  coins,  gold  dust  and  bars, 
there  was  750  ounces ;  of  silver,  506  ounces, 
and  of  precious  stones,  16  ounces. 

The  account  mentioned  by  Mr.  Stone  as 
describing  the  jewels  found  in  Captain  Kidd's 
treasure  bo.x  buried  on  Gardiner's  island  reads 
as  follows : 

A  true  account  of  all  such  gold,  silver, 
jewels  and  merchandise  late  in  the  possession 
of  Captain  William  Kidd  which  have  been 
seized  and  secured  by  us  pursuant  to  an  or- 
der from  his  Excellency.  Richard,  Earl  of 
Bellomont,  bearing  date  July  7,  1699: 

Received  the  17th  inst.  of  Mr.  John  Gardi- 
ner, viz. : 


No.    I.     One  bag  of  gold  dust 63^ 

No.    2.     One  bag  of  coined  gold 11 

And    one    in    silver 124 

No.    3.     One   bag   gold  dust 24^ 

No.    4.     One  bag  of  silver  rings  and 

sundry  precious  stones.  . .  .  4% 
No.  fi.  One  bag  of  unpolished  stones.  I2>^ 
No.    6.     One   piece   of   crystal,    rings, 

two   agates,   two   amethysts     

No.    7.     One   bag   silver    buttons    and 


No.    8.     One  bag  of  broken  silver.  . .  .    ly^yi 

No.    9.     One  bag  of  gold  bars 353/4 

No.  10.     One  bag  of  gold  bars 238^4 

No.  II.     One  bag  gold  dust sg'.'^ 

No.  12.     One  bag  silver  bars 309 

Samuel  Sevv..\ll, 
Nath.^niel  Byfield, 
Jeremiah  Dummer^ 
Andrew  Belcher, 


H.  G.  Onderdonk,  of  Manhasset,  speaking 
of  Kidd's  Rock,  mentioned  in  the  passage 
cjuoted  from  Mr.  Stone,  says : 

The  celebrated  "Kidd's  Rock"  just  east  of 
Sands'  Point  stands  upon  the  shore  of  a  small 
island  at  the  northeasterly  extremity  of  Cow 
Neck.  This  is  a  very  large  stone,  equivalent 
to  a  cube  of  about  2,000  feet,  and  under  it  tra- 
dition says  the  notorious  Captain  Kidd  con- 
cealed vast  amounts  of  the  treasures  accumu- 



lated  by  his  numerous  piracies.  The  immense 
rock  has  been  on  all  sides  dug  around,  under- 
mined, excavated,  blasted  and  wrought  with 
various  charms  and  incantations  by  super- 
stitious or  visionary  persons  who  have  here 
repeatedly  searched  for  Kidd's  treasures,  but 
all  in  vain.  There  is  a  similar  large  boulder, 
called  Millstone  Rock,  at  Manhasset,  a  quar- 
ter of  a  mile  southeasterly  from  the  Friends' 
meeting-house,  which  contains  24,000  cubic 
feet,  as  measured  by  Dr.  Mitchell  and  Cap- 
tain Patridge,  and  there  formerly  was  another 
of  similar  size,  on  the  Haydock  property  near 
the  head  of  Cow  Bay.  But  this  latter  has 
disappeared,  having  been  blasted  and  broken 
up  into  fencing  stone.  Boulders  of  so  great 
a  size  are  an  anomaly  on  Long  Island. 

East  of  these,  other  boulders  seem  to  have 
popularly  rejoiced  at  one  time  or  another  un- 
der the  name  of  "Kidd's  Rock,"  and  the  one 
last  referred  to  was  recognized  by  B.  F. 
Thompson,  the  historian  of  Long  Island,  as 
the  one  in  his  day  best  entitled  to  the  desig- 
nation. But  then,  as  we  have  said,  almost 
every  likely  spot  on  Long  Island,  as  well  as 
on  Gardiner's  Island,  Block  Island  and  even 
the  coast  of  New  Jersey,  has  been  reputed  as 
the  hiding  place  of  Captain  Kidd's  migWty 
treasure.  To  recover  them  many  a  diligent 
search  has  been  made,  many  an  expedition  or- 
ganized, many  a  divining  rod  manipulated  ;  but 
all  to  no  purpose.  If  any  treasure  was  hid- 
den it  has  been  forever  lost ;  but  the  more 
likely  solution  of  the  matter  is  that  none  was 
hidden,  and  that  all  the  wealth  at  Kidd's  com- 
mand was  actually  recovered  by  Bellmont's 

Gabriel  Furman  gives  us  a  vague  account 

of  another  redoubtable  pirate  whose  home  was 
near  Fort  Neck  and  whom  he  called  Captain 
Jones.  Nothing  is  known  apparently  as  to  the 
career  or  the  deeds  of  this  marauder,  but  pop- 
ular tradition  gave  him  a  rather  doubtful 
character  and  told  how  when  he  was  dying 
a  large  black  crow,  a  sure  emissary  of  Satan, 
settled  above  his  bed  and  watched  until  the 
vital  spark  fled,  when  it  made  its  escape 
through  a  hole  in  the  west  end  of  the  house 
and  departed  to  realms  unknown.  The  hole 
through  which  the  bird  passed  could  never  af- 
ter be  stopped  up,  according  to  popular  tradi- 
tion, although  Furman,  who  saw  the  house  in 
1827,  did  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  by 
personal  investigation.  The  building  was  then 
uninhabited  and  hastening  to  ruin,  so  the  ex- 
periment would  have  annoyed  nobody  and  its 
result  would  have  been  satisfactory  to  future 
historians  whichever  way  it  went.  But  prob- 
ably Furman  was  too  good  an  antiquary  to 
attempt  to  disturb  an  old  legend,  so  he  simply 
contented  himself  with  "passing  it  on."  How- 
ever, he  visited  the  burial  place  of  the  pirate, 
a  grave  "about  half  a  mile  south  of  the  house 
in  a  small  piece  of  ground  surrounded  by  an 
earth  wall.  The  tombstone  is  of  red  free- 
stone. The  grotmd  also  contains  the  graves 
of  his  wife,  his  son,  and  his  son's  wife.  There 
are  no  other  persons  buried  there  but  these 
four.     It  is  quite  a  solitary  spot." 

Surely  pirate  was  never  more  honored! 
To  die  quietly  in  bed !  An  emissary  of  a 
prince  to  watch  his  passage,  a  grave  among 
his  own  kin,  and  a  red  freestone  tomb !  An 
honest  mariner  could  hardly  expect  more ! 



ON  a  rough  and  ready  way  the  position 
of  Long  Island  regarding  the  senh- 
ment   which  culminated   in    1776  in 

' '       separation  may  be  stated  by  saying 

that  Suffolk  county  was  Whig  in  its  sympa- 
thies, while  Queens  and  Kings  were  the  op- 
posite. In  other  words,  one  might  draw  the 
old  line  on  the  map  of  the  island  from  Oyster 
Bay  to  Great  Island  and  find  that  to  the  east 
of  that  line  the  people  were  in  favor  of  in- 
dependence, while  to  the  west  the  loyalist 
spirit  reigned.  Of  course,  there  were  many 
exceptions.  Kings  and  Queens  held  their 
Whig  citizens,  plenty  of  them,  and  Suffolk 
might  have  produced  a  small  army  of  Tories ; 
but  in  a  general  fashion  the  boundaries  thus 
given  hold  good  for  the  time,  say  about  1765, 
when  the  troubles  with  the  home  Govern- 
ment began  to  reach  the  acute  point.  In  mak- 
ing this  distinction  I  do  not  desire  to  intimate 
that  the  loyalists  were  blind  to  the  faults  of 
the  system  to  whioh  they  were  attached.  That 
there  were  faults,  and  grievous  faults,  even 
the  most  devoted  loyalist  of  the  disinterested 
variety  would  confess;  and  up  to  a  certain 
point  in  the  struggle  they  were  as  outspoken 
and  imperative  in  their  demands  for  redress 
as  the  most  violent  Whig  could  suggest.  They 
only  stopped  short  at  separation,  and  although 
the  hard  logic  of  events  has  demonstrated  that 
they  were  wrong  and  proved  conclusively  that 
separation  was  the  only  cure  for  the  evils 
which  then  threatened  the  people  in  Britain 
as  well  as  those  in  the  colonies,  it  seems  un- 
necessary to  tax  them  with  all  the  sins  in  the 
calendar  of  crime  on  that  account. 

In  fact  Long  Island,  east  and  west,  main- 
tained a  constant  struggle  for  political  liberty 
long  before.  Several  instances  of  this  spirit 
will  be  found  recorded  elsewhere  in  this  work, 
but  one  or  two  may  be  mentioned  most  fitting- 
ly here  to  demonstrate  more  clearly  the  views 
entertained  by  the  people  and  the  spirit  which 
animated  them.  In  1669  the  towns  of  Hemp- 
stead, Jamaica,  Oyster  Bay,  Flushing,  New- 
town, Gravesend,  each  presented  petitions  to 
Governor  Lovelace  when  that  dignitary  sought 
by  virtue  of  his  own  power  to  levy  a  special 
tax.  In  their  petition  the  people  deplored 
their  exclusion  from  any  share  in  legislation 
and  asked  to  be  permitted  a  voice  in  the  mak- 
ing of  the  laws  by  which  they  were  to  be  gov- 
erned, "by  such  deputies  as  shall  be  yearly 
chosen  by  the  freeholders  of  each  town  and 
parish."  The  petitions  practically  produced 
nothing,  but  the  fact  that  they  were  made, 
and  gravely  considered,  are  significant  when 
we  remember  how  summarily  old  Peter  Stuy- 
vesant  a  few  years  previously  had  broken  up 
a  meeting  of  the  lieges  and  told  them  not  to 
let  him  hear  any  more  of  such  business.  Dr. 
Prime  says  ('"History,"  page  78)  :  "The  first 
assembly  of  deputies  that  the  representation 
of  royal  power  condescended  to  convoke  for 
consultation,  the  year  after  the  surrender  of 
the  province  to  British  arms,  was  held  at 
Hempstead  March  i,  1665,  and  (with  the  ex- 
ception of  two)  was  composed  entirely  of  rep- 
resentatives from  the  several  towns  of  the 
island.  The  first  legislative  assembly,  con- 
vened in  1683,  was  not  only  procured  through 
the    remonstrances    and    demands    of    Long 


Island,  more  than  any  other  part  of  the  col- 
ony, but  was  in  a  great  measure  made  up  of 
its  representatives.  The  first  speaker  of  that 
body  was  either  then,  or  afterward,  a  resident 
of  the  island,  and  the  same  office  was  after- 
ward held  by  one  of  its  representatives  six- 
teen out  of  twenty-one  years." 

A  significant  hint  of  the  reverence  of  the 
people  for  royal  authority  in  the  abstract  is 
found  in  the  following  extract  from  Bergen's 
"Early  Settlers  of  Kings   County:" 

Joores  Van  Nestus  (may  be  intended  for 
Joris  Van  Ness),  with  John  Rapalie,  Joris 
Danielse  Rapalie,  Isaac  Remsen,  Jacob 
Reyerse,  Aert  Aersen  (Middagh),  Theunis 
Buys,  Gerrit  Cowenhoven,